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C^e Colonial Society of Stpaggac^ugettjs 


i 900- i 902 


Committee of publication, 







CBDitor of publications; 


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Cf)e Colonial ^octetp of ^asfiacfmsetts 

Volume VII. 


i goo- i 902 



Hmbrasttg $ress : 
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, U.S.A. 


THIS volume contains the Transactions of the Society, in 
continuation of Volume VI., at fourteen meetings, and 
a portion of the record of three meetings of the Council, — 
from April, 1900, to April, 1902, both inclusive. Two of 
these meetings were Memorial meetings, — one for Presi- 
dent Wheelwright, the other for Vice-President Thayer. 
There will also be found in the following pages tributes 
to Governor Wolcott, Professor Everett, and Henry 
Williams ; and Memoirs of Edward Griffin Porter, by 
Samuel Swett Green ; of Robert Noxon Toppan, by 
Andrew McFarland Davis; and of Charles Carroll 
Everett, by Ephraim Emerton, each accompanied by a 

Among the more important communications are those on 
Captain Thomas Preston and the Boston Massacre, including 
documents and details little known to historians, on the 
term Brother Jonathan, and on the term Indian Summer, 
by Mr. Matthews ; two unpublished Diaries and correspond- 
ence of Washington, by Mr. Ford ; four unpublished letters 
of Governor John Winthrop the elder, and an unpublished 
letter and Report on the condition of the Massachusetts 
Colony about 1639 by the Reverend Edmund Browne, by Mr. 
Gay ; on an excursion on the Middlesex Canal by Daniel 
Webster and others in the summer of 1817, and on Professor 
John Winthrop, the first recipient from Harvard College of 


the degree of Doctor of Laws, by Mr. Edes ; a sketch of 
Edward Rawson, by our late associate, Mr. Toppan ; a Journal 
kept by Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Vose on the expedition 
against Canada in 1776, by Mr. Henry W. Cunningham ; 
and extracts from the Journal and papers of Governor Henry 
Hamilton, by Mr. Lane. 

The most important communication, however, is Mr. 
Gay's letter of 6 March, 1902, in which he generously 
offered to bear the cost of transcribing the early Records 
of Harvard College and of printing so much as will make 
one volume of our Collections. 

For the portrait of Montcalm, which is now engraved for 
the first time from the fine original, the Society is indebted 
to its owner, Mr. Slade. The plate of Professor Winthrop 
was given by Mr. Edes ; and the Plan which accompanies 
the Vose Journal was furnished by Mr. Cunningham. The 
Society is also indebted to Mr. Henry Parkman for per- 
mission to engrave Stuart's portrait of Mr. Webster, painted 
immediately after the latter's removal from Portsmouth to 
Boston in 1816, which Jonathan Mason pronounced "the 
most intellectual head of Webster ever painted." Most of 
the plates which illustrate this book have been engraved 
expressly for it by Mr. Elson. 

In the issue of the previous Volumes of our Publications, 
and of the Serials, there has been a delay much to be 
regretted, but under the circumstances unavoidable. All 
the editing was necessarily done by members of the Com- 
mittee of Publication, and mainly by a single member, — 
busy men, in the midst of their other engrossing occupations. 
A more hampering difficulty still was our limited Publication 
Funds, which made prompt and frequent issue impossi- 
ble. It is safe to say, however, that the high character of 
our Publications has been maintained, not only without 
impairment but rather with steady advancement. 


Through the generosity of members and friends our 
Publication Funds have recently been so far increased as to 
justify the employment of a salaried Editor, who has been 
appointed within the year, and thereby to insure the prompt 
distribution of our Volumes and Serials hereafter, and the 
maintenance of our former standard. 

Volumes II. and IV., which are to contain Collections, 
are in preparation ; and it is expected that Volume VIII., 
which will contain the Transactions in continuation of the 
present volume, will be issued shortly. 

For the Committee of Publication, 

John Noble, 

Boston, August, 1905. 



Preface i 

List of Illustrations xiii 

Officers Elected 21 November, 1904 xv 

Resident Members xvi 

Honorary Members xviii 

Corresponding Members . xviii 

Members Deceased . xix 


Committee to Nominate Officers appointed 1 

Committee to Examine the Treasurer's Accounts appointed ... 1 

Communication by Abner Cheney Goodell, of a copy of the 
Commission to Edward Randolph as Collector, Surveyor, 
and Searcher of Customs within the Colonies of New Eng- 
land, dated 30 September, 1681 . 2 

Communication by Albert Matthews, of some Documents relat- 
ing to Captain Thomas Preston and the Boston Massacre . 2 

Communication by Henry Herbert Edes, of some Extracts relat- 
ing to the Body of Liberties of 1641 22 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 24 

Remarks by Robert Noxon Toppan 26 

Remarks by President Wheelwright, on an Episode connected 

with the Battle of Lexington 26 

Members Elected 30 


Tribute to Edward Wheelwright 31. 




Minute on the Death of Edward Wheelwright 33 

Remarks by Abxer Cheney Goodell 35 

Remarks by Samuel Lothrop Thorndike 35 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 37 

Letter from Charles Sedgwick Rackemann 39 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes 39 

Tribute to William Crowninshield Endicott : 

Remarks by John Noble 42 

Letter from Francis Cabot Lowell 44 


Report of the Council 45 

Report of the Treasurer 50 

Report of the Auditing Committee 52 

Officers Elected 52 

Annual Dinner 53 

Memoir of Edward Griffin Porter, by Samuel Swett Green . . 55 


Inauguration of President Kittredge 63 

Vote establishing the Edward Wheelwright Fund 63 

Tribute to Charles Carroll Everett : 

Remarks by Samuel Lothrop Thorndike 64 

Remarks by Edward Hale 68 

Communication by Frederick Lewis Gay, of Letters of Governor 

John Winthrop and of the Reverend Edmund Browne . . 68 
Remarks by Thomas Minns, in presenting photographs of buildings 

and places in Holland 80 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes, in exhibiting a Commission 

to Samuel Porter, dated 13 August, 1702 82 

Members Elected 83 




Amendments to the By-Laws 84 

Tribute to Roger Wolcott : 

Remarks by Charles Warren Clifford 85 

Remarks by Franklin Carter 86 

Remarks by Henry Ainsworth Parker . 89 

Remarks by Francis Henry Lincoln 89 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 89 

Remarks by William Cushing Wait 89 

Communication by Denison Rogers Slade, of a Document relat- 
ing to the Attleborough Iron Works, dated 13 April, 1745 89 
Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes 90 

Remarks by George Parker Winship, in communicating Letters 

written in Boston in 1779 and 1780 93 

Paper by Albert Matthews, on Brother Jonathan 94 

Note on Jonathan's Coffee-House, by Albert Matthews . . 119 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 122 

Remarks by Albert Matthews 124 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes, on the length of service of 

Charles William Eliot as President of Harvard College . . 126 

Remarks by President Kittredge, on the Book-plate of President 

Edward Holyoke of Harvard College 126 



Communication by Worthington Chauncey Ford, of a Diary and 

Letters of George Washington, written in 1785 . . . . 127 

Communication by Charles Knowles Bolton, of an Elegy on the 

Death of George Washington 196 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes, in exhibiting a copy of Titan's 

New Almanack for the Year of Christian Account 1729 . 198 
Notes, by Henry Winchester Cunningham 198 

Exhibition by Henry Herbert Edes, of a copy of James Otis's 
Rudiments of Latin Prosody, printed by Benjamin Mecom 

in 1760 202 

Remarks by Worthington Chauncey Ford 202 



Communication by President Kittredge, of some Letters from 

the Bourne Papers in the Harvard College Library . . . 202 

Members Elected 203 

Note on William Sanford, by Henry Winchester Cunningham . 203 


Tribute to Henry Williams : 

Remarks by John Noble 205 

Remarks by Lindsay Swift 207 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes, in exhibiting a Gold Medal 

given to Charles Bulfinch in 1794 210 

Remarks by Charles Greely Loring 210 

Paper by Albert Matthews, on Yankee and Yankee Doodle . . 210 

Members Elected 210 


Committee to Nominate Officers appointed 211 

Committee to Examine the Treasurer's Accounts appointed . . . 211 

Communication by Worthington Chauncey Ford, of Letters of 
Catharine Macaulay, William Bollan, and Thomas Pownall, 
relating to the Boston Massacre 211 

Communication by Worthington Chauncey Ford, of a Bibliogra- 
phy of the Massachusetts House Journals from 1715 to 

1776 215 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 215 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes 215 

Communication by Henry Winchester Cunningham, of Letters of 

Joshua Bates and Jared Sparks 216 

Exhibition by Denison Rogers Slade, of a mezzotint of Vice- 
Admiral Edward Vernon and of a Receipt-Book of Richard 
Clarke 217 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes, in communicating a Letter of 
Miss Fanny Searle describing an excursion on the Middle- 
sex Canal in 1817 217 

Communication by Francis Henry Lincoln, of Letters of Daniel 

Webster 228 


Exhibition by Andrew McFarland Davis, of a Note emitted in 

1741 by the Ipswich, or Essex County, Land Bank ... 228 

Announcement by Andrew McFarland Davis, of the recent in- 
corporation of Historical Societies in Massachusetts . . 228 

Members Elected 230 

Tribute to Robert Noxon Toppan 231 


Report of the Council 233 

Report of the Treasurer 235 

Report of the Auditing Committee 237 

Officers Elected 237 

Annual Dinner 238 


Paper by Albert Matthews, on Indian Summer 241 

Exhibition by Henry Herbert Edes, of a Commission to Thomas 
Leonard, dated 13 June, 1692, and of the Reverend Samuel 
Danforth's Elegy in Memory of Thomas Leonard . . . 244 
Remarks by Henry Winchester Cunningham, in communicating 
a Journal of Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Vose, written dur- 
ing the Expedition against Canada, from 26 April to 2 July, 

1776 245 

Members Elected 262 

Memoir of Robert Noxon Toppan, by Andrew McFarland Davis 263 


Exhibition by William Coolidge Lane, of two water-color views 

of Cambridge by D. Bell, drawn between 1805 and 1810 . 274 

Exhibition by William Coolidge Lane, of the Journal of Captain 
Henry Hamilton, kept from 6 August, 1778, to 16 June, 

1779 274 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis 275 



Paper by Albert Matthews, on Bounties for Scalps 275 

Exhibition by Henry Winchester Cunningham, of reproductions 
by the Pelham Club of Peter Pelham's portraits of Thomas 
Mollis, the Reverend Charles Brockwell, and the Reverend 

Timothy Cutler 278 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis, in exhibiting a Table 

of Silver Rates from 1706 to 1750 278 

Remarks by Andrew McFarland Davis, in exhibiting a Table 

of Rates of Silver from 1730 to 1747 280 

Paper by Robert Noxon Toppan, on Edward Rawson .... 280 
Members Elected 295* 


Remarks by Frederick Lewis Gay, on Lawrence Brown, an early 

Boston painter 296 

Tribute to James Bradley Thayer : 

Remarks by John Noble . 296 

Minute by Andrew McFarland Davis . 298 

Remarks by Samuel Lothrop Thorndike 303 

Sonnet by William Cross Williamson 307 

Remarks by Edward Henry Hall 307 

Remarks by Jeremiah Smith 310 

Remarks by James Barr Ames 315 

Remarks by Henry Herbert Edes 317 


Offer by Frederick Lewis Gay to print the early Records of 

Harvard College , .... 320 


Tribute to Benjamin Franklin Stevens, by Andrew McFarland 

Davis 321 

Paper by George P'ox Tucker, on Captain Bartholomew Gosnold 321 
Paper by Henry Herbert Edes, on the Degree of LL.D. con- 
ferred on Professor John Winthrop by Harvard College 
in 1773 321 


Remarks by Albert Matthews, on the Degree of LL.D. con- 
ferred on George Washington by Harvard College in 1776 328 

Paper by Denison Rogers Slade, on the Portraits of Montcalm . 330 

Exhibition by William Coolidge Lane, of miniatures of Gov- 
ernor Henry Hamilton and of his wife Elizabeth Lee 
Hamilton .... 331 

Remarks by William Coolidge Lane, on two Journals written by 

Governor Henry Hamilton 331 

Memoir of Charles Carroll Everett, by Ephraim Emerton . . . 337 


Committee to Nominate Officers appointed 341 

Committee to Examine the Treasurer's Accounts appointed . . . 341 

Paper by Albert Matthews, on Kitty Fisher and Yankee Doodle 341 
Communication by Worthington Chauncey Ford, of a Diary of 
George Washington kept at Mount Vernon from 1 January 

to 30 April, 1786 341 

Communication by Samuel Lothrop Thorndike, of a paper on 

Andrew Craigie of Cambridge, written by John Holmes . 403 

Members Elected 407 

Index 409 



Portrait op Edward Wheelwright Frontispiece 

Portrait of Edward Griffin Porter 54 

Facsimile of the Title-page of Titan's New Almanack for 

the Year of Christian Account 1729 198 

Portrait of Daniel Webster 218 

View of Horn Pond Mountain and the Wooded Island in 

Horn Pond, Woburn, Massachusetts 226 

House of Joseph Vose at Milton, Massachusetts 246 

Plan showing the Route pursued in the Expedition against 

Canada in 1776 260 

Portrait of Robert Noxon Toppan 262 

Portrait of James Bradley Thayer 296 

Portrait of Professor John Winthrop 326 

Portrait of the Marquis de Montcalm 330 

Portrait of Charles Carroll Everett 336 




C^e Colonial ^ociet? of $®amtyMttt& 

Elected 21 November, 1904. 




Hon. MARCUS PERRIN KNOWLTON, LL.D. . . . Springfield. 

fieeotbing &ecretarp. 

Corre&onbm0 Secretary. 



Recutita fi£enuttt$. 


Rev. EDWARD HENRY HALL, D.D Cambridge. 


€bitot of publication^. 





♦Benjamin Apthorp Gould, LL.D.,F.R.S. 

♦Hon. John Lowell, LL.D. 

♦Hon. Leverett Saltonstall, A.M. 

William Endicott, A.M. 

Henry Herbert Edes, Esq. 
*John Chester Inches, Esq. 
*Daniel Denison Slade, M.D. 
♦James Bradley Thayer, LL.D. 

Andrew McFarland Davis, A.M. 

William Watson, Ph.D. 

Henry Winchester Cunningham, A.B. 

Gustayus Arthur Hilton, LL.B. 

Henry Ernest Woods, A.M. 

Charles Sedgwick Rackemann, A.M. 

Abner Cheney Goodell, A.M. 

George Wigglesworth, A.M. 

Hon. Francis Cabot Lowell, A.B. 

Waldo Lincoln, A.B. 
♦Samuel Wells, A.B. 

William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L. 
♦George Silsbee Hale, A.M. 
♦Joshua Montgomery Sears, A.B. 
♦Hon. John Forrester Andrew, LL.B. 
♦Edward Wheelwright, A.M. 
♦Samuel Johnson, A.M. 
♦Henry Parker Quincy, M.D. 
♦William Gordon Weld, Esq. 

Moses Williams, A.B. 

James Mills Peirce, A.M. 

Charles Montraville Green, M.D. 
♦Henry Williams, A.B. 
♦Philip Howes Sears, A.M. 

♦Hon. Francis Amasa Walker, LL.D. 
♦Francis Vergnies Balch, LL.B. 

George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D. 
♦George Martin Lane, LL.D. 

James Barr Ames, LL.D. 

Hon. Charles Warren Clippord, A.M. 

Augustus Hemenway, A.B. 

Gardiner Martin Lane, A.B. 
♦Robert Noxon Toppan, A.M. 
♦Edward Wigglesworth, M.D. 

Nathaniel Paine, A.M. 

Frederick Lewis Gay, A.B. 

John Noble, LL.D. 

Samuel Lothrop Thorndike, A.M. 
♦Hon. Frederick Lothrop Ames, A.B. 
♦Hon. Darwin Erastus Ware, A.M. 

Charles Augustus Chase, A.M. 

Charles Francis Choate, A.M. 
♦Francis Parkman, LL.D. 
♦Hon. Martin Brimmer, A.B. 

Charles Pickering Bowditch, A.M. 

Hon. George Frederick Williams, A.B. 

Walter Cabot Baylies, A.B. 

Frank Brewster, A.M. 
♦Sigourney Butler, LL.B. 

Stanley Cunningham, A.B. 
♦Hon. James Walker Austin, A.M. 

Hon. Richard Olney, LL.D. 

Francis Henry Lincoln, A.M. 
♦William Cross Williamson, A.M. 

Samuel Swett Green, A.M. 
♦Hon. William Eustis Russell, LL.D. 




Franklin Carter, LL.D. 
*Hon. Roger Wolcott, LL.D. 

Hon. John Lathrop, A.M. 
♦Rev. Charles Carroll Everett, D.D. 

Hon. James Madison Barker, LL.D. 
♦Rev. Edward Griffin Porter, A.M. 
♦Hon. William Crowninshield Endicott, 

George Lincoln Goodale, LL.D. 
♦Rev. Joseph Henry Allen, D.D. 

Hon. Edward Francis Johnson, LL.B. 

George Fox Tucker, Ph.D. 
♦George Otis Shatttjck, LL.B. 

Edmund March Wheelwright, A.B. 

William Taggard Piper, Ph.D. 
*Henry Dwight Sedgwick, A.B. 

Robert Tillinghast Babson, LL.B. 

George Nixon Black, Esq. 

David Rice Whitney, A.M. 

Rev. Arthur Lawrence, D.D. 

Charles Henry Davis, A.B. 
*Edward William Hooper, LL.D. 
*Henry Walbridge Taft, A.M. 

Hon. John Eliot Sanford, LL.D. 

Nathaniel Cushing Nash, A.M. 

Rev. Henry Ainsworth Parker, A.M. 
*John Elbridge Hudson, LL.B. 

Lindsay Swift, A.B. 

Charles Erank Mason, A.B. 

Richard Middlecott Saltonstall, A.B. 

Albert Matthews, A.B. 

Andrew Cunningham Wheelwright, 

Charles Armstrong Snow, A.B. 

Thomas Minns, Esq. 

Charles Goddard Weld, M.D. 

William Coolidge Lane, A.B. 

Louis Cabot, A.B. 

Hon. William Cushing Wait, A.M. 

Hon. Jeremiah Smith, LL.D. 

John Eliot Thayer, A.B. 
♦Augustus Lowell, A.M. 

Denison Rogers Slade, Esq. 
♦James Bradstreet Greenough, A.B. 

Charles Knowles Bolton, A.B. 

James Lyman Whitney, A.M. 

Arthur Theodore Lyman, A.M. 

Erederic Haines Curtiss, Esq. 

Rev. Edward Henry Hall, D.D. 

John Gorham Palfrey, LL.B. 

Rev. Edward Hale, A.B. 

Henry Lee Higginson, LL.D. 
♦Charles Greely Loring, A.M. 

Arthur Richmond Marsh, A.B. 

George Vasmer Leverett, A.M. 

Hon. James Madison Morton, LL.D. 

James Atkins Noyes, A.B. 

Hon. Marcus Perrin Knowlton, LL.D. 

Rev. James Hardy Ropes, D.D. 

Rev. Morton Dexter, A.M. 

Francis Apthorp Foster, Esq. 

Hon. Francis William Hurd, A.M. 

Ezra Ripley Thayer, A.M. 

John Noble, Jr., A.B. 

Hon. Winthrop Murray Crane, LL.D. 

Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, A.M. 

Winthrop Howland Wade, A.M. 

Augustus Peabody Loring, A.B. 

Francis Blake, A.M. 

Thornton Marshall Ware, A.B. 

Adams Sherman Hill, LL.D. 

Rev. James Eells, A.B. 

James Read Chadwick, M.D. 

Francis Henry Lee, Esq. 

Horace Everett Ware, A.M. 

Elias Harlow Russell, Esq. 


Hon. Melville Weston Fuller, LL.D. 
*Hon. Edward John Phelps, LL.D. 
Hon. Grover Cleveland, LL.D. 
Hon. Joseph Hodges Choate, D.C.L. 

*Hon. James Coolidge Carter, LL.D. 

Simon Newcomb, D.C.L., F.R.S. 

Samuel Pierpont Langley, D.C.L., F.R.S. 
*Hon. John Hay, LL.D. 


*Hon. Joseph Williamson, Litt.D. 

John Franklin Jameson, LL.D. 

Hon. Simeon Eben Baldwin, LL.D. 

Edward Singleton Holden, LL.D. 
♦Herbert Baxter Adams, LL.D. 

Hon. Horace Davis, LL.D. 


Rev. William Jewett Tucker, LL.D. 

Hon. Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, 

Franklin Bowditch Dexter, Litt. D. 

Hon. James Burrill Angell, LL.D. 

Rev. George Park Fisher, LL.D. 

Edward Field, A.B. 
♦Hon. John Andrew Peters, LL.D. 
♦John Howland Ricketson, A.M. 

Daniel Coit Gilman, LL.D. 

Frederick Jackson Turner, Ph.D. 

Rev. William Reed Huntington, D.D. 

George Parker Winship, A.M. 

Wolcott Gibbs, LL.D. 

Hon. James Phinney Baxter, Litt.D. 

Arthur Twining Hadley, LL.D. 

Hon. John Chandler Bancroft Davis, 

*Moses Coit Tyler, LL.D. 

John Shaw Billings, D.C.L. 

Horace Howard Furness, LL.D. 

Gen. Joseph Wheeler, LL.D., U. S. A. 
♦Benjamin Franklin Stevens, L.H.D. 

Rev. Williston Walker, D.D. 

George Arthur Plimpton, A.B. 

Hon. William Babcock Weeden, A.M. 

Herbert Putnam, LL.D. 

Worthington Chauncey Ford, Esq. 

Rev. John Carroll Perkins, D.D. 

Clarence Winthrop Bowen, Ph.D. 

Appleton Prentiss Clark Griffin, Esq. 



Members who have died since the publication of the preceding volume 
of Transactions, with the Date of Death. 


Henry Walbridge Taft, A.M 22 September, 1904. 

Joshua Montgomery Sears, A.B 2 June, 1905. 


Hon. James Coolidge Carter, LL.D. ... 14 February, 1905. 
Hon. John Hay, LL.D 1 July, 1905. 







A Stated ^Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
£*• Beacon Street, Boston, on Wednesday, 18 April, 1900, 
at three o'clock in the afternoon, the President, Edward 
Wheelwright, in the chair. 

The Minutes of the last Stated Meeting were read and 

The President appointed the following Committees, in 
anticipation of the Annual Meeting: — 

To nominate candidates for the several offices, — Dr. 
Charles Carroll Everett, 1 and Messrs. Louis Cabot and 
Albert Matthews. 

To examine the Treasurer's Accounts, — Messrs. Andrew 
C. Wheelwright and Francis H. Lincoln. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that since the 
last meeting of the Society he had received letters from Dr. 
John Shaw Billings and Dr. Horace Howard Furness, 
accepting Corresponding Membership, 

1 At a meeting of the Council, held 5 November, 1900, Mr. Samuel Wells 

was appointed to fill the vacancy in the Nominating Committee caused by the 

death of Dr. Everett. 



Dr. Furness's letter is as follows : — 


Delaware County, 


Dear Sir; — Yours of the 21st inst. I have just received, informing 
me of my election as a Corresponding Member of The Colonial Society 
of Massachusetts. 

Kindly convey to the Society the expression of my great appreciation 
of the high and unexpected honor thus conferred upon me ; and believe 

me to be, dear Sir, 

Very respectfully 

Your obedient servant, 

Horace Howard Furness. 

23 March, 1900. 

John Noble, Esq. 

Corresponding Secretary , 

Mr. Robert N. Toppan, on behalf of Mr. Abner C. 
Goodell, who was unable to be present, communicated, with 
remarks, a copy of the Commission to Edward Randolph as 
Collector, Surveyor and Searcher of Customs within the 
Colonies of New England, dated 30 September, 1681. 1 It 
was this commission that provoked the government of the 
Massachusetts Colony to defy openly the authorities at 
Whitehall : by declaring it inoperative without the ratifica- 
tion of the Colonial government ; by forbidding it to be read 
in court ; by passing an ordinance making it a capital offence 
to act under it without their permission : and, finally, by 
arresting and imprisoning Randolph's deputies. 2 

Mr. Albert Matthews spoke as follows : — 

At the meeting of this Society in November, 1897, Mr. Noble 
exhibited some papers in connection with the so-called Boston 

1 The text of this Commission will appear in Volume ii. of these Publi- 
cations, which is reserved for the Royal Commissions. 

2 Mr. Goodell's Remarks at a meeting of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society in November, 1899, printed in its Proceedings (Second Series), xiii. 
290, 291. 


Massacre. 1 So minute has been the study of that event, that it 
seems well-nigh impossible to unearth anything new in regard to 
it ; yet there are a few documents which appear to be little known 
to historians. No apology, therefore, is needed for submitting 
these, especially as they relate to Captain Thomas Preston of the 
29th Regiment. 2 Five days after the tragedy, Preston published 
in a Boston paper a card thanking the public for the manner in 
which he had been treated on the night "of the late unhappy 

1 Publications of this Society, v. 58-77. 

2 Of Preston himself little is known. He received a commission as Captain 
of the 29th Regiment on 7 December, 1764 (British Army List for 1772, p. 83). 
The 29th Regiment came to America in 1766 (W. C. Ford's British Officers serv- 
ing in America), and was one of the two regiments which arrived at Boston in 
September, 1768. Capt. Preston was present at " a genteel dance" given 21 
February, 1770, by John Rowe, a Boston merchant, for his adopted daughter 
Susanna Inman, who, by her marriage two years later with Capt. John Linzee, 
became the ancestress of Prescott the historian (2 Proceedings of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society for March, 1895, x. 33). John Rowe himself said, 
on the following fifth of March, that " Capt. Preston bears a good character," 
and on the ninth of March Rowe wrote : — "I went and paid a visit to Capt. 
Preston in goal, who I found in much better spirits than I expected " {Ibid. x. 
73, 74). On the sixth of the same month Andrew Oliver, Jr., said that Capt. 
Preston " bears the most amiable character of any one in the Army" (Diaries 
of Benjamin Lynde and of Benjamin Lynde, Jr., pp. 227, 228). On the thirteenth 
of March, William Palfrey wrote : — 

I cannot leave this subject without doing justice to Cap* Preston so far as to inform 
you that before this unfortunate event, he always behav'd himself unexceptionably & 
had the character of a sober, honest man & a good officer, — but Influence, fatal influ- 
ence ! (1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for March, 1863, vi. 483), 

And on the twenty-eighth of June following the Rev. Dr. Andrew Eliot 
declared that — 

Capt. Preston, who commanded the party that fired on the unarmed inhabitants, 
had the character of a benevolent, humane man ; he insists on his innocence, and that 
his men fired without his orders (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 451). 

When one remembers the bitter feelings engendered here by the presence of 
the troops, and how easily the inhabitants took offence, it must be admitted that 
these extracts bear strong testimony to the high estimation in which Preston 
was held. He sailed for England from Boston on Thursday the sixth 1 of 

1 In the Massachusetts Gazette of Friday, 7 December, 1770, No. 3505, it is stated that 
"His Majesty's Ship Glasgow sailed Yesterday for England: In her went Passengers, Hon. 
James Murray, Esq; Capt. Preston of the 29th Regiment" (p. 3/2). Mr. Noble quoted 
(Publications, v. 68 n.) the Boston Gazette of 10 December as showing that, the Glasgow sailed 
on "Wednesday, the fifth of December; but Wednesday appears to have been a mistake for 
Thursday, as three other Boston papers agree in stating that the ship sailed on Thursday. 


Affair/' Within a few days he had sent to England an account 
which, under the title of the Case of Capt. Preston of the 29th 
Regiment, was published in London in the Public Advertiser of 
Saturday, 28 April, 1770, No. 11052, p. 2. On the twelfth, thir- 
teenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth of March various depositions in 
the interest of the soldiers were taken, and these were afterwards 
printed in the pamphlet, 1 published in London, called A Fair 
Account of the late Unhappy Disturbance At Boston in New 
England. These Depositions and the Case of Captain Preston 
were doubtless carried to England by John Robinson, one of the 
Commissioners of the Board of Customs, who sailed from Boston 
on the sixteenth of March. 2 Meanwhile, depositions were taken 

December, 1770. For four years he continued to be Captain of the 29th Regi- 
ment, but his name appears in the Army Lists for the last time in 1771. In 
the Gentleman's Magazine for November, 1781, is recorded the death, at 
Harwich on the twelfth of that month, of " Capt. Preston, of the W. Middlesex 
militia" (li. 543); but it hardly seems likely that this could have been our 
Capt. Thomas Preston. 

1 This was brought to Boston by Capt. James Scott, who arrived here 
13 September, and an abstract from it was printed in the Boston Gazette of 
Monday, 24 September, 1770, No. 807, p. 2. In the Massachusetts Gazette of 
Thursday, 13 September, No. 3192, we read: — 

TWELVE o'clock at Noon arrived the Ship Lydia, James Scott, Master, from 
London (p. 2/3). 

2 In the Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 22 March, 1770, No. 3468, is 
the following: — 

Friday last [16 March] sailed for London the Captains Robson and Miller; in the 
former went the Hon. John Robinson, Esq ; one of the Commissioners of the Board of 
Customs (p. 3/2). 

In a pamphlet printed in London in 1774, we read : — 

Mr. Robinson, one of the Commissioners who attempted to assassinate Mr. Otis, 
was dispatched [JOn the 16th of March] to England immediately after the Affair of the 
5th of March, with a Case said to be that of Captain Preston, though directly repugnant 
to what lie had published under his own Hand. This Case had been secretly drawn up, 
ami was as secretly transmitted. The Purpose of it was to throw the Charge of being 
the Aggressors upon the People, and that the Soldiers fired upon them in their own 
Defence, and to save the Custom House from being plundered (A True State of the 
Proceedings In the Parliament of Great Britain, and in the Province of Massachusetts 
Bay, p. 11). 

This pamphlet was reprinted at Philadelphia in the same year, and in 1777 
was included in Almon's Collection of interesting, authentic Papers, relative to 
the Dispute between Great Britain and America (usually called Prior Docu- 
ments), where it is stated to have been " Drawn up by Dr. Benjamin Franklin" 


on behalf of the Town of Boston, and these were carried to Eng- 
land by Captain Andrew Gardner, who sailed from Boston on the 
first of April. 1 The London papers containing the Case of Captain 
Preston and other documents relating to the Riot reached Boston 
on the eighteenth of June, 2 the Case of Captain Preston was 
printed in several of the papers here, and a great stir was created. 
Captain Gardner left London on his return on the eleventh of 
May and arrived at Boston on the sixth of July. 3 On the tenth of 
July a town meeting was held to consider the letters brought by 
Captain Gardner and the Case of Captain Preston, and a Committee 
was then appointed to draw up a Statement. This Committee re- 
ported at an adjourned meeting on the thirteenth at which the 
letter drafted by the Committee was accepted, and this letter was 
sent to England on the fourteenth. 4 The Statement from the 

(p. 255). Sparks reprinted the Pamphlet in his edition of Franklin's Works 
(iv. 466-515). Sabin, quoting Sparks, says that it was chiefly drawn up by 
Arthur Lee from materials furnished by Franklin. The real author was Lee, 
as appears from what he himself wrote not later than 1792 : — 

In the spring of 1774, I sat out with Mr. and Mrs. Izard to make the tour of 
France and Italy. But previous to my going I drew up a piece entitled, " A True State 
of the Proceedings in the Province of Massachusetts Bay," which has been attributed to 
Dr. Franklin because it was left with him as agent to have it printed (R. H. Lee's 
Life of Arthur Lee, 1829, i. 262). 

1 The Bostonians hired a vessel for this purpose, as appears from these 
extracts : — 

A prime sailing Schooner, owned and commanded by Capt. Andrew Gardner, has 
been hired by this Town, to carry to England, a full Representation of the tragical 
Affair on the Evening of the 5th of this Month (Massachusetts Gazette Extraor- 
dinary of Friday, 23 March, 1770, p. 1/3). 

The Schooner Betsey, Capt. Andrew Gardner, employed to carry Home the Repre- 
sentation of the late Massacre, lays ready for sailing (Massachusetts Gazette of Thurs- 
day, 29 March, No. 3469, p. 2/1). 

The Schooner Betsey Packet, Capt. Gardner, sailed from hence for London last Sun- 
day, and proceeded immediately to Sea (Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary of 
Friday, 6 April, p. 2/1). 

2 They were brought by Capt. Hall. In the Massachusetts Gazette of 
Thursday, 21 June, 1770, No. 3480, it is stated that " Monday last arrived here 
Capt. Hall from London" (p. 3/2). 

8 In a letter written 7 July, James Bowdoin said : — 

The latest intelligence from England was rec d here last evening by Capt. Gardiner, 
who was sent thither express with the town's dispatches on y e subject of the late massa- 
cre (6 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 194). 

4 In the Massachusetts Gazette of Monday, 16 July, 1770, No. 673, it is 
stated that " Last Saturday the Brig Paoli, Captain Hall, sailed for LONDON " 
(p. 3/3). 


Town of Boston was not recorded in the Town Records nor 
printed in the newspapers here, and in a single historical work 
only have I found an allusion to it. It was, however, published 
in an English monthly magazine. The documents follow. 


Boston-Goal, Monday, 12th March, 1770. 
Messieurs Edes & Gill, 
PERMIT me thro' the Channel of your paper, to return my Thanks 
in the most publick Manner to the Inhabitants in general of this Town — 
who throwing aside all Party and Prejudice, have with the utmost Hu- 
manity and Freedom stept forth Advocates for Truth, in Defence of my 
injured Innocence, in the late unhappy Affair that happened on Monday 
Night last : And to assise them, that I shall ever have the highest Sense 
of the Justice they have done me, which will be ever gratefully remem- 
bered, by 

Their most obliged and most obedient humble Servant, 


CASE of Capt. Thomas Preston 

of the 29th Regiment. 

IT is Matter of too great Notoriety to need any Proofs, that the 
Arrival of his Majesty's Troops in Boston was extremely obnoxious to 
it's Inhabitants. They have ever used all Means in their Power to 
weaken the Regiments, and to bring them into Contempt, by promoting 
and aiding Desertions, and with Impunity, even where there has been 
the clearest Evidence of the Fact, and by grossly and falsly propagat- 
ing Untruths concerning them. On the Arrival of the 64th & 65th, 
their Ardour seemingly began to abate ; it being too expensive to buy 
off so many ; and Attempts of that Kind rendered too dangerous from 
the Numbers. — But the same Spirit revived immediately on it's being 
known that those Regiments were ordered for Halifax, and hath ever 
since their Departure been breaking out with greater Violence. After 
their Embarkation, one of their Justices, not thoroughly acquainted 
with the People and their Intentions, on the Trial of the 14th Regiment, 
openly and publicly, in the Hearing of great Numbers of People, and 
from the Seat of Justice, declared, " that the Soldiers must now take 

1 Boston Gazette of Monday, 12 March, 1770, No. 779, p. 3/1. 


Care of themselves, nor trust too much to their Arms, for they were but 
a Handful ; that the Inhabitants carried Weapons concealed under their 
Cloaths, and would destroy them in a Moment if they pleased:' This, 
considering the malicious Temper of the People, was an alarming Cir- 
cumstance to the Soldiery. Since which several Disputes have hap- 
pened between the Towns-People and Soldiers of both Regiments, the 
former being encouraged thereto by the Countenance of even some of 
the Magistrates, and by the Protection of all the Party against Govern- 
ment. In general such Disputes have been kept too secret from the 
Officers. On the 2d instant, two of the 29th going through one Gray's 
Rope- Walk, the Rope-makers insultingly asked them if they would empty 
a Vault. This unfortunately had the desired Effect by provoking the 
Soldiers, and from Words they went to Blows. Both Parties suffered 
in this Affray, and finally, the Soldiers retired to their Quarters. The 
Officers, on the first Knowledge of this Transaction, took every Precau- 
tion in their Power to prevent any ill Consequences. Notwithstanding 
which, single Quarrels could not be prevented ; the Inhabitants con- 
stantly provoking and abusing the Soldiery. The Insolence, as well as 
utter Hatred of the Inhabitants to the Troops, increased daily; inso- 
much, that Monday and Tuesday, the 5th and 6th instant, were pri- 
vately agreed on for a general Engagement ; in Consequence of which 
several of the Militia came from the Country, armed to join their 
Friends, menacing to destroy any who should oppose them. This 
Plan has since been discovered. 

On Monday Night about Eight o'Clock two Soldiers were attacked 
and beat. But the Party of the Towns-People, in order to carry 
Matters to the utmost Length, broke into two Meeting-Houses, and 
rang the Alarm Bells, which I supposed was for Fire as usual, but was 
soon undeceived. About Nine some of the Guard came to and informed 
me, the Town-Inhabitants were assembling to attack the Troops, .and 
that the Bells were ringing as the Signal for that Purpose, and not for 
Fire, and the Beacon intended to be fired to bring in the distant People 
of the Country. This, as I was Captain of the Day, occasioned my 
reparing immediately to the Main-Guard. In my Way there I saw the 
People in great Commotion, and heard them use the most cruel and 
horrid Threats against the Troops. In a few Minutes after I reached 
the Guard, about an hundred People passed it, and went towards the 
Custom-House, where the King's Money is lodged. They immediately 
surrounded the Sentinel posted there, and with Clubs and other 
Weapons threatened to execute their Vengeance on him. I was soon 
informed by a Townsman, their Intention was to carry off the Soldier 
from his Post, and probably murder him. On which I desired him to 


return for further Intelligence ; and he soon came back and assured me 
he heard the Mob declare they would murder him. This I feared might 
be a Prelude to their plundering the King's Chest. I immediately sent 
a non-commissioned Officer and twelve Men 1 to protect both the Senti- 
nel and the King's-Money, and very soon followed myself, to prevent 
(if possible) all Disorder ; fearing lest the Officer and Soldiery by the 
Insults and Provocations of the Rioters, should be thrown off their 
Guard and commit some rash Act. They soon rushed through the 
People, and, by charging their Bayonets in half Circle, kept them at a 
little Distance. Nay, so far was I from intending the Death of any 
Person, that I suffered the Troops to go to the Spot where the unhappy 
Affair took Place, without any Loading in their Pieces, nor did I ever 
give Orders for loading them. This remiss Conduct in me perhaps 
merits Censure ; yet it is Evidence, resulting from the Nature of Things, 
which is the best and surest that can be offered, that my Intention was 
not to act offensively, but the contrary Part, and that not without Com- 
pulsion. The Mob still increased, and were more outrageous, striking 
their Clubs or Bludgeons one against another, and calling out, "come 
on, you Rascals, you bloody Backs, you Lobster 2 Scoundrels ; fire if 
you dare, G — d damn you, fire and be damn'd ; we know you dare not ;" 
and much more such Language was used. At this Time I was between 
the Soldiers and the Mob, parleying with and endeavouring all in my 
Power to persuade them to retire peaceably ; but to no Purpose. They 
advanced to the Points of the Bayonets, struck some of them, and even 
the Muzzles of the Pieces, and seemed to be endeavouring to close with 
the Soldiers. On which some well-behaved Persons asked me if the 
Guns were charged : I replied, yes. They then asked me if I intended 
to order the Men to fire ; I answered no, by no Means ; observing to 
them, that I was advanced before the Muzzles of the Men's Pieces, and 
musj; fall a Sacrifice if they fired ; that the Soldiers were upon the Half 
cock and charged Bayonets, and my giving the Word fire, under those 
Circumstances, would prove me no Officer. While I was thus speaking, 
one of the Soldiers, having received a severe Blow with a Stick, stept a 
little on one Side, and instantly fired, on which turning to and asking 

1 This statement is alluded to by the late C. F. Adams, in his Life of John 
Adams, but without indicating where Preston's statement can be found (Works 
of J. Adams, i. 98). 

2 The word " lobster," as applied to a British soldier, was not necessarily 
one of contempt. The word was used in England by the middle of the 
seventeenth century, and it was occasionally employed in this country between 
1750 and 177G to distinguish a regular from a provincial. 


him why he fired without Orders, I was struck with a Club on my Arm, 
which for sometime deprived me of the Use of it ; which Blow, had it 
been placed on my Head, most probably would have destroyed me. On 
this a general Attack was made on the Men by a great Number of 
heavy Clubs, and Snow-Balls being thrown at them, by which all our 
Lives were in imminent Danger ; some Persons at the same Time from 
behind calling out, ' ' Damn your Bloods, why don't you fire ? " Instantly 
three or four of the Soldiers fired, one after another, and directly after 
three more in the same Confusion and Hurry. 

The Mob then ran away, except three unhappy Men who instantly 
expired, in which Number was Mr. Gray, at whose Rope- Walk the 
prior Quarrel took Place; one more is since dead, three others are 
dangerously, and four slightly wounded. The Whole of this melan- 
choly Affair was transacted in almost 20 Minutes. On my asking the 
Soldiers why they fired without Orders, they said they heard the Word 
"Fire," and supposed it came from me. This might be the Case, as 
many of the Mob called out " Fire, fire," but I assured the Men that I 
gave no such Order, that my Words were, " Don't fire, stop your 
Firing : " In short it was scarce possible for the Soldiers to know who 
said fire, or don't fire, or stop your Firing. On the People's assembling 
again to take away the dead Bodies, the Soldiers, supposing them com- 
ing to attack them, were making ready to fire again, which I prevented 
by striking up their Firelocks with my Hand. Immediately after a 
Townsman came and told me, that 4 or 5000 People were assembled in 
the next Street, and had sworn to take my Life with every Man's with 
me; on which I judged it unsafe to remain there any longer, and there- 
fore sent the Party and Sentry to the Main-Guard, where the Street is 
narrow and short, there telling them off into Street Firings, divided and 
planted them at each End of the Street to secure their Rear, momently 
expecting an Attack, as there was a constant Cry of the Inhabitants, 
"To Arms, to Arms, — turn out with your Guns," and the Town Drums 
beating to Arms. I ordered my Drum to beat to Arms, and being soon 
after joined by the different Companies of the 29th Regiment, I formed 
them as the Guard into Street Firings. The 14th Regiment also got 
under Arms, but remained at their Barracks. I immediately sent a 
Serjeant with a Party to Col. Dalrymple, the Commanding Officer, to 
acquaint him with every Particular. Several Officers going to join their 
Regiment were knocked down by the Mob, one very much wounded, 
and his Sword taken from him. The Lieutenant Governor and Col. 
Carr soon after met at the Head of the 29th Regiment, and agreed that 
the Regiment should retire to their Barracks, and the People to their 
Houses; but I kept the Piquet to strengthen the Guard. It was with 


great Difficulty that the Lieutenant-Governor prevailed on the People 
to be quiet and retire : At last they all went off excepting about an 

A Council was immediately called, on the breaking up of which three 
Justices met, and issued a Warrant to apprehend me and eight Soldiers. 
On hearing of this Procedure, I instantly went to the Sheriff and sur- 
rendered myself, though for the Space of four Hours I had it in my 
Power to have made my Escape, which I most undoubtedly should have 
attempted, and could have easily executed, had I been the least con- 
scious of any Guilt. 

On the Examination before the Justices, two Witnesses swore that I 
gave the Men Orders to fire ; the one testified he was within two Feet 
of me ; the other, that I swore at the Men for not firing at the first 
Word. Others swore they heard me use the Word " Fire," but whether 
do or do not fire they could not say ; others, that they heard the Word 
" Fire," but could not say if it came from me. The next Day they got 
five or six more to swear I gave the Word to fire. So bitter and inveter- 
ate are many of the Malcontents here, that they are industriously using 
every Method to fish out Evidence to prove it was a concerted Scheme 
to murder the Inhabitants. Others are infusing the utmost Malice and 
Revenge into the Minds of the People who are to be my Jurors by false 
Publications, Votes of Towns, and all other Artifices, that so from a 
settled Rancour against the Officers and Troops in general, the Sudden- 
ness of my Trial after the Affair, while the People's Minds are all greatly 
inflamed, I am though perfectly innocent, under most unhappy Circum- 
stances, having nothing in Reason to expect but the Loss of Life in a 
very ignominious Manner, without the Interposition of his Majesty's 
Royal Goodness. 1 

1 Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary of Thursday, 21 June, 1770, p. 1. 
The document was also printed in the Supplement to the Boston Gazette of 
Monday 25 June, No. 794, and in the Supplement to the Boston Evening Post, 
of Monday, 25 June, No. 1813. 

It should be remembered that in 1770 there were two papers published in 
Boston each called the Massachusetts Gazette. The full title of one was " The 
Massachusetts Gazette: and the Boston Weekly News-Letter. " This was pub- 
lished on Thursdays and was printed by Richard Draper. The full title of the 
other was " The Massachusetts Gazette, and the Boston Post-Boy and Adver- 
tiser." This was published on Mondays and was printed by Green and 

In Wells's Life of Samuel Adams (i. 315, 316), the document in the text is 
twice cited as " Preston's Case," but no indication is given as to where it 
can be found. 



The Freeholders and other inhabitants of this Town are to meet at 
Faneuil-Hall To-Morrow, at Nine o*Clock in the Morning, in order that 
certain Letters received by Capt. Gardner, in answer to those sent by 
him to our Friends in England, relative to the horrid Massacre on the 
5th of March last, may be laid before the Town ; so that such further 
Steps may be taken as shall be judged necessary, to counteract the 
Designs of those inveterate Enemies among us, who, there is reason to 
think, are still continuing their Misrepresentations, and using their 
Endeavours to increase the present unhappy Misunderstanding. 1 


Sundry Letters received by Cap*. Gardner Master of the Packet taken 
up by the Town, in answer to those by him to our Friends in England, 
relative to the horred Massacre on 5 th . of March last, were read to the 
Town — 

The Article in the Warrant Viz 1 . — 

And that such further steps may be taken as shall be Judged necessary, to 
counteract the designs of those inveterate Enemies among us, who there is 
reason to think are still continuing their Misrepresentations, and using their 
Endeavours to increase the present unhappy misunderstanding between Great 
Britain and the Colonies — 

was read and considered whereupon — 

Voted, that The Hon ble . Thomas Cushing Esq. 
M R . Samuel Adams 
John Hancock Esq. 
Richard Dana Esq. 
M R . William Phillips 
M R . William Mollineux 
D H . Joseph Warren 
M R . Ebenezer Storer 
M R . William Greenleaf 

be a Committee to draw up a true state of the Town, and the conduct 
of the Commissioners since the 5 th . of March last ; and to Report the 
same at the Adjournment. 2 

1 Boston Evening Post of Monday, 9 July, 1770, No, 1815, p. 3/2. 

2 Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xviii. 34. 


In the Ship Juno, Capt. Constant Freeman, arrived here since our last, 
from Bristol, came Passenger Capt. Andrew Gardner, 1 who was sent by 
this Town last March with Dispatches concerning the horrid Massacre the 
5th of that Month: It is said that Capt. Gardner's Arrival in England 
with the Narrative and Depositions from hence, was very timely : That 
thereupon the Ships and Troops, mentioned lately in this and the other 
Papers, to be coming here, were stopped : — Capt. Gardner was introduced 
by Mr. Trecothick to a Number of the Members of Parliament, who en- 
quired of him what Knowledge he had of the Affair ; and as he lived near 
the Place where the Affray began at the Pope- Walks, and was in King- 
Street when the Massacre happened, he related the whole in a very par- 
ticular Manner : He brought Letters to the Committee from Governor 
Pownall, Mr. Trecothick, Mr. Bollan, Mrs. Maccauley, &c. A Meeting 
of the Inhabitants of the Town was called on Tuesday, at Fane nil- Hall '; 
when the said Letters were read : — After which a Committee ivas chosen 
to enquire into the Transactions since the 5th of March ; to counteract the 
Designs of those inveterate Enemies among us, icho, there is Reason to 
think, are still continuing their Misrepresentations , and using their 
Endeavours to increase the present unhappy Misunderstanding between 
Great-Britain and the Colonies. — Tlie Meeting ivas adjourned till To- 
Morrow, to Receive the Report of the Committee.' 1 


The Committee appointed the 10 Inst 1 , to draw up a true state of the 
Town and the conduct of the Commissioners of the Board of Customs 
since the 5 th . of March last — Reported a draft of a Letter to be sent to 
our friends in England, and the same having been read and considered — 

Voted, that said draft be accepted, and that the said Committee be desired 
to transmit fair Copys of said Letter to such Gentlemen in England as they 
shall think proper. 8 


At an Adjournment of the Meeting of this Town at Faneuil Hall on 
Friday last, the Committee reported a Draft of a Letter, design'd to 
prevent ill Impressions being made on the Minds of the People of 

1 As already stated, Capt. Gardner reached Boston the sixth of July. 

2 Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 12 July, 1770, No. 3183, p. 2/1. 
8 Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xviii. 34. 


England, from certain Representations sent Home by our inveterate 
Enemies here, in the Lydia, Capt. Hood, which sail'd about a Fortnight 
ago. 1 Notice was also taken therein of a Paper printed in London, 
called the Case of Capt. Thomas Preston, giving an Account of the 
horrid Massacre of the fifth of March last, altogether different from 
the Truth, and manifestly with an Intent to prejudice the Town. The 
Draft was approv'd of by the Meeting, and Copies were order'd to be 
sent to such Gentlemen in England as the Committee should think 
proper ; and they were accordingly put on board Capt. Hall's Vessel, 
which sail'd on Saturday Morning. 2 


The City of Boston's Account of their Conduct to Capt. Preston, after the 
Massacre of March the 5th. 

WE were very apprehensive that all attempts would be made to gain an 
advantage against us ; and as there is no reason to think that the malice 
of our enemies is in the least degree abated, it has been thought neces- 
sary, that our friends on your side the water should have a true state of 
the circumstances of the town, and of every thing which has materially 
occurred since the removal of the troops to the castle. For this purpose 
we are appointed a committee, but the time will not admit of our writ- 
ing so fully by this conveyance, as we intend by the next. 3 In the 
mean time, we intreat your further friendship for the town, in your 
endeavours to get the judgment of the public suspended upon any 
representation that may have been made by the Commissioners of the 
Customs and others, until the town can have the opportunity of know- 
ing what is alledged against it, and of answering for itself. We must 
confess, that we are astonished to hear that the Parliament have come 
to a determination to admit garbled extracts from such letters as may 
be received from America by Administration, and to conceal the names 
of the persons who may be the writers of them. This will certainly 
give great encouragement to persons of wicked intentions to abuse the 
nation, and injure the colonies in the grossest manner with impunity, 
or even without detection. For a confirmation hereof, we need to recur 

1 In the Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 5 July, 1770, No. 3482, it is stated 
that " Tuesday last the Brig Lydia, Capt. Hood, sailed for London" (p. 3/2). 

2 Boston Gazette of Monday, 18 July, 1770, No. 797, p. 2/3. 

3 If another letter was sent, I have been unable to find any trace of it. 


no further than a few months, when undoubtedly the accounts and 
letters carried to Mr. would have been attended with very un- 
happy, if not fatal, effects, had not this town been so attentive as to 
have contradicted those false accounts by the depositions of many cred- 
itable persons under oath; but it cannot be supposed that a community 
will be so attentive, but on the most alarming events. In general, 
individuals are following their private concerns, while, it is to be 
feared, the restless adversaries are forming the most dangerous plans 
for the ruin of the reputation of the people, in order to build their own 
greatness on the destruction of their liberties. This game they have 
long been playing, and though in some few instances they have had a 
losing hand, yet they have commonly managed with such art, that they 
have so far succeeded in their malicious designs as to involve the nation 
and her colonies in confusion and distress. This it is presumed they 
never could have accomplished, had not these very letters been kept 
from the view of the public, with design perhaps to conceal the false- 
hood of them; the discovery of which would have prevented their 
having any mischievous effects. This is the game which we have rea- 
son to believe they are now playing with so much secrecy as may render 
it impossible for us fully to detect them on this side the water. How 
deplorable then must be our condition, if simple credit is to be given to 
their testimonies against us, by the Government at home ; and if the 
names of our accusers are to be kept a profound secret, and the world 
is to see only such parts and parcels of their representations, as per- 
sons who perhaps may be interested in their favour shall think proper 
to hold up. Such a conduct, if allowed, seems to put it in the power 
of a combination of a few designing men to deceive a nation to its ruin. 
The measures which have been taken in consequence of intelligence 
managed with such secrecy, have already to a great degree lessened 
that mutual confidence which has ever subsisted between the mother 
country and her colonies, and must in the natural course of things 
totally alienate their affections, and consequently weaken, and in the 
end destroy, the power of the Empire. It is in this extended view of 
things that our minds are affected. It is from these apprehensions that 
we earnestly wish, that all communication between the two countries, of 
a public nature, may be unveiled before the public, with the names of 
the persons who are concerned therein : then, and not till then, will 
American affairs be under the direction of Honest Men, who are never 
afraid or ashamed of the light; and as we have abundant reason to be 
jealous that the most mischievous and virulent accounts have been very 
lately sent to Administration from Castle William, where the Commis- 
sioners have again retreated, for no other reason, that we can conceive, 


but, after their former manner, to misrepresent and injure this town and 
province ; we earnestly intreat that you would use your utmost influence 
to have an order passed, that the whole of the packets sent by the Com- 
missioners of the Customs and others, under the care of one Mr. Bacon, 
late an Officer in the Customs of Virginia, who took his passage the last 
week in the brigantine Lydia, Joseph Hood commander, may be laid 
before his Majesty in Council. If the writers of those letters shall 
appear to be innocent, no harm can possibly arise from such a measure ; 
if otherwise, it may be the means of exploring the true cause of a 
national and colonial malady, and of affording an easy remedy. 

We have observed in the English papers the most notorious fals- 
hoods, published with an apparent design to give the world a prejudice 
against this town, as the aggressors in the unhappy transaction of the 
5th of March, but no account has been more repugnant to the truth, 
than a paper printed in the Public Advertiser, of the 28th of April, 

which is called The Case of Captain Preston. As a Committee of 

this Town, we thought ourselves bound in faithfulness to wait on Cap- 
tain Preston, to enquire of him, whether he was the author. He frankly 
told us, that he had drawn a state of his case, but that it had passed 
through different hands, and was altered at different times; and, finally, 
the publication in the Advertiser was varied from that which he sent 
home as his own. We then desired him to let us know, whether several 
parts, which we might point to him, and to which we took exception, 
were his own ; but he declined satisfying us herein, saying, that the 
alterations were made by persons, who, he supposed, might aim at 
serving him, though he feared they might have a contrary effect, and 
that his discriminating to us the parts of it, which were his own, from 
those which had been altered by others, might displease his friends, at 

a time when he might stand in need of their essential service. This 

was the substance of the conversation between us, whereupon we re- 
tired, and wrote to Capt. Preston a letter, the copy of which is now 

The next day, not receiving an answer from Captain Preston, at the 
time we proposed, we sent him a message, desiring to be informed 
whether we might expect his answer : to which he replied, by a verbal 
message, as ours was, that he had nothing further to add to what he 
had said to us, the day before, as you'll please to observe by the 
inclosed certificate. 

As therefore Captain Preston has utterly declined to make good the 
charges against the town, in the paper called His Case, or to let us 
know to whom we may apply as the author or authors of those parts 
which he might have disclaimed, and especially as the whole of his case 


thus stated directly militates not only with his own letter published, 
under his hand, in the Boston Gazette, but with the depositions 1 of 
others annexed to our narrative which were taken ; not behind the cur- 
tain, as some a may have been, but openly and fairly, after notifying 
the parties interested, and before magistrates to whose credit the 
governor of the province has given his full attestation under the 
province seal ; we cannot think that the Paper, called The Case of 
Captain Thomas Preston, or any other Paper of the like import, can be 
deemed, in the opinion of the sensible and impartial part of mankind, 
as sufficient in the least degree to prejudice the character of the Town. 
It is therefore altogether needless for us to point out the many false- 
hoods contained in this paper, nor indeed would there be time for it at 
present for the reason above-mentioned. 

We cannot, however, omit taking notice of the artifice made use of 
by those who drew up the state, in insinuating that it was the design 
of the people to plunder the king's chest; and for the more easily effect- 
ing that, to murder the centinel posted at the custom-house, where the 
money was lodged. This intelligence is said to have been brought to 
Capt. Preston, by a townsman, who assured him that he heard the mob 
declare they would murder the centinel. The townsman probably was 
one Greenwood, a servant to the Commissioners, whose deposition, 
number 96, is inserted among others in the narrative of the town, and 
of whom it is observed in a marginal note, that " through the whole of 
his examination he was so inconsistent, and so frequently contradicted 
himself, that all present were convinced that no credit ought to be given 
to his deposition ; for which reason it would not have been inserted, had 
it not been known that a deposition was taken relative to this affair from 
Greenwood, by justice Murray, and carried home by Mr. Robinson;" 
and further, " this deponent is the only person, out of a great number 
of witnesses examined, who heard any thing mentioned of the custom- 
house." 8 Whether this part of the case of Capt. Preston was inserted 
by himself, or some other person, we are not told. It is very much to 
be questioned, whether information was given by any other than Green- 
wood himself; and the sort of character which he bears, is so well 
known to the commissioners, and their connections, some of whom 

1 These depositions were printed in A Short Narrative of The horrid Massacre 
in Boston, fyc, Boston, .1770, Appendix, pp. 1-77. 

2 Doubtless this is a reflection on the depositions which were printed in the 
Fair Account, Jfc, Appendix, pp. 1-22. 

8 For the depositions of Greenwood, see the Short Narrative, Appendix, pp. 
75-77; and the Fair Account, Appendix, pp. 12, 13. 


properly assisted Capt. Preston in stating his case, as to have made 
them ashamed, if they regarded the truth, to have given the least credit 
to what he said. Whoever may have helped them to this intelligence, 
we will venture to say, that it never has been, and never can be sup- 
ported by the testimony of any man of a tolerable reputation. We 
shall only observe upon this occasion, how inveterate our enemies here 
are, who, rather than omit what they might think a lucky opportunity 
of slandering the town, have wrought up a narrative, not only unsup- 
ported by, but contrary to the clearest evidence of facts, and have even 
prevailed upon an unhappy man, under pretence of friendship to him, to 
adopt it as his own; though they must have known, with a common 
share of understanding, that its being published to the world as his 
own, must have injured him, under his present circumstances, in the 
most tender point ; and so shocked was Capt. Preston himself at its 
appearing. in this light on this side the water, that he was immediately 
apprehensive so glaring a falsehood would raise the indignation of the 
people to such a pitch as to prompt them to some attempts that would 
be dangerous to him, and he accordingly applied to Mr. Sheriff Green- 
leaf for special protection on that account. But the sheriff assuring 
him there was no such disposition appearing among the people, (which 
is an undoubted truth) Capt. Preston's fears at length subsided ; 1 and 
he still remains in safe custody, to be tried by the superior court of 
judicature, at the next term in August, unless the judges shall think 
proper further to postpone the trial, as they have done for one whole 
term, since he was indicted by the Grand Jury. 2 

1 On the twenty-second of June, Gov. Hutchinson wrote : — 

1 will take every precaution which is in my power, which I wish was greater than 
it is. 

On this letter was indorsed the following note : — 

In answer to a letter informing him that the towns-people of Boston, since seeing 
Cap. Preston's printed case, threatened his life (1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society for January, 1862, v. 361). 

In the Narrative and Critical History of America, Justin Winsor said : — 

In June, 1770, it would seem that Hutchinson's life was threatened because of the 
passions aroused by the massacre, and there is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library (Misc. 
MSS., 1632-1795) a brief note of his written on being advised to protect himself, dated 
June 22, 1770, at Milton (vi. 88). 

From the document given in the text it seems clear that the person whose life 
was threatened was not Hutchinson but Preston. 

2 The trial of Capt. Preston, as appears from the following extracts, began 



Before we conclude, it may not be improper to observe, that the 
removal of the troops was in the slowest order ; insomuch, that eleven 
days were spent in carrying the two regiments to Castle-Island, which 
had before landed in the town in less than forty-eight hours. Yet in 
all this time, while the number of the troops was daily lessening, not 
the least disorder was made by the inhabitants, though filled with a just 
indignation and horror at the blood of their fellow-citizens so inhumanly 
spilt. And since their removal, the common soldiers have frequently, 
and every day come up to the town for necessary provisions ; and some 
of the officers, as well as several of the families of the soldiers, have 
resided in the town, and done business therein without the least molesta- 
tion ; yet so hardy have our enemies been as to report in London, that 
the enraged populace had hanged up Capt. Preston. 

The strange and irreconcileable conduct of the Commissioners of the 
Customs since March 5 ; their applying for leave to retire to the castle, 
so early as the 10th ; and spending their time in making excursions into 
the country, till the 20th of June following, together with other material 
circumstances, are the subject of our present enquiry; the result of 

on the twenty- fourth of October, and the jury returned a verdict on the thirtieth. 
See also Publications of this Society, v. 64, 65, 82. 


Last Friday [7 September] Capt. Preston, with the Soldiers and others who were 
indicted for the Murders committed in Kingstreet on the Evening of the 5th of March 
last, were "arraigned at the Bar of the Superior Court and Court of Assize, &c. now 
sitting here, and severally pleaded not Guilty : but their Trial, we hear, is put off till 
the 23d Day of October next (Boston Evening Post of Monday, 10 September, 1770, 
No. 1824, p. 3/2). 


The Superior Court of Judicature, &c. met at the Court-House in this Town on 
Tuesday [23 October] last, according to Adjournment, for the Trial of Criminal Cases 
— The Trial of Capt. Preston began next Morning about Nine o'Clock, and is not yet 
finished (Boston Gazette of Monday, 29 October, 1770, No. 812, p. 3/1). 


In onr last we mentioned that at the Superior Court held here, on Wednesday 
began the Trial of Capt. Thomas Preston, of the 29th Kegiment, . . . The Examination 
of Evidences and the Pleas, were continued from Wednesday, each Day, (Lord's Day 
excepted) until Monday ; when the Judges summed up the Evidences, and gave the 
Charges to the Jury. The Jury went out about five o'Clock, and it is said agreed 
by eight : — The Court was adjourned till the next Morning at 8 o'Clock, at which 
Time they brought in the Verdict, "NOT GUILTY; " and Capt. Preston was dismissed 
{Ibid, of Monday, 5 November, 1770, No. 813, p. 2/3). 


which you will be made acquainted with by the next conveyance. In 

the mean time, we remain with strict truth, Sir, 

Your much obliged, and most obedient servants, 
Thomas Cushing, Wm. Philips, 

Rich. Dana, W. Molineux, 

Sam. Adams, Ebenezer Storer, 

John Hancock:, Wm. Greenleaf. 

To the Hon. Gov. Pownall. 1 

Wednesday, A. M. July 11, 1770. 


IN the interview we, as a committee of the town of Boston, had with you 
yesterday, you may remember we told you we were disposed to consider 
you as a man of too much honour to be the author of the publication, 
printed in London the 28th of April, called, The Case of Capt. Thomas 
Preston, and the letter to the Public in the Boston Gazette of the 12th 
of March, as those papers directly militate with each other : the letter 
we refer to is as follows : 

Boston Gaol, Monday, March 12, 1770. 
Messrs Edes and Gill. 

PERMIT me, through the channel of your paper, to return my thanks in the 
most public manner to the inhabitants in general of this town, who throwing 
aside all party and prejudice, have, with the utmost humanity and freedom, 
stepped forth advocates for truth, in defence of my injured innocence, in the 
late unhappy affair that happened on Monday night last; and to assure them 
that I shall ever have the highest sense of the justice they have done me, which 
will be ever gratefully remembered by their much obliged, and most obedient 
humble servant, 


In the course of our conversation you informed us, that the state of 
the case published was very different from what you first wrote, that 
your account of that unhappy affair was put into several hands here at 
different times, and much altered by the persons to whose judgment 

1 It is not known to how many persons in England this Statement was sent, 
but among them were Pownall and Franklin. No doubt it was through 
Pownall himself, either directly or indirectly, that the Statement appeared in 
the Political Register. See Pownall's letter of 11 May, 1770, p. 213, below. 


you submitted ; and that it now appears different from the paper which 
you last saw, and which you finally determined to send home as the 
state of your case, but you declined pointing out the particular altera- 
tions which have been made, because you supposed those alterations 
were made by your friends with a design to serve you, and you were 
apprehensive that by particularizing the passages altered, you might 
give some offence. We are very sensible of the delicacy of your situa- 
tion, and would by no means urge you to any thing which might lessen 
the number or influence of your friends ; but as we know that a con- 
spiracy has long been formed against the rights and liberties of the 
people, and more especially of this town, and as we have the fullest 
proof of the most gross misrepresentations having been sent home to 
his Majesty and the Ministry, we cannot avoid requesting you, in behalf 
of the town, to explain, as far as you are able, some parts of that case 
published ; and as we shall forbear touching upon any thing which has 
an immediate connection with your conduct in that affair, we think you 
cannot, consistent with your honour, suffer a paper published in your 
name, containing such injurious charges against a community, to pass 
unnoticed, when an explanation is desired by the persons affected. 

The Case, as it is called, sets forth, " That the inhabitants have ever 
used all means in their power to weaken the regiments, and to bring 
them into contempt, by promoting and aiding desertions, and with 
impunity, even where there has been the clearest evidence of the fact." 
We desire, if it is in your power, that you would point out one instance, 
where there has been clear proofs of any person's having aided or 
promoted the desertion of any soldiers from the regiments in this town. 
It is asserted, " that on the arrival of the 64th and 65th regiments the 
ardour seemed to abate, but upon their being ordered away it began to 
revive." For our parts, we observed no such abatement or revival, and 
cannot but wish to be informed how it became known to the author of 
the Case. But the most cruel charge which malice and guile could 
form against an innocent community, is contained in the following 
paragraph: " The insolence, as well as utter hatred of the inhabitants 
to the troops increased daily, insomuch that Monday and Tuesday the 
f)th and 6th inst. were agreed on for a general engagement : in conse- 
quence of which several of the Militia came from the country armed to 
join their friends, menacing to destroy any who should oppose them. 
This plan has since been discovered." 

Is it possible for you, Sir, or any person on earth, to produce the 
least shadow of proof to support this barbarous accusation? If it is, 
we beg it may no longer be concealed from us, and we hope, if this is 
not one of those alterations above-mentioned, that you will inform us 


how it appears that such a plan was ever formed or even thought of ; 
this cannot but be judged highly reasonable, as it is of the greatest 
importance to the Public, and can have no effect upon your private con- 
cern. If it is one of those alterations, we should be very glad to know 
whom we may apply to as the author. 

We think the state of the case is, in many other respects, very excep- 
tionable, but shall omit taking notice of any thing more at this time, as 
we would clo nothing which might be detrimental to you, nor should we 
have troubled you at all in your present disagreeable circumstances, 
had we known any other method of coming to the knowledge of our 

If we receive no answer to this by to-morrow ten o'clock, we shall 
conclude you have nothing to offer in defence of the passages referred 
to in the paper circulated as the Case of Captain Thomas Preston. 
We are, Sir, your most humble servants, 

Thomas Cushing, 

Richard Dana, 

Samuel Adams, 

John Hancock, 

William Phillips, 

William Molineux, 

E. Stoker. 
Capt. Thomas Preston. 

Boston County Gaol-House, July 12, 1770. 

THIS may certify that Mr. Williston, Door-keeper to the Select-men, 
yesterday noon brought me a letter from the Committee of the Town of 
Boston, then sitting at Faneuil-Hall, directed to Capt. Thomas Preston, 
which I did immediately deliver him ; and that Mr. Molineux, one of the 
said committee, came this morning about 11 o'clock, desiring I would 
ask Captain Preston whether he had or would give an answer to the said 
letter, upon which I waited on Capt. Preston with the said message, who 
made for answer, that he had not, nor should not, give any answer — he 
had nothing more to say than what he had said to the Committee 

JOSEPH OTIS, 1 Deputy Gaol Keeper. 2 

1 Concerning Joseph Otis, see Publications of this Society, v. 61-63, 264. 

2 The Political Register for October, 1770, vii. 221-228. The only allusion 
I have found to this document is in Wells's Life of Samuel Adams, where we 
read: — 


Mr. Mattiiews announced that he had in preparation new 
lists of the Addressers of Gage and of Hutchinson, and re- 
marked upon the inaccuracy and incompleteness of previous 
compilations of these names, mentioning several instances in 
which, in consequence, the identity of Addressers had been 
lost or obscured. 

Mr. Henry H. Edes said : — 

A short time ago, I had occasion to go to Ipswich to make an 
examination of the early manuscript records of that ancient town. 
While making my search, my eye fell upon an entry relating to the 
payment of money, in 1642, to Samuel Symonds, then a represen- 
tative from Ipswich to the General Court, who was made an 
Assistant the next year, and who, in 1673, succeeded John Leverett 
as Deputy-Governor upon Leverett's elevation to the Chief Magis- 
tracy. Symonds was one of the principal gentlemen of Ipswich, 
and came of an ancient family in the English Essex, where he 
early allied himself, matrimonially, with the Harlakenden family. 
He died in office on the twelfth of October, 1678. 

Among Samuel Adams's papers are found detached portions of a letter in his 
handwriting to Benjamin Franklin, prepared for a committee, of which he was one, 
appointed by the town to disabuse the minds of influential persons in England of the 
false statements sent on by the crown officers as to the Massacre and subsequent events. 
It is dated in Boston on the 13th of July, and Franklin is urged to exert himself and 
obtain a suspension of public opinion, until the town could have an opportunity of know- 
ing what was alleged against it and of answering for itself. It protested against the 
determination of Parliament to admit garbled extracts from such letters as were received 
from America by the administration and to conceal the names of the writers (i. 345). 

Wells then goes on to quote twenty -five lines which, with a few slight 
differences, agree with the corresponding lines in our text, beginning with the 
words " How deplorable then must be our condition." 

The feeling against Preston and the soldiers was intensely bitter, and had 
their trials taken place soon after the riot it would probably have gone hard 
with them. John Adams complained that for years the people of Boston did 
not forget or forgive his share in the defence of the accused (Works, ii. 229- 
236, 307, 317, ix. 352, 551, 617, x. 162, 166, 201, 203) ; and the verdicts 
rendered, however much they may now be commended, caused great discontent 
at the time. This was voiced by Samuel Adams in a series of articles which, 
under the signature of Vindex, were printed in the Boston Gazette of 10, 17, 
24, 31 December, 1770, and 7, 14, 21, 28 January, 1771, Nos. 818-S25. It is in 
the last three of these articles that Adams pays special attention to the Case of 
Capt. Preston. 

1900.] THE BODY OF LIBERTIES OF 1641. 23 

In the account to which I have just referred — of money paid to 
Mr. Symonds for various services — we find these items : — 

xs he paid to Mr. Endicott for the Towne, for the coppy of the hody 
of lawes, 

3s for six coppies deliyered to Mr. Gardiner. 1 

This record is dated 29 December, 1642. 

It is known to every gentleman present that no printed copy of 
the Body of Liberties of 1641, or of the first edition of the Laws, 
published in 1649, is known to be extant. Every item, therefore, 
which in any way relates to either of these publications is of inter- 
est and worthy of being printed. 

I have copied the following passages from the Massachusetts 
Colony Records and from Winthrop's History of New England, 
which show what legislation was enacted in 1641 and 1642 con- 
cerning these earliest publications of our Laws. It is also inter- 
esting to note, that the Rev. Nathaniel Ward, the author of the 
Body of Liberties, had been the minister of the Ipswich church, 
with which Symonds was long connected. 

At the General Court, 7 October, 1641, — 

The Governor [Bellingham] and Mr. Hawthorne were desired to speak to 
Mr. Ward for a Copy of the Liberties and of the Capital laws to be transcribed 
and sent to the several towns (Records, i. 340). 

Subsequently, at the same Court, under the date of 10 December, 
1641, is the following entry: — 

Mr. Deputy Endicot, Mr. Downing, and Mr. Hawthorne are authorized to 
get nineteen Copies of the Laws, Liberties and the forms of oaths transcribed 
and subscribed by their several hands, and none to be authentic but such as 
they subscribe, and to be paid for by the Constable of each Town, ten shillings 
a piece for each copy, and to be prepared within six weeks (Records, i. 344). 

Finally, at the end of this session, on the original record, is the 
written attestation of Governor Winthrop as follows : — 

At this Court, the bodye of laws formerly sent forth among the Freemen, 
etc., was voted to stand in force, etc. (Records, i. 346). 

1 The reference is probably to Edmund Gardner (see Felt's History of 
Ipswich, Essex and Hamilton, pp. 11, 97). 


AYinthrop writes in regard to the General Court of December, 1641, 
as follows : — 

This session continued three weeks, and established one hundred laws, 
which were called the Body of Liberties. They had been composed by Mr. 
Nathaniel Ward (some time pastor of the church of Ipswich : he had been a 
minister in England and formerly a student and a practiser in the course of the 
common law) and had been revised and altered by the Court and sent forth into 
every town to be further considered of, and now again in this Court, they were 
revised, amended and presented, and so established for three years, by that ex- 
perience to have them fully amended and established to be perpetual (History, 
1853, ii. G6). 

The General Court ordered, 14 June, 1642 — 

That the Governor [Winthrop], Mr. Bellingham and the Secretary [Xowell], 
with the deputies of Boston, shall examine and survey the orders of this last 
Court, and perfect the same for the publishing (Records, ii 21). 

[Also,] That such laws as make any offence to be capital shall forthwith be 
imprinted and published, of which laws the Secretary is to send a copy to the 
printer, when it hath been examined by the Governor or Mr. Bellingham with 
himsell and the treasurer to pay for the printing of them (Records, ii. 22). 

On the twenty-seventh of September, 1642 — 

It is ordered, that every Court should have a copy of the laws at the public 
charge (Records, ii. 28). 

It thus appears, that the copy of the Body of Laws for which 
Symonds paid Mr. Endicott ten shillings was, doubtless, one of 
the nineteen copies ordered by the General Court, 10 December, 
1641, to be made and attested for the use of the several towns in 
the Colony; while the "six coppies " for which the modest price of 
three shillings was paid, were, probably, of the impression ordered 
by the Court on the fourteenth of June, 1642, of " such laws as 
make any offence to be capital." 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis expressed sympathy 
with the feeling which had induced Mr. Edes to copy these 
extracts, and referred to a statement which he had recently 
seen in one of the volumes of the Calendar of State Papers, 1 

1 The statement referred to by Mr. Davis is to be found in The Calendar of 
State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1661-1668, No. 45, 
pp. 15, 16, as follows : — 


to the effect that a volume of the Laws in force in Massa- 
chusetts had been submitted for inspection by some person 
who appeared before some of the public officials in England, 
in 1660 or 1661. As he remembered the date at which this 
person left the Colony, this volume might have been the 
first edition of the laws, although he felt sure that the event 
occurred at such a time as to make it possible that it was, 
after all, the second edition, — that which was published in 
1660. The mere chance that we were here on the track of a 
copy of the original Book of Laws had made an impression 
upon him, and he alluded to it on the present occasion 
merely to show how much interest those who followed these 
matters up took in entries of the class of those com- 
municated by Mr. Edes. 

In the course of the discussion which followed the remarks 
of Mr. Davis, reference was made to the contest which was 
formerly waged between Dr. Moore and Mr. Whitmore, as 
to whether the first edition of the laws was to be cited as 
the Laws of 1648, or the Laws of 1649. On the one hand, 

Capt. Thos. Breedon to the Council for Foreign Plantations (March 11) 1661. Rela- 
tion of the state of affairs in New England at his coming from thence in 1660. Having 
been summoned to appear before the Council this 11th of March 1661 to give informa- 
tion of the condition and Government of the several Colonies of New England, he here- 
with presents in the first place this book of laws of the Massachusetts Colony. 

He then refers to the letter 1 of the Colony to his Majesty of December last, 
concerning which he says : — 

Has not seen their petition, but questions their allegiance to the King, because they 
have not proclaimed him, they do not act in his name, and they do not give the oath of 
allegiance, but force an oath of fidelity to themselves and their Government, as in Book 
of Laws, pp. 62, 63, 68, and 84. 2 

The date, the eleventh of March, 1661, in this abstract is new style. 
Breedon refers to events in the Colony as late as December, 1660, and he may 
have been here in January. This 1660 edition was issued in October. Three 
of the page references can be easily identified in this edition. This reference 
cannot be reasonably connected with the original edition of the book of laws. 

1 Dated 19 December, 1660 (Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. Part I., 449-453). 

2 The communication is printed in full in Documents Relative to the Colonial History of 
the State of New York, iii. 39, 40. 


we have Hutchinson's statement that " in the year 1648 " 
they were " then first printed," 1 — a statement corroborated 
by the contemporary evidence of Johnson's Wonder Working 
Providence 2 and Josselyn's Observations, 3 and further con- 
firmed by the memorandum relating to one of Dunster's suits 
communicated by Mr. Davis to the American Antiquarian 
Society and printed in its Proceedings for April, 1888 
(pp. 299, 300). On the other hand, we have the con- 
clusion of Mr. Whitmore that the title-page of the 1660 
edition, bearing the words " published by the same Authority 
in the General Court holden at Boston, in May, 1649/' was 
taken from the original edition and allowed to stand sub- 
stantially unaltered. The evidence seems conclusive that 
the laws were printed in 1648, and Mr. Whitmore' s con- 
clusion that they were not issued until May, 1649, seems 
reasonable. 4 

Mr. Toppan mentioned that Secretary Rawson' s own copy 
of the laws of the Massachusetts Bay, of the folio edition of 
1660, is now in the Library of the American Antiquarian 
Society. In it Rawson wrote his name several times, — 
"Edward Rawson his book." 

President Wheelwright then addressed the Society in 
these words : — 

We are assembled to-day on the eve of the one hundred and 
twenty-fifth anniversary of the Battle of Lexington and Concord 
Fight. It had become a custom with our late lamented associate 

1 History of Massachusetts Bay, 1764, i. 437. 

3 Poole's edition, p. 206. 

8 Two Voyages to New-England, 1674 (Boston, 1865), p. 200. Josselyn's 
entry is after 30 January, 1648-40, from which it may be inferred that the 
laws were printed between 80 January and 24 March, 1648-49. Hence, 1648 
and 1040 may each be correct, the particular year being dependent upon whether 
the writer is using Old Style or New Style. 

4 Cf. Corey's History of Maiden, p. 176 and note. 


the Reverend Edward G. Porter, on the yearly recurrence of this 
anniversary, to give the Society an informal talk rather than a set 
lecture or paper on the occurrences of that eventful day, the nine- 
teenth of April, 1775. It was a subject with which he was pre- 
eminently familiar, having studied it for years on the spot. It is 
a matter of lasting regret that he never reduced to writing, as he 
fully intended to do, those most interesting and instructive utter- 
ances, with reproductions of the maps and sketches by which they 
were illustrated. 

It is with no intention of supplying Mr. Porter's place on this 
occasion, but rather to recall to mind what we lost in losing him, 
that I venture to follow humbly in his footsteps — to glean a little 
where he has richly harvested — by saying a few words about an 
incident of the first battle of the Revolution which I do not remem- 
ber to have heard him mention, and with which my own family 
history appears to be, perhaps rather remotely, connected. 

The story is told by several historians of the battle with varying 
and sometimes contradictory particulars, but all are agreed in this : 
that on the afternoon of the day on which the British regulars had 
begun their retreat from Concord, but before they had reached 
West Cambridge, or Menotomy as it was then called, a party of 
twelve soldiers sent out from Boston with stores and supplies for 
the retreating troops was intercepted and captured by a party of 
Americans in Menotomy ; and that one or more of the soldiers and 
several of their horses were killed or wounded, while others of the 
men ran for their lives toward Spy Pond. Cutter, in his History 
of Arlington, subjoins the following note : — 

The following story related by Smith concerning this affair, and 
regarded by many as apocryphal, is still worthy of preservation as a 
curiosity. The guards in fleeing followed the westerly shore of Spy 
Pond, till, near Spring Valley, they met an old woman, named Bath- 
erick, digging dandelions, to whom they surrendered themselves, asking 
her protection. She led them to the house of Capt. Ephraim Frost, and 
gave them up to a party of our men, saying to her prisoners, " If you 
ever live to get back, you tell King George that an old woman took six 
of his grenadiers prisoners." The squib went the rounds of the English 
opposition papers, "If one old Yankee woman can take six grenadiers, 
how many soldiers will it require to conquer America?" (p. 63). 


Mr. Samuel Adams Drake, in his Historic Mansions and High- 
ways around Boston, 1 says that, in spite of the seeming improbability 
" of Mother Batherick calmly digging early greens " under such 
exciting circumstances, " the relation being authenticated by per- 
sons of high credibility " he is inclined to believe it. At all events, 
there seems to be no doubt that there was an old woman named 
Batherick living in Menotomy at that time. In fact, there were 
several of the name. According to the fragmentary genealogies in 
Paige, Cutter and Wyman, 2 the one in whom we are interested 
appears to have been Ruth (Hook), the widow of John Batherick 
(born 12 May, 1702, died 3 June, 1769), who died in the alms- 
house 14 September, 1795, at the age of seventy-eight. This 
would seem to make the date of her birth 1717 and her age on 
the nineteenth of April, 1775, fifty-eight, — not a very advanced 
age. Her husband, by a former wife Elizabeth, had a son John 
Batherick, baptized 8 November, 1730, who had, among other 
children, Phebe, born 21 August, 1757, who died, unmarried, at 
Brighton in 1837. 3 

At the time of the battle, this Phebe Batherick was servant or 
"help 1 ' in the family of John Wilson, then residing at Menotomy, 
who was the father of my grandmother, Susanna (Wilson) Wheel- 
wright, wife of Lot Wheelwright, Senior. According to the 
family tradition, Phebe had been bound out to John Wilson at the 
age of seven years. At the time of the battle she was eighteen. 
She remained, apparently, with the family of my great-grand- 
father Wilson until some years before his death, in 1815, when 
she was transferred to that of his son-in-law Lot Wheelwright, 
my grandfather, who, in an entry in his Journal under date 
of the first of January, 1838, in mentioning her death, which 
took place in his house in February, 1837, says that she had been 
a faithful domestic in his family for more than forty years. This 
would indicate that her entrance into his family occurred about 
1797, which nearly corresponds with the birth-date of his eldest 
child., John Tower Wheelwright, 1 February, 1795. In my grand- 

1 Edition of 1899, p. 403. 

2 See Paige's History of Cambridge, pp. 404, 405, 409, 485, 486 ; Cutter's 
History of Arlington, pp. 191, 192, 262; and Wyman's Genealogies and Estates 
of Charlestown, i. 68, 69. 

* Paige's History of Cambridge, p. 4S5. 


father's family, as in that of John Wilson, her chief employment 
had been the care of the children. 

While a boy, 1 used frequently to see her, especially when, about 
1830-1835, my father's family and that of his father occupied to- 
gether the house originally built by Wiggin on Nonantum Hill, 
Newton. Phebe was then very old and looked still older, being 
bent nearly double. I cannot remember ever seeing her do any 
kind of work except that of compounding a nauseous liquid which 
she called dire [?diet] drink and in which dandelions was one of 
the ingredients. She always carried a stick or cane when out of 
doors and wore in summer a man's broad-brimmed straw hat. She 
wore also what I heard called a "bed gown." Thus accoutred she 
was fond of accompanying the third generation of children of the 
family, — myself and my brother and cousins — or rather, getting 
them to accompany her, on expeditions through all the fields and 
woods in the neighborhood in search of herbs of all kinds — I 
especially remember gold-thread — and in the autumn to gather 
nuts. She often talked of Concord Fight, as she always called it, 
but what she said related wholly to her own personal experience. 
She told how, in the morning, she was sent to hide the silver 
spoons on the small island in Spy Pond which belonged to the 
Wilsons and afterward to pack the children in a cart and convey 
them to a place of safety in the woods. Among these children was 
my grandmother Wheelwright, then about four years old. 1 She 
returned home with the cartload of children in the evening, meet- 
ing with no adventures by the way, so far as I remember, except 
seeing a dead Red Coat lying beside a brook to which he had 
crawled to quench his thirst before dying ; but what she especially 
dilated upon was the condition of the house she had left in the 
morning. The Regulars on their retreat through the town had 
broken into it — boards had been nailed up over the lower win- 
dows before it was abandoned by the family — and everything 
was turned topsy-turvy, barrels of beer, hogsheads of rum and 
molasses set abroad on the floor (Mr. Wilson seems to have 
kept a small shop) and flour, meal and kitchen implements scat- 
tered over the whole. Smith, in his list of houses plundered and 

1 Susanna, daughter of John and Susanna (Payne) Wilson, was born 8, 
baptized 14, April, 1771 (Cutter's History of Arlington, p. 323). 


sacked in Menotomy, does not mention by name that of John 
Wilson, but the scene of destruction described in one whose 
owner's name he does not give, corresponds exactly with Phebe's 
description. 1 

Mr. William Watson Goodwin commented upon some 
points in the President's remarks, especially upon his 
reference to bed-gowns. 

The President announced that Mr. Samuel Swett 
Green had been appointed by the Council to write the 
Memoir of the Rev. Edward G. Porter, and the Rev. Edward 
H. Hall that of George 0. Shattuck. 

The Rev. Edward Hale of Cambridge and Mr. Henry 
Lee Higginson of Boston were elected Resident Members. 

1 Samuel Abbot Smith's West Cambridge on the Nineteenth of April, 
1775, pp. 40, 41. 


In the Case of Capt. Thomas Preston there is an error which, though slight, 
it is perhaps worth while to correct. In one place (p. 7), Preston speaks of a 
fracas which took place on the second of March at "one Gray's Rope- Walk," 
while a little later (p. 9) he states that on the fifth of March " three unhappy 
Men instantly expired, in which Number was Mr. Gray, at whose Rope- Walk 
the prior Quarrel took place." The owner of the rope-walk was John Gray, 
while the person killed on the fifth was one of his workmen, Samuel Gray. 


10 May, 1900. 

A Special Meeting of the Council was held in the office of 
John Noble, Esq., Clerk of the Supreme Judicial Court, 
in the Court House, Boston, on Thursday, 10 May, 1900, at two 
o'clock in the afternoon, to take action upon the death of Presi- 
dent Wheelwright, which occurred yesterday morning. 

Present, Messrs. Henry Herbert Edes, Frederick Lewis Gay, 
John Noble, James Bradley Thayer, Samuel Lothrop Thorndike, 
and Robert Noxon Toppan. 

The Second Vice-President, James Bradley Thayer, LL.D., 
occupied the chair. 

In the absence of the Recording Secretary, Mr. Edes was 
chosen Recording Secretary pro tempore. 

Mr. Thorndike offered the following Minute, which was unan- 
imously adopted by a rising vote : — 

The Council of The Colonial Society of Massachusetts, called together 
suddenly upon the death of the President, wish to express their deep 
sense of the blow which has fallen upon thein and of the great loss 
which the Society has suffered. 

Edward Wheelwright was elected a member of the Society at the 
First Stated Meeting of the Founders. He has been one of the Coun- 
cil since November, 1895, and President since February, 1897. He 
brought to our service a lifelong fondness for antiquarian and bio- 
graphical research, and during his whole membership he has promoted 
our welfare with unfailing interest and sincere attachment. But it is 
not for these things alone that he will live in our memory. We shall 
recall his cheerful fellowship at the Council board, the simple dignity 
with which he presided at the meetings of our Society, and his genial 
humor on all festive occasions. 

His career was uneventful. An intelligent traveller, a student and 
critic of art, a lover of literature, a cultivated gentleman, a member 


of many social clubs and learned societies, he passed a happy and 
contented life of unpretentious usefulness. If he had been asked to 
name his most important work, he would probably have mentioned the 
Annals of the Harvard Class of 1844. These are, indeed, in their 
biographical and genealogical fulness, a model of what a Class Record 
should be, and are an important contribution to the history of the last 
half-century. That distinguished Class has given no less than seven 
members to our Society. Wheelwright joined in our tribute to the 
memory of six of these, — Gould, Saltonstall, Slade, Hale, Sears, and 
Parkman. We mournfully bid him farewell as the last survivor of 
the seven. 

Voted, That attested copies of this Minute be sent to Mrs. 
Wheelwright and to Mr. Henry A. Wheelwright. 

Voted, That the Council will attend as a body the funeral of 
our late President, in King's Chapel, to-morrow. 

Voted, That a Special Meeting of the Society be called during 
the present month on a date to be fixed by the two Secretaries. 

The Chair appointed Messrs. Andrew McFarland Davis, 
Charles Carroll Everett, Augustus Lowell, John 
Lathrop, Arthur Theodore Lyman, Charles Pickering 
Bowditch, and Richard Middlecott Saltonstall a Com- 
mittee to draught appropriate Resolutions to be submitted to 
the Society for its consideration at the Special Meeting to be 
held in memory of Mr. Wheelwright. 


28 May, 1900. 

A Special Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
+ *- Beacon Street, Boston, on Monday, 28 May, 1900, at 
three o'clock in the afternoon. 

On the President's desk stood a large photograph of Mr. 
Wheelwright, taken on the seventy-fifth anniversary of his 
birth, draped with smilax, and beside it lay a bunch of 

In the absence of Vice-President William Watson Good- 
win", who was absent from the Commonwealth, and of Vice- 
President James Bradley Thayer, who was detained at his 
house by illness, Mr. William Taggard Piper was called to 
the chair. 

The Chairman announced the death of President Wheel- 
wright, and called upon Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis, 
who, on behalf of the Committee on Resolutions, appointed 
by the Council, submitted the following Minute : — 

The Members of The Colonial Society of Massachusetts desire 
to place upon their Records an expression of their gratitude for 
the services of their late President, Edward Wheelwright, of 
their esteem for him as a man, and of their sorrow for his death, 
which took place on the ninth of May, 1900. 

It was nearly three and one-half years ago that the members 
of this Society were shocked by the news of the sudden death of 
their first President. The conditions which confronted whoever 
might succeed him in that office were such as would have caused 
many persons to shrink from assuming the attendant responsi- 
bilities. Lacking endowment, and with its Roll of Membership 


still incomplete, the Society had nevertheless gained a reputation 
for activity, a part of which had unquestionably been acquired 
from communications secured through the personal influence of 
Dr. Gould. Unless this activity could be maintained, the future 
of the Society could not be developed along the lines which his 
ambitious hopes had prescribed. 

We have met to-day to pay tribute to the memory of the man 
who had the courage to meet this emergency. The suggestion 
of Edward Wheelwright as the proper man to fill the vacancy 
in the office of President was an inspiration. His uneventful 
life was in striking contrast with the brilliant career of his pre- 
decessor ; but if no foreign Societies pronounce his eulogy, far 
stronger evidence of his personal worth is to be found in the 
affectionate remembrance in which his name is held by all with 
whom he had to do in daily life. He was a singularly guileless 
man, contact with whom left an impression of the innocence of 
childhood. This may be attributed in part to his upright, straight- 
forward manliness of character, and partly to t^e fact that he had 
led an easy life, free from the cares and struggles which make 
men suspicious and distrustful. Although admitted to the Bar. 
he neither craved the excitement of an active professional career 
nor sought an outlet for ambition through political preferment. 
He neither sought for office of any sort nor shirked the perform- 
ance of such duties as were imposed upon him by his fellow- 
men, but was content to live in retirement the life of a cultivated 
gentleman. He was for many years the Secretary of his College 
Class, and took great pains in securing a record of the career of 
his classmates. He was happy in his domestic relations, but the 
union which was in all other respects so perfect was not blessed 
with offspring. 

When elected President of this Society, Mr. Wheelwright 
shrank, with characteristic modesty, from the responsibilities thus 
sought to be imposed upon him, but finally yielded to the per- 
suasion of his friends. Except for his loyalty to this Society, 
persuasion and pressure would have been useless ; but his inter- 
est in our affairs had grown with his attendance at our meetings, 
and his appreciation of the existing crisis made him amenable to 
the argument that if the Society was to live and prosper, it must 
have a President who believed in it and would work for it. Once 


seated in the chair of office, his confidence in himself and his faith 
in the future of the Society increased, and he brought to the per- 
formance of his duties a zeal which more than redeemed the faith 
which justified his selection for the place. 

From the time of his election by the Council as President down 
to the time of his death, Mr. Wheelwright continued to serve as 
President. Under his administration the Roll of active members 
was soon filled up ; with his cordial assistance and hearty co- 
operation a Publication Fund was raised as a Memorial to his 
predecessor; through his generosity burdensome debts were dis- 
charged. Thus the Society has been brought to a condition which 
will entirely free his successor in office from the demands for 
courage which were imposed upon him. For these services the 
Society will ever be grateful, and those of our members who have 
profited by attendance at the meetings over which he presided 
will always carry with them a pleasant memory of his dignified 
deportment and benignant presence. 

"Men of courage, men of sense, and men of letters are frequent; 
but a true gentleman is what one seldom sees." 

Mr. Abner C. Goodell paid an affectionate tribute to 
the memory of Mr. Wheelwright. "J "f fiflQ/f Q 

Mr. S. Lothkop Thorkdike then said : — 

When one who has been known by many men in the ordinary 
currents of social life, by a smaller number in some personal rela- 
tion of affairs, by a few intimately, — one who has passed a placid 
existence unmarked by important events or notable enterprises, 
and has at last, in the fulness of years, gone from us, the words 
that we may speak in his memory must all be in the same tone. 
They can only be words of sorrow and regret for a friendship that 
has passed into recollection, a companionship that has been sev- 
ered, a worthy and amiable life that has finished its earthly career. 

We have sometimes had occasion in this Society to pronounce 
the eulogy of an eminent man of science, a learned judge, a great 
statesman, a man distinguished in commerce, or finance, or politi- 
cal economy, or classical learning, or historical research. The 
task is easy then. We have only to say, Think what he has 


done ! think what the world has lost ! But in cases like that 
which we are now met to reflect upon, — and we have had many, 
too many of them, — we can only say, Think what we have lost ! 

" For some we loved, the loveliest and the best 
That from his vintage rolling Time has pressed, 
Have drunk their cup an hour or two before, 
And one by one crept silently to rest." 

I feel, too, that I ought to listen rather than to speak on this 
occasion, because I knew President Wheelwright so little, and for so 
short a time, — never at all, indeed, until I met him here. And 
since my first acquaintance I have hardly met him in any other 
place than this except, occasionally, in the St. Botolph Club, of 
which we both were members. But the acquaintance was 
easy to form, and once formed was one of the pleasantest that 
I have ever known. At one time, indeed, I had much to do with 
him. It was when I was preparing a Memoir of our first Presi- 
dent, who had been Wheelwright's classmate in college. The 
help that I got from him, and the familiarity that I acquired with 
all his college contemporaries, made me feel as if I had known the 
Class of 1844 all my life. 

When a man not older than Wheelwright dies there are almost 
always, in every circle like this of ours, those who can furnish 
recollections of his childhood and youth. Once or twice since his 
death, I have met men who spoke of him regretfully as Ned 
Wheelwright, but they were not members of our Colonial Society. 
Here we have none such, except, indeed, his cousin, and perhaps 
one other of our associates a good many years older than he. 

It is noteworthy that when this Society was formed, seven years 
aoro, there were three men of the Class of 1844 among its Charter 
members. Three more were added from that Class at the first 
Stated Meeting, and a seventh at the second Stated Meeting. 
It is very hard to realize and sad to remember that in this 
short space of seven years, all these men have died, Wheelwright 
being the latest survivor. We have now, I think, no one in the 
Society who could have been in college with him except his 
cousin, of whom I have spoken, of the Class of 1847, — no one 
older, in point of graduation, except Henry Williams, of the 
Class of 1837. I speak of Wheelwright thus, in connection with 


Harvard College, almost as if this were a meeting of Harvard 
graduates, because it must needs be that a society like ours, exist- 
ing here in Boston, must draw largely upon Harvard for its 
membership ; and also for another reason : that he had spent so 
much time — one might almost say so many years — upon the 
annals of his College Class. 

The Resolutions passed by our Council speak of these Annals as 
an important contribution to history. The phrase seems to me 
not exaggerated. I think that the historian of to-day, if he could 
find such annals of a class graduated a hundred years ago, would 
esteem them as a rare treasure, and that the historian of a hun- 
dred years hence will find ample material to draw upon in Wheel- 
wright's full details of the lives of the men of 1844. 

I need not dwell upon President Wheelwright's usefulness to 
this Society. His contributions to our proceedings, though them- 
selves of value, are perhaps second in importance to the interest 
in and attachment to our work which he manifested himself and 
imparted to others. Others will speak of this. To us who have 
known him in the informal gatherings at the Council board, the 
thing that we shall miss will be the gracious presence, the cheer- 
ful greeting, the genial humor, the apt anecdote of travel, the 
expert criticism upon art. It is there, even more than in the 
President's chair at our Stated Meetings, that we shall find his 
place not easy to fill. 

Mr. Davis, having been called upon, then said that he 
was glad to avail himself of an opportunity to say a few 
words concerning the pleasant relations which had existed 
between Mr. Wheelwright and himself, his only regret being 
that they would necessarily be somewhat informal, since he 
had supposed that the presentation of the Report of the 
Committee on Resolutions would prevent him from partici- 
pating further in the proceedings of the day. His acquaint- 
ance with Mr. Wheelwright merely covered the life of this 
Society, being based originally upon a strong sympathy with 
the affectionate esteem in which Dr. Gould held his class- 
mate and friend, and, later, upon the surer foundation of an 


appreciative knowledge of the uniformly courteous manner 
in which Mr. Wheelwright treated those with whom he had 
dealings, whether their sentiments were in accord with his or 
not. No person had mentioned to-day, what was easily to be 
traced, — the steady growth of Mr. Wheelwright's interest in 
the actual work of this Society, and, simultaneously, in all 
work of kindred nature. Up to the time of the organization 
of this Society, Mr. Wheelwright had not done any historical 
or biographical work, except such as he was necessarily called 
upon to perform in connection with the Necrology of his 
Class, which, as Class Secretary, he had undertaken to keep 
up. In the performance of this duty, he was greatly stimu- 
lated by contact with workers in the same field. 

The Society would recall the admirable Memoir of Park- 
man which graced the pages of its Publications, and would 
recognize in the character of the work shown in the paper 
on Martin Gay how much had been lost through the fact 
that Mr. Wheelwright's talents w r ere not earlier directed 
towards literary work of this sort. He himself felt that he 
was indebted to the Society for introducing him to this field 
of labor, and at the very last meeting over which he pre- 
sided, in presenting a paper which contained some reminis- 
cences of his childhood, bearing upon historical topics, he 
added, " I have often wished of late that I had known 
about the Colonial Society in those days, for I was told 
many things which were worth preserving, and if I had 
known then as much about such matters as I do now, I 
would have made a record of them." " It is a great satisfac- 
tion," continued Mr. Davis, " to feel that Mr. Wheelwright 
was so thoroughly in sympathy with us ; and, as we cast our 
eyes back over the steady growth of his interest in historical 
work, our sorrow that he could not have been spared longer 
to share our labors will only be equalled by our regret that 
he w r as not attracted to work of this kind earlier in life." 


The Kecording Secretary read the following letter : — 

Boston, May 26, 1900. 

Henry W. Cunningham, Esq., 

Recording Secretary. 

My dear Sir, — As it will be impossible for me to attend the meeting 
of the Society, to be held on Monday next, in memory of the late Pres- 
ident, Mr. Edward Wheelwright, I desire to say that I am very sensible 
of the severe loss which has been occasioned to the Society by reason 
of his death. 

Although my personal acquaintance with Mr. Wheelwright began 
only after this Society was formed, our relations were always of the 
most friendly and cordial nature, and I became impressed not only with 
the sterling qualities of the character of Mr. Wheelwright, but with the 
fact that he was just the kind of man to be the leader in a Society like 

It seemed peculiarly fitting that those who have undertaken, as we 
have, to make as perfect a record as possible of the doings of the 
sturdy characters of old, and to cherish the memory of whatever they 
accomplished for truth and right, should have had at our head a man 
like Mr. Wheelwright, whose fine character and high ideals revealed 
themselves more and more as he became better known. 

I beg you to express to the Meeting my feeling of regret that I am 
unable to be present. 

Very truly yours, 

Charles S. Rackemann. 

Mr. Henry H. Edes then paid this tribute to the memory 
of the late President : — 

Mr. Chairman, — The Minute which the Committee on Reso- 
lutions has submitted refers to Mr. Wheelwright's courage, 
modesty, and generosity ; to his interest in our work, to his loyalty 
to the Society and his faith in its future, and to the affectionate 
remembrance in which his memory is held by those who came in 
daily contact with him. To all these things, and more, I can 
bear personal testimony, for, with perhaps a single exception, I saw 
more of him than did any other member of the Society. He was a 
constant visitor at my office, rarely, if ever, going down to State 
Street without making me a friendly call on his way home to 
luncheon. The Society and its work were uppermost in his 


thought and conversation, and he was eager always to know what 
was most needed to promote its welfare and how he could most 
effectively contribute to it. On several occasions he asked me if 
we were not in need of money for our current work, and, if I had 
been disposed to ask for it, I am sure that his check would have been 
forthcoming for any sum which I might have named. Indeed, in a 
single instance, I told him how he could render the Society incal- 
culable service. Without a moment's hesitation he wrote a check 
for twenty-five hundred dollars, saying he was glad to have the 
opportunity to do something substantial for the Society ; and it 
was after making this generous contribution to our treasury that 
he frequently asked if I did not want him to do more. 

Mr. Wheelwright's gift was known to but few of our fellowship, 
and they alone were aware that the occasion for it was also the 
reason for the delay in the issue of our Publications, — consequent 
upon the suspension of our printing for a year and a half. Besides 
this large gift, which, with characteristic modesty, he insisted 
should be anonjmious, Mr. Wheelwright contributed at various 
times other generous sums which have augmented our Permanent 

Mr. Wheelwright's interest in our Publications was veiy great. 
He was especially proud of the thoroughness with which our work 
has been done. To this interest in our work Mr. Wheelwright 
has again borne noble testimony in 'his will, concerning which he 
talked with me when he was drawing it, saying that, although 
he was extremely busy with other matters, he had put them aside 
and given precedence to that business, because — to use his own 
words — he wanted " to make sure that the Colonial Society is 
taken care of." As Mr. Wheelwright's will has been filed in the 
Probate Office, it is no breach of the confidence with which he 
honored me to announce at this time that he has bequeathed to 
the Society the munificent sum of twenty thousand dollars. 

As Mr. Davis proceeded with the reading of the admirable 
Minute which is now before the Meeting, I was impressed by 
the fact that that tribute to Mr. Wheel wriffht's devotion to the 
Society and its interests, and to his pecuniary assistance in vari- 
ous undertakings, referred wholly to the past, and that it was 
written without a hint or suspicion of the generous provisions 
for the Society's needs contained in Mr. Wheelwright's will. 


Great, however, as was Mr. Wheelwright's interest in this 
Society, it was not allowed to absorb an undue share of his at- 
tention. Always abreast of the times, and of a sunny and hope- 
ful temperament, his interest in art and in the best literature, 
in the drama, in public affairs, in his College Class and its sur- 
vivors, in Harvard College matters, and in those of the Porcel- 
lian and other college societies of which he was a member, in 
his friends, and in his beautiful estate at Cohasset, which was his 
summer home for nearly forty years, — in all these his interest 
was keen, and it was sustained till the very end of his life. 

Mr. Wheelwright's interest in his family history remained till 
the last, and only a few days before his fatal illness he finally 
revised the proof of an article entitled The Lowell Pedigree, 
which will appear in the July number of the New England His- 
torical and Genealogical Register. A few weeks ago, and after 
long and persistent inquiry, Mr. Wheelwright completed the 
Records of his Class by discovering the date and place of the 
death of the only one of his classmates concerning whose survival 
there had been a doubt. 

Of all the academic or other honors which came to Mr. Wheel- 
wright, there was none which brought to him so much satisfaction 
as his election, last June, to fellowship in the Harvard Chapter of 
the Fraternity of Phi Beta Kappa. Without knowledge on his 
part of the fact of his nomination to honorary fellowship in the 
Society, he had been invited to attend, as a guest, the public 
exercises in Sanders Theatre and the dinner. When he ap- 
peared in the College Yard, after his election had been announced 
to him, wearing the colors of the Society, he was at once sur- 
rounded by such of his classmates as were members of the Fra- 
ternity and welcomed to fellowship with the utmost cordiality, — 
a welcome in which many of his younger friends, who were alike 
members of this Society and of the Fraternity, joined. 

During the winter months, Mr. Wheelwright lived in Boston, 
at No. 22 Chestnut Street. For more than seventy-six years this 
house was his home, and there he died, in the room in which he 
was born. 

It is with no ordinary emotion that we take our leave of this 
dearly loved associate and friend. Faithful, loyal, kind, pattern 
of an ancient courtesy that is fast becoming a tradition, I keenly 


miss his almost daily call, his cordial greeting, his benignant pres- 
ence ; and the memory of our friendship, of the nobility of his 
character, and of his devotion to this Society will always be to 
me a very precious possession. 

The Minute was then unanimously adopted by a rising 

Mr. Edes said that shortly after the photograph upon the 
President's desk was taken, Mr. Wheelwright brought it to 
him with a copy, saying, " One of these portraits is for 
yourself; the other you can put away, and some day 
give it to the Society." Mr. Edes said that this seemed to 
him to be the proper occasion to bring this gift to the atten- 
tion of the Society, and accordingly he presented it in Mr. 
Wheelwright's name. 

The Chairman then announced the death, on the sixth of 
May, of the Hon. William Crowninshield Endicott, and 
called upon Mr. John Noble, who spoke as follows : — 

I shall not speak at any length, or attempt to give to the 
memory of Judge Endicott such a tribute as a character and life 
like his demand; that is rather for him who shall write the 
Memoir for our Transactions. My first recollection of our late 
associate dates back more than fifty years. It was in the old Col- 
lege Yard, in front of University Hall, when he was leaving and I 
was entering the College. I well remember the impression made 
upon a boy fresh from the New Hampshire hills by one who 
seemed to be the highest type of a Harvard student, and the per- 
sonification of the culture and elegance and indefinable charm of 
address and bearing which should mark the finished product of 
the ancient University as she sent it out into the world, — " the 
bright, consummate flower." Not wholly unlike that, I think, 
has been the impression which he has left on all who have met him 
in later life, in the wider scene of his distinguished career. 

For many years Judge Endicott was an eminent member of the 
Essex Bar, — a Bar famous always in the history of Massa- 
chusetts. He early established a reputation as a sagacious coun- 


sellor, a learned lawyer, an eloquent advocate, and equally a man 
of business and affairs. Without seeming to work, he handled 
his cases as if they were playthings, with a skill and ability and 
readiness of resource which ended in nearly invariable success. 
He was not a mere lawyer, however, but a man of varied accom- 
plishments, of wide information, fond of the best literature, and 
well read in it, versed in our early Colonial history, of broad cul- 
ture and scholarly tastes. 

Endicott came upon the Bench of the highest Court of the Com- 
monwealth in 1873, and at once took his place as one of its ablest 
members. He was well grounded and well read, and with the 
ability to make a ready use of his acquisitions. He had sound 
common-sense, practical capacity, clear and rapid judgment, and 
the legal instinct, often more valuable in an emergency than wide 
learning or deep research, — that legal instinct which knows at 
once and intuitively what the law in a given case must be, or 
at least should be, and which solves the knottiest or most novel 
questions. He had a rare faculty of grasping evidence and getting 
at the truth, catching with quickness the essentials and mastering 
the details, however complicated. Careful, considerate, impartial, 
prompt, rapid, decided, he bore himself to universal acceptance as 
a Judge at nisi prius, in judicial hearings, and especially in those 
causes now the main business of the Court upon the Equity side 
of its jurisdiction. His Opinions in the Reports which cover the 
nine years of his service make his lasting monument as a lawyer 
and a judge. 

At various periods of his life, Judge Endicott was prominent in 
political affairs. Belonging to the minority and not the dominant 
party, his position was more often that of the candidate than of 
the incumbent. Entering the Cabinet of President Cleveland, in 
1885, as Secretary of War, he was, through the whole of Cleve- 
land's first term, a prominent and influential member of that 
brilliant Administration. In those times of peace and prosperity, 
there was not that opportunity for signal distinction or for con- 
spicuous failure which finds a place in more strenuous periods ; but 
his career throughout was clear, successful, and honorable, — 
alike creditable to himself and serviceable to the country. 

Harvard College and all that concerned it was always an object 
of Judge Endicott's special interest. For about ten years (1875- 


1882, 1883-1885) he was on the Board of Overseers, and later 
(1884-1895) a member of the Corporation. He was also, for a 
considerable time, the graduate head of one of its oldest and most 
famous Clubs. 

A lineal descendant of one of the earliest Colonists and best- 
known magistrates of the Massachusetts Bay, our late associate 
held in transmitted succession many of the distinguishing char- 
acteristics of Governor Endicott, softened and tempered by the 
liberalizing influences of two hundred years. He had his sturdy 
strength and courage, his determination and decision, his un- 
swerving integrity and independence, his self-reliance, his settled 
convictions, his high sense of honor, his fidelity to duty. Digni- 
fied and courteous, aristocratic in temper and bearing, — yet in 
many ways singularly democratic in feeling and opinion, — courtly 
in manner, an engaging companion, a warm and faithful friend, 
blood, breeding, and instinct united to make him, always and 
everywhere, a gentleman. 

At the conclusion of his Remarks, Mr. Noble read a 
letter from the Hon. Francis C. Lowell expressing his 
regret that his duties upon the Bench precluded his attend- 
ance at this Meeting. 



HPHE Annual Meeting was held at the University Club, 
JL No. 270 Beacon Street, Boston, on Wednesday, 21 
November, 1900, at six o'clock in the evening, the First 
Vice-President, William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L., in the 

The Records of the Stated Meeting in April, and of the 
Special Meeting in May, in memory of the late President, 
were read and approved. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had 
been received from the Reverend Edward Hale and Mr. 
Henry Lee Higginson accepting Resident Membership. 

The Report of the Council was presented and read by 
Mr. John Noble. 


The year now closing has been prosperous and successful. The 
financial condition of the Society will be set out in full in the 
Treasurer's Report. The available funds are limited and on a 
modest scale, but, for a young Society, the prospect is encouraging. 
We wait in hope. The past is secure, the present sound and 

In the death of its President, Edward Wheelwright, the 
Society has met with a loss in many respects irreparable. His 
kindly presence, his dignity and grace as a presiding officer, his 
many historical and literary communications, the felicity of the 
memoirs which he wrote, his generosity, — so modest and so oppor- 
tune, — his keen interest in the Society, his absolute devotion to 
its welfare and service, the wisdom of his advice in the Council, 
and the successful conduct of all its affairs have made memorable 
his connection with the Society as a member, and his administra- 


tion as its President. His munificent bequest of -$20,000, which 
alone would embalm his memory with the Society, proves a devo- 
tion that did not end with his life. His death came suddenly 
after the close of our Stated Meetings. A Special Meeting of the 
Council was at once called, and a Special Memorial Meeting of 
the Society was held on the twenty-eighth of May. The proceed- 
ings at both meetings will hereafter appear in our Transactions. 

The year has brought also the loss of five other of the most 
valued and eminent of the Resident Members : — 

Edward Griffin Porter, an authority on the local history of 
Boston, and of all New England ; a man of wide and marvellous 
knowledge, general and detailed, of our early history, — a knowl- 
edge instantly available and ever at the service of all asking it; 
a devoted member of the Society, always present when on this side 
of the Atlantic, whose numerous contributions have given interest 
and value to our Transactions. 

William Crowninshield Endicott, distinguished alike at 
the bar, on the bench, and in the cabinet, a valued member 
whose failing health deprived us of his frequent presence. 

Augustus Lowell, fit representative of a family identified for 
generations with the history of the City and of the Commonwealth, 
through the judiciary, the institutions of learning, science and 
philanthropy, and the great textile industries, and with the whole 
public life of both ; himself a man of business and affairs of the 
highest standing in the community ; a public-spirited citizen of 
the best type of old Boston life, who worthily bore the duties 
imposed by his inheritance ; a man of scholarly tastes and acquire- 
ments, and, in private relations, a faithful and whole-souled friend. 

John Elbridge Hudson, who singularly combined the scholar, 
the man of learning and literary ability, the administrative and 
executive genius, and the capable and successful business man, 
and who was, withal, a genial companion, beloved by all with 
whom he came in touch. 

Charles Carroll Everett, the divine, the teacher, the phil- 
osopher, who has left an abiding impress on the whole religious 
thought and life of the day. Dr. Everett has been most closely 
connected with the Society since his entrance into our fellowship, 
— a most interested and efficient member, and, for three years, one 
of the Council. He was, this year, the Chairman of the Committee 


on Nominations, and upon him would have devolved the duty of 
making its report at this meeting. 

Memoirs have been assigned to the following named members: — 
that of Mr. Porter to Samuel Swett Green , of Judge Endicott to 
Joseph Hodges Choate ; of President Wheelwright to Henry 
Herbert Edes ; of Mr. Hudson to James Bradley Thayer; of Dr. 
Everett to the Reverend Edward Hale ; of Mr. Lowell to Judge 
Francis Cabot Lowell ; and that of George Otis Shattuck, originally 
assigned to a member whose own memoir has since been com- 
municated to the Society, to the Reverend Edward Henry Hall. 

The year has brought the first break in our Honorary and 
Corresponding Rolls. 

John Howland Ricketson, a Corresponding Member, died on 
the twentieth of July. Graduating in the Harvard Class of 1859, 
after following for a time his chosen profession, the law, he became 
the head of a large manufacturing corporation, the affairs of which 
he successfully conducted for thirty years, and was always looked 
to as an able representative of the great iron industry of Penn- 
sylvania. Through these years he was closely connected with 
the interests and many of the important events of the city of his 
adoption, Pittsburgh. Political honors, often offered, he always 
declined. He was a devoted son of Harvard, carrying with him 
the Harvard spirit, and the College is indebted to him for many 
valuable services. Kind, tender, generous, thoughtful, of winning 
personality, he made friends everywhere and left an abiding mem- 
ory with all who knew him. 

Edward John Phelps, the first to die of those whose names 
are borne on our short and carefully-guarded roll of Honorary 
Members, has left a reputation, both national and international, 
as an expounder and teacher of law, as a statesman and as a 
diplomatist, and, perhaps even better and higher than all, as a 
public-spirited citizen of the American Republic, — a patriot in the 
broadest and highest sense, who loved and served his country, 
privately and publicly, with equal devotion and ability. His 
gracious presence at more than one of our Annual Dinners, — 
for the last time a year ago, — will come back to us to-night with 
longing and tender memories. The touching and felicitous tribute 
paid by our late honored President to Mr. Phelps at the Stated 
Meeting after his death, will appear in full in our Transactions. 


During the year, five Resident Members have been enrolled, — 

James Ford Rhodes, 
Edward Henry Hall, 
John Gorham Palfrey, 
Edward Hale, 
Henry Lee Higginson ; 

and the names of six Corresponding Members, — 

James Phinney Baxter, 

Arthur Twining Hadley, 

John Chandler Bancroft Davis, 

Moses Coit Tyler, 

John Shaw Billings, 

Horace Howard Furness, 

have been added to the Roll. 

Beside the Annual Meeting and Dinner, in November, five Stated 
Meetings have been held, from December to April, and the Special 
Meeting in honor of President Wheelwright, in May. The Meet- 
ing in January, occurring on the anniversary of Franklin's birth, 
gave occasion to some reference to his life and the part he played 
in American history. At all the meetings the attendance was 
good for a body, made up like this, of busy men, engrossed by 
their own imperative duties and occupations and controlled by 
conflicting engagements. Constant attendance in such case is, of 
course, impossible. None the less are full meetings desirable, as 
at once not merely among the evidences, but also among the 
causes, of success. Such an attendance involves a corresponding 
obligation, — that all the meetings shall be made more and more 
interesting and better and better worth attending, by due effort 
and provision on the part of all. A notable feature of the meetings 
has been the increased and increasing participation by the members 
generally in the discussions following the reading of the papers. 

Something more than twenty papers were communicated in the 
course of the year, all of interest, and some of especial importance 
and value. They covered a variety of subjects. Time and space 
do not allow of details. Diaries and original correspondence were 
brought out, throwing light on the domestic, social and political 
conditions of the times ; there were various historical papers, some 
on the obscurer and less familiar events of Colonial and Provincial 


days , there were side-lights on well-known characters in our his- 
tory, some venerable historical errors were detected and corrected; 
some well-known lists, supposed to be full and authentic, were 
shown to be defective and inaccurate ; the origin and transmuta- 
tions of geographical names were given, interesting in themselves, 
and of value in many directions, copies of little known State 
Papers, of records — town, state and court — were exhibited, be- 
sides many original documents ; and other contributions of many 
kinds were made during the year. Beside the communications 
already mentioned, there have been memoirs of deceased mem- 
bers presented, the last among them being that of Dr. Joseph 
Henry Allen by Dr. Charles Carroll Everett. 

During the year a volume of Transactions filling nearly six hun- 
dred pages, thoroughly indexed and well illustrated, has been issued 
and distributed to the members, as well as a serial of more than 
two hundred pages, — a part of the current volume. The work 
of printing is being pushed forward as rapidly as is consistent with 
accuracy, proper editing, good workmanship, and the necessity of 
keeping our expenditures within our slender income. 

The life and strength of any Society like this must lie largely 
in its Publications, hence the need is apparent of a permanent and 
generous endowment set apart as a Publication Fund. The in- 
come of a fund of 850,000, were such possible, — and may not 
such an amount be hoped for in due time ? — could be well and 
profitably employed, and is none too large to meet the demands 
and effect the purposes and plans of the Society even at the 
present time. 

A most pressing need of the Society is a permanent, conven- 
ient and comfortable abiding place. For several years it enjoyed 
and was dependent upon the courteous hospitality of the American 
Academy of Arts and Sciences. The past year it has met a like 
courtesy and kinduess at the hands of the American Unitarian 
Association, and has held its meetings in its Building, No. 25 
Beacon Street. For this most opportune and generous hospitality 
the Society is greatly indebted. The Council has conveyed to the 
Association an expression of its grateful appreciation of this hos- 
pitality. This Society is as yet young, and must, of necessity, 
temper its hopes and expectations with the modesty becoming its 
youth, and try to console itself with the reflection that "all things 


come round to him who will but wait." Meanwhile, the need is 
none the less apparent. A fixed and commodious home would at 
once insure the gilt of books, manuscripts and collections, beside 
relics, portraits, pictures, photographs, and valuable articles of all 
kinds, not a few of which have been, from time to time, offered 
or promised in the future, when suitable and safe accommodations 
shall have been provided. 

Mention has been made in previous Reports of movements of 
municipal and other corporations and bodies looking to the pub- 
lication of important ancient records. Beside the work of the 
City of Cambridge, thus mentioned, the First Parish in Cambridge 
has lately appointed a committee which is now considering the 
question of printing its Church Registers, — a purpose the carry- 
ing out of which is earnestly to be hoped for. 

The Council has often referred in its Reports to the fields open- 
ing to this and kindred organizations, and has suggested directions 
and methods of historical work, and plans and projects that seemed 
to it worthy of consideration. These suggestions need not be 
repeated ; it is enough to renew them. 

And now, at the opening of another year, the Council feels that 
the Society has fully established its right to be, that its future is 
assured, and that it may start upon the coming year with well- 
grounded confidence and sanguine hope. 

The Reports of the Treasurer and of the Committee to 
examine the Treasurer's Accounts were then submitted, as 
follows : — 


The By-Laws of the Society require of the Treasurer, at the 
Annual Meeting, a statement of the financial operations during 
the preceding year and of the amount, character, and condition 
of the investments. In obedience to this requirement, I have the 
honor to submit the following Report. 




Balance, 10 November, 1899 $280.92 

Admission Fees • $50.00 

Annual Assessments . . • 780.00 

Commutation of the Annual Assessment from one Member 100.00 

Interest , 726.87 

Sales of the Society's Publications ... .... 47.60 

Contributions from two Members 213.44 

Gift to the Publication Fund from Edward Wheelwright 100.00 
Withdrawn from Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank 1,125.00 3,142.91 

~ $3,423.83 


University Press : printing $1,390.28 

21 reams paper . . . . ' 144.19 

A. W. Elson and Company, photogravures and plate printing 126.74 

J. A. Wilcox, plate printing 10.30 

Suffolk Engraving Company 1.25 

Hill, Smith and Company, stationery 12.10 

Houghton and Clark, wreath 8.00 

Boston Parcel Delivery Company 24.88 

William H. Hart, auditing 5.00 

Clerical service 73.15 

Miscellaneous incidentals 405.76 

Deposited in Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank . . 1,198.23 

Interest in adjustment 17.50 


Balance on Deposit in the Third National Bank of Boston, 

17 November, 1900 6.45 


The Funds of the Society are invested as follows . — 

$13,500.00 in First Mortgages, payable in gold coin, on improved property in 
Boston and Cambridge. 
520.00 deposited in the Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank. 



Cash . $6.45 

Mortgages $13,500.00 

Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank 520.00 14,020.00 




Income $6.45 

Publication Fund $700.00 

General Fund 3,320.00 

Gould Memorial Fund 10,000.00 14,020.00 


Henry H. Edes, 
Boston, 17 November, 1900. Treasurer. 


The undersigned, a Committee appointed to examine the accounts 
of the Treasurer of The Colonial Society of Massachusetts for the 
year ending 17 November, 1900, have attended to that duty, and 
report that they find them correctly kept and properly vouched ; 
and that proper evidence of the investments and of the balance 
of cash on hand has been shown to us. 

Andrew C. Wheelwright, 

Francis H. Lincoln, 

Boston, 19 November, 1900. 

The several Reports were accepted and referred to the 
Committee of Publication. 

Mr. Albert Matthews, on behalf of the Committee to 
nominate candidates for Officers for the ensuing year, made 
the following Report : — 









1900.] ANNUAL DINNER. 53 







The Report was accepted ; and, a ballot being taken, these 
gentlemen were unanimously elected. 

Mr. Samuel Swett Green communicated a Memoir of 
Edward Griffin Porter, which he had been requested to 
prepare for publication in the Transactions. 

After the dissolution of the meeting, dinner was served to 
the members and their guests, — General Joseph Wheeler 
and Mr. George Parker Winship, a Corresponding Member 
of the Society. Vice-President Goodwin presided and the 
Reverend Edward Hale invoked the Divine blessing. 

After dinner, the members rose and, in silence, drank to 
the memory of Edward Wheelwright. Speeches were made 
by Professor Goodwin, General Wheeler, Mr. Winship 
and the President-elect, Professor Kittredge. 

Mr. Henry H. Edes addressed the Chair as follows : — 

Mr. Chairman, — There is one familiar face which we all miss 
to-night, — that of our oldest member, whose attendance at our 
meetings has been as constant as his devotion to every interest 
of the Society. In a note received from him this morning, he 
writes : — 

It is with real reluctance and regret that I find myself unable to join 
you. My illness, last summer, took away very much of my elasticity 
of movement, besides twenty or more pounds of my avoirdupois, and I 
am but slowly, though, I believe, surely, getting back to my normal 




condition. A man well on in the eighties must husband his resources, 
and I mean to reserve myself for the meetings of the coming year, 
which I hope to attend regularly. 

The recollection of the past dinners is very pleasant, and there are 
many hands I should be glad to shake this year, as Mr. Goodell's, 
Lindsay Swift's, and many others — so I shall remember you all on 
the twenty-first. 

I am sure, Sir, that we shall all be glad to rise and drink to the 
health of our devoted and chivalrous old friend. I give you the 
health of Mr. Henry Williams, of the Harvard Class of 1837. 








Edward Griffin Porter was born in Boston, 24 January, 
1837. He was the son of Royal Loomis Porter, editor and pro- 
prietor of the Boston Traveller, a newspaper which he started in 
1825. Mr. Royal Porter died in Charleston, South Carolina, where 
he had gone for the benefit of his health, in 1844. Edward Porter's 
mother was Sarah Ann Pratt, who was born in Charlestown, Mas- 
sachusetts, in 1812, and is still living. 

In 1623, John Porter came from the West of England to Plym- 
outh, in the Colony of that name. Branches of the family after- 
wards settled in Parmington and Hartford, Connecticut, and in 
Danvers and Hadley, Massachusetts. Edward Porter was de- 
scended, in the sixth generation, from the first settler in East 
Hartford, Connecticut. A son of the first settler there was James 
Porter, born in 1720. His son, James, was born in 1745. James's 
son, Daniel, was born in East Hartford in 1776, but after the war 
moved to Williamstown, Massachusetts. He had a son, Royal 
Loomis, born in Vermont in 1801, who was the father of Edward 
Griffin Porter. 

Mr. Royal Porter was an only son. He graduated at "Williams 
Collega in 1823 and taught school a year or two in New York 
State before removing to Boston. He is said to have edited the 
Traveller with signal ability and success, until he died. He was 
buried near his father in the old cemetery at Williamstown. 

Edward Porter lived in Boston until he was seven years old ; 
his father then moved to Canton, Massachusetts, but, dying within 
a year, the family returned to Boston. Mrs. Porter, left a widow 


with three children, — Frank, Edward, and William, — soon married 
Nathan Carruth, a Boston merchant. The family lived in Hancock 
Street for about two years and then moved to Dorchester, Massa- 
chusetts, where Mr. Carruth had built a large house in the gothic 
style, on an elevated spot, regarded as one of the most eligible in 
the vicinity of Boston. Edward Porter always spoke warmly of 
the never-failing kindness of his step-father. 

After attending several private and public schools, Porter, in 
1851, entered Phillips Academy, Andover, which was then under 
the charge of the celebrated educator, Samuel Harvey Taylor. 
He remained in the Academy during the usual course of prepara- 
tion for college. He graduated in the summer of 1851, after pro- 
nouncing an oration on the Genius of Labor, and left school with 
high hopes and a stout heart to enter upon college life. 

In January, 1853, Porter united, by public profession of faith, 
with the Second Church in Dorchester, then under the pastoral 
care of the Rev. James H. Means. 

It had always been Porter's wish and that of his friends that he 
should go to college. In 1854, he was admitted to Williams 
College, after examination. It was by his own choice rather than 
that of his friends, who preferred he should go to Harvard College, 
that he went to Williams. He soon became disappointed with the 
educational advantages offered there and with his surroundings, 
and in the autumn of 1855, too late to have his name appear in 
the first edition of the Catalogue for that year, he transferred his 
connection to Harvard College. While at Williams College he 
joined the Alpha Delta Phi Society. In Cambridge he had only 
a few intimate friends, but those who knew him well were warmly 
attached to him and respected him highly. He did not attain to 
a high rank in his Class, — very likely did not seek it, — but was 
generally regarded as industrious, thoroughly in earnest, a man 
of considerable attainments and good scholarship. 

The Class of 1858 in Harvard College does not stand out con- 
spicuous by reason of a large number of its members having be- 
come famous. Still, it is pleasant to remark that nearly every 
member has done well while he lived, and many members have be- 
come eminent. Samuel Pasco was for several years a United 
States Senator from Florida, and Frederic George Bromberg, 
William Elliot, and the late William Fitzhugh Lee have repre- 


sented in Congress districts in Alabama, South Carolina, and Vir- 
ginia, respectively. Locally, the names of Winslow Warren and 
Henry Pickering Walcott will be recognized as belonging to men 
who have won distinction in public life in Massachusetts. The 
latter has also been, for several years, a Fellow of Harvard College. 
Among the teachers are Benjamin Graves Brown, Professor of 
Mathematics in Tufts College, the lately deceased Bradbury Long- 
fellow Cilley, and George Albert Wentworth, for many years 
instructors in the Phillips Exeter Academy, the veteran George 
Washington Copp Noble of Boston, Eugene Frederick Bliss of 
Cincinnati, Ohio, and Joseph Alden Shaw of the Highland Mili- 
tary Academy, Worcester, Massachusetts. Of the physicians, the 
names are well known of John Homans, Robert Thaxter Edes, 
John Gray Park, and George Ebenezer Francis. The Reverend 
Henry Wilder Foote, Minister of King's Chapel, Boston, was a 
member of the Class ; and among those members who became 
lawyers are Judge Alfred Stedman Hartwell of Honolulu, Ha- 
waiian Islands, Judge William Henry Fox of Taunton, Massachu- 
setts, and James Clarke Davis, of Boston. Of the representatives 
of the Class in business may be mentioned John Lowell Gard- 
ner, recently deceased, Hersey Bradford Goodwin, and the two 
Tobeys, — Gerard Curtis and Horace Pratt. Well-known Boston 
families were represented by Fisher Ames, Josiah Bradlee, Louis 
Cabot, Benjamin William Crowninshield, Ozias Goodwin, Hollis 
Hunnewell, and Edward Bromfield Mason. George Edward Pond, 
who has lately died, was always an editor or editorial writer, and 
is particularly remembered by his connection with the Army and 
Navy Journal during the Civil War. The writer of this Memoir 
has helped to give completeness to the list of occupations in the 
Class by nearly thirty years' service as a librarian. 

Several members of the Class of 1858 have shown a decided 
interest in American history, and Porter was prominent among ^ , <s 
them. The most eminent of these is Henry Adams, known to his 
classmates by the name of Henry Brooks Adams, by which name he 
was designated in the catalogue throughout his college course. 
George Dexter, Foote, John Charles Phillips (Porter's room-mate 
in the Senior year), Porter, Robert Noxon Toppan, Walcott, and 
Warren have been or are Resident Members of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society. Adams, Bliss, Dexter, Foote, Francis, Green, 


Porter, and Toppan are the living and deceased members of the 
Class who have represented it in the American Antiquarian Society. 
Many members of the Class have belonged to other historical 
societies and served as officers in them, to say nothing of those 
who are past or present members of this Society. 1 

The Class lost some of its most promising members by early 
death, among them William Gibbons of New York City. He was 
with the Class for a few months as a Sophomore, but died in 
Cambridge in that year. The most serious losses, however, came 
through the Civil War. The time of the graduation of the Class 
was such that many members served as soldiers. Five lost their 
lives, and among them were such men of promise as James Jackson 
Lowell, Henry Lyman Patten, and Thomas Jefferson Spurr. The 
Class had representatives in both armies. A story is told of a 
meeting, during the war, of William Fitzhugh Lee, a son of Gen- 
eral Robert E. Lee, and Nicholas Longworth Anderson. They 
were Generals in the Confederate and Union armies, respectively, 
and found themselves, one night, on opposite sides of a river. 
Anderson, the story runs, sent a pleasant message to his old class- 
mate Lee, but the latter's feelings were too strong to allow him to 
reciprocate the courtesy. He sent back word that he could have 
no correspondence with a man of such objectionable principles as 
those of Anderson. The latter afterwards made his home in 
Washington. Lee's place was near that city after the war, and, as 
before stated, he was in Congress. The two old friends must have 
often laughed heartily over the above-mentioned scene when they 
renewed, as they did, their hearty friendship in the Capital of the 

Porter wrote in his college class-book, 18 May, 1858, that he was 
to sail for Europe the next day. " My present plans," he con- 
tinues, " are to travel six months in Europe with my mother, study 
during the following winter at Heidelberg, and return in 1859 to 
enter upon the study of theology." He did not return, however, 
until July, 1861. While abroad he studied at Berlin and Heidel- 
berg and paid his first visit to the East, spending much time in 
travelling in Egypt and Syria. 

In 1861, Porter took the degree of Master of Arts. In Septem- 

1 Messrs. Louis Cabot, Samuel Swett Green, Edward Griffin Porter, and 
Robert Noxon Toppan. 


ber of the same year, he entered the Andover Theological Semi- 
nary, and graduated from it in August, 1864. The writer of this 
Memoir remembers spending a pleasant day with him at Andover 
while he was in the Seminary. He took me on a delightful walk 
in the woods, allowed me to accompany him to a lecture by the 
celebrated Dr. Edwards Amasa Park, and in the evening escorted 
me to a charming reception at Abbot Academy. He had a rare 
faculty of finding out the beautiful scenery and interesting historic 
spots in every town where he stayed, became acquainted with the 
men best worth knowing, and, when long enough in a place, was 
admitted freely to its best social circles. He much enjoyed sharing 
his knowledge and privileges with a friend. 

Mr. Porter was licensed to preach by the Norfolk Association, 
at Braintree, Massachusetts, 26 January, 1864. In the spring of 
the same year, while still connected with the Seminary, he went 
west in the service of the United States Sanitary Commission. 
There he contracted a fever which seriously impaired his health. 
After graduating at Andover, he remained at home in Dorchester, 
taking charge of a church during the absence of its pastor. In 
the following year he preached occasionally in various places, 
but did not feel strong enough to accept any proposals for settle- 
ment. By the advice of his physician and friends he sailed again 
for Europe, 31 May, 1866. After some time spent in England, he 
went to Switzerland and Italy. There he studied with great in- 
terest the Waldensian movement to give Protestant churches and 
schools to all the principal towns, and was almost persuaded to 
accept the charge of the new Italian church at Venice. He 
went next to Malta, and thence to the East, where he spent the 
spring of 1867. The work of the American Mission at Beirut and 
on the slopes of Mount Lebanon engaged much of his attention. 
Afterwards, in Greece, he aided in the distribution of some of the 
American supplies among the Cretan refugees. Returning through 
Austria and Germany, he reached Paris in time to see the close of 
the great Exhibition, and arrived in this country again in January, 
1868. He spent a short time in arranging the materials collected 
in his journey, but kept in mind the work for which he had been 

On the first of October, 1868, Mr. Porter was ordained minister 
of the Hancock Congregational Church, a newly-formed Trinitarian 


Society in Lexington, Massachusetts. He remained in that posi- 
tion for twenty-three years, and was very successful in his ministry. 
Although not regarded as a remarkable preacher, he was an admi- 
rable pastor and a public-spirited citizen. 

As we know, Mr. Porter was not unmindful of the charm of 
the society of men of high social position or of those who had be- 
come eminent professionally or in politics; yet he had a happy 
faculty, also, of becoming interested in persons in all conditions of 
life and of making everybody with whom he came in contact his 
friend. He was universally respected and loved by his people 
and townsmen, and he was an especial favorite with children. 

While in Lexington, Mr. Porter took an active interest in the 
affairs of the town. He became chairman of the School Committee 
and a trustee of the Public Library. He also served as chairman 
of a committee on the order of exercises at the celebration, in 
1875, of the one hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Lexington. 
When he resigned his charge as pastor, in 1891, his resignation 
was reluctantly accepted and he was made Pastor Emeritus of the 
church. He always retained his citizenship in Lexington. 

In 1887-88 he made another journey to the East, on that occasion 
visiting the missionary stations of the American Board in Turkey, 
India, China, and Japan. He had a strong and active interest in 
foreign missions, and will be very much missed in missionary 
circles. He also had a lively interest in the East, evidenced, and 
probably partially caused, by the several visits which he made to 
that portion of the world. He seemed to me never happier or 
more at home than when, standing on a platform, with a map be- 
hind him, he explained clearly and thoroughly the political situation 

and the religious differences in such little known states as Walla- 

chia, Servia, and Moldavia, or expounded the causes and merits of 
dissensions between Mussulmans and Armenians. 

Mr. Porter's services were much in demand to serve on commit- 
tees and they were cheerfully and efficiently rendered. He held a 
large number of offices. Thus, he was a member of the Overseers' 
Committee to visit the Academical Department of Harvard College, 
and of the Boards of Visitors of Wellesley College and Bradford 
Academy. He was a Trustee of Abbot Academy, Andover, and of 
Lawrence Academy, Groton, Massachusetts. We find him helping 
the Trustees of the American College at Aintab in Asia Minor at 


the time of its establishment, and afterwards he became President 
of its Board of Trustees. 

Porter represented Massachusetts in the Historical Department 
of the Centennial Exhibition at Philadelphia, in 1876, and was a 
delegate of the American Antiquarian Society at the meeting of the 
Royal Society of Canada held in Halifax in the spring of 1897, 
the chief object of which was to erect a monument to John Cabot. 
His interest in American history was very great, and the study and 
presentation of portions of it occupied a considerable part of his 
activities and gave a coloring to most of his literary productions. 
He was an accomplished guide in pointing out places of historical 
interest in Lexington, Boston and its neighborhood, Plymouth, 
and other localities. His services in this capacity were regarded as 
very valuable, and were freely given when asked for. He always 
had investigations in hand. The writer of this paper remembers 
that for two or three years before his death Porter was actively 
engaged in looking up the path which in Colonial times led from 
Boston, through Worcester and other towns, to Springfield. 

In April, 1876, Mr. Porter was elected a member of the Amer- 
ican Antiquarian Society, and in 1880 a member of the Massachu- 
setts Historical Society. He was also a member of the American 
Historical Association and of other historical organizations. In 
January, 1899, he was chosen President of the New England His- 
toric Genealogical Society, and in the following summer he was 
elected to fellowship in the Harvard chapter of the Fraternity of 
Phi Beta Kappa. 

In 1887, Mr. Porter published an interesting book entitled 
Rambles in Old Boston, New England. It is a work which is much 
in demand, and has for some time been out of print. He also con- 
tributed to the third volume of the Memorial History of Boston, 
edited by Justin Winsor, the chapter on The Beginning of the 
Revolution (1760-1775). In 1875, he published an Historical 
Sketch of the Battle of Lexington, and edited the volume contain- 
ing the Proceedings of the Celebration Commemorative of the one 
hundredth anniversary of that battle. Among his occasional 
papers which have been printed are : Sermon on the death of the 
Reverend William Hooper Adams (H. C. 1860) ; Memoir of John 
Charles Phillips, prepared for the Massachusetts Historical Society ; 
an Original Document of the House of Washington (thirteenth 


century) ; an Address on the Centennial of Washington's visit to 
Lexington; an Address on Samuel Adams; Four Drawings of 
Lexington and Concord in 1775 ; President Garfield's Ancestry ; 
The Ship Columbia and the Discovery of Oregon; The Cabot 
Celebrations of 1897 ; Sketches of the English towns of Dor- 
chester, Ipswich, Billericay, and Bedford ; and The Aborigines of 

Mr. Porter died 5 February, 1900, at the home of his mother, 
Ashmont, Dorchester. Two days after, on Wednesday, 7 February, 
he was buried from the same place. A large assembly came to- 
gether to do honor to his memory. Among those present were the 
venerable Dr. Cyrus Hamlin and other clergymen, a numerous 
delegation from his Society in Lexington, college classmates, and 
associates in historical and other societies. 

Porter died in harness. Only a few days before his death, a 
corrected proof of Remarks made by him at the meeting of the 
American Antiquarian Society held in October, 1899, was received 
by its Publishing Committee. He had agreed to make Remarks 
at the meeting of the Massachusetts Historical Society which 
occurred a few days after his death, and had made other engage- 
ments to write or to speak. From boyhood Mr. Porter had been a 
student. His life passed smoothly. He was an industrious and 
useful man ; and, busy, loved, and respected as he was, his death 
will be widely felt. 

Mr. Porter was elected a Resident Member of this Society on 
the fifteenth of March, 1893. On the twentieth of December, fol- 
lowing, he was appointed a member of the Committee of Publica- 
tion, — a position he continued to hold until his death, and in 
which he rendered valuable service. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
^~*- Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 27 December, 
1900, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the first Vice-Presi- 
dent, William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L., in the chair. 

After the Minutes of the Annual Meeting had been read 
and approved, the Vice-President announced that the 
President-elect was present and was ready to assume office, 
and appointed Mr. John Noble and Mr. Henry H. Edes a 
committee to escort him to the chair. 

President Kittredge then took the chair and delivered 
his Inaugural Address. 

The Treasurer announced that since the last meeting he 
had received the sum of Ten thousand dollars from the Ex- 
ecutrix of the late President Wheelwright, the same being 
the first instalment of his bequest to the Society. He then 
offered for consideration the draught of a Vote the adoption 
of which by the Society was recommended by the Council. 
After some discussion, in which several of the members par- 
ticipated, and an amendment, the Vote was unanimously 
adopted in the following form : — 

Voted, That the bequest of President Wheelwright is hereby gratefully 
accepted ; that it should be, and hereby is, made a part of the Perma- 
nent Endowment of the Society ; that it be forever known as the Edward 
Wheelwright Fund ; that only the income thereof shall ever be used ; 
and that said iucome shall be applied to defraying the cost of the 
Society's Publications. 

The President announced the death on the twenty-first 
instant of the Honorable Roger Wolcott, a Resident Mem- 


ber, and Scaid that as his death had occurred so recently it 
was deemed fitting that the tributes to his memory which 
members would wish to pay should be deferred until the 
Stated Meeting in January. He then referred to the death 
of Dean Everett, to whose memory he paid a brief tribute. 
Mr. S. Lothrop Thorndike, having been called upon, 
said : 

I am taken rather unawares. When I agreed to say something 
about Everett I certainly did not expect to lead in paying the 
proper tribute to his memory. I only meant, as a neighbor and a 
relative, to add a word or two to whatever might be said by others 
better fitted than I to speak of what gave his career and character 
their real interest and value. Even the little that I might say 
from the domestic standpoint would better find place in the memoir 
which someone else may by and by put upon record. 

He came, on the paternal side, from a well known Dorchester 
family. His father, Ebenezer Everett, was own cousin to Alexander 
Hill Everett, the scholar and diplomatist, and Edward Everett, the 
statesman and orator. The father of Ebenezer and the father of 
Alexander and Edward were both Harvard graduates, both Ortho- 
dox ministers, and both, by a mingling or change of profession, 
of which perhaps other instances might be found in the Everett 
family, at some time in their lives Justices of the Court of Common 

Ebenezer Everett graduated at Harvard in 1806, studied law in 
Beverly with Nathan Dane, and practised his profession at Bruns- 
wick, Maine. In Beverly he married Joanna Prince, an interesting, 
lovely person, still mentioned in religious circles as one of the 
two excellent women who started the first Sabbath School in 

Carroll Everett, as he was always called in the family, was the 
second son of this worthy couple, the only child who came to adult 
age. He was born and brought up at Brunswick, graduating at 
Bowdoin in 1850. He studied medicine, off and on, for some years, 
spending meantime a couple of years in Europe and afterward 

1 The Society was represented at Governor Wolcott's funeral by Messrs. S. 
Lothrop Thorndike, Andrew McFarland Davis, and Edward Hale. 


served as Tutor of Modern Languages, as Librarian and as tem- 
porary Professor in Bowdoin. His nomination as full Professor 
was rejected by the Trustees, for the reason that he had shown a 
leaning to Unitarian views, and Bowdoin was Orthodox. His con- 
nection with the college was severed in 1857, and of this turning 
point in his career I will say a word presently. 

Everett and I were related through our mothers, who were 
cousins. Our common great-grandfather was Josiah Batchelder, 
a person of some note in Essex County in the Revolution and the 
years that followed, being an important member of the Provincial 
Congress from 1775 to 1779, and holding other offices until his 
death in 1809. I never heard him spoken of otherwise than as 
Squire Batchelder. Squire Batchelder's father, also Josiah, wrote 
once of his mother's mother that, " She was the daughter of a 
Baptist minister, and some of her descendants are tinctured with her 
whims to this day. She was otherwise a very worthy woman." 
The amused charity, which may be read between the lines, for 
the people who thought that the whims made a difference, and the 
humor of the last remark that " she was otherwise a very worthy 
woman," make one think of the habit of mind of Everett himself. 

The first thing which occurs to me at this moment about Everett 
is to wonder that we are talking about him at all here in this 
Colonial Society, — to wonder how he ever came to join us. The 
details of such a history as that of Colonial New England were, I 
fancy, as far out of the sphere of his interests, as the whims of his 
grandmother were to the ancestor of whom I have spoken. Or, if 
he cared for them at all, it was only for. their results upon to-day. 
He was emphatically a man of the present and the future. To 
family history he was, or thought he was, entirely indifferent. I 
wrote him once to ask what he knew, or what he had heard his 
mother say, about our ancestor, the Squire, of whom I have spoken. 
He answered : " I am extremely sorry that I know absolutely 
nothing of this matter. I have not an antiquarian fibre in my 
body. I wish I had." 

I say that he thought he was indifferent to family history. So he 
was sometimes and in detail. But when he deals with such ques- 
tions in his essays I remember that after speaking of the principle 
of honesty and truthfulness becoming a part of a man's personality 
and self-assertion, and thereupon taking its place as honor, he adds 



that the principle is intensified or accentuated if it is recognized as 
an assertion not merely of self but of blood. There was, besides, 
a certain indication that he cared a good deal more about the past 
than he thought he did, in the fact that he was especially sensitive 
about anything which seemed to him a derogation of dignity in 
any of his forbears. The same was true with regard to his con- 
temporary relatives. But when the defect did not go to character, 
but was an innocent weakness, it did not trouble him. On the 
contrary, it appealed to his humor, and his vivid sense of the 
ludicrous overcame him, as it was apt to do even at inopportune 
moments. I might mention some anecdotes illustrative of both of 
these points, but I am conscious that words spoken here are apt to 
appear afterward in black and white, and must not fall below the 
dignity of print. 

I am asked to speak of Everett domestically, on the ground of 
our relationship. I can hardly do this, because for thirty years 
of our life we lived in different states. As a boy and a youth I 
saw him rarely. I knew of him as doing the hard work of a student 
and a teacher, then as afterward with the efficient use of but one 
eye. Then came the story that his heresy had made his professor's 
chair untenable by him. The writer of an excellent article in the 
Christian Register speaks of this as a " tradition of the prehistoric 
days before the war." Tradition if it be, it is a case of tradition 
as exact and true as history. It was a solemn fact, very solemn to 
those of his relations who still adhered to the Calvinism of their 
forefathers. With my branch of the family, that had already made 
the dreadful lapse into Unitarianism, it was a matter of rejoicing, 
but I dare say that I could find even now relations who have never 
ceased to look upon him as a sheep of the wrong color. They are 
fewer in number than thirty years ago. Upon the whole, the old 
order has changed, and it is worth noting that Bowdoin gave him 
his Doctorate of Divinity several years before it was given by 

After losing his place at Bowdoin he spent two years at the 
Harvard Divinity School, and was then a Unitarian pastor at 
Bangor for some ten years. He then returned to Cambridge to 
take the place in the Divinity School which he retained until his 
death. After I became a resident of Cambridge, I knew him 


better than ever before, but perhaps not better than many of you 
knew him. 

Our ways of life lay in different lines, and of his success in his 
chosen profession I can only say what is well known even by those 
outside of his academic circle. He gave to theological study in 
Cambridge a broader scope than it had had before, and wider rela- 
tions both inside and outside Christianity. He gave the theologi- 
cal department its proper academic place and its true importance 
to the rest of the university. But of all this one would never hear 
a word from him, at least in private. He was not apt to speak of 
his profession, as such. I think that I never heard him say a word 
about it, except to express great pleasure that his lectures attracted 
to the school clerical gentry of more Orthodox denominations. He 
was good-natured enough not to be cross when I told him not to 
be puffed up, that probably they only followed their calling, and 
hated the sin while they loved the sinner. 

The article already quoted spoke of his heresy being not a 
stumbling block but a stepping stone. For himself, the article 
meant, but it is just as true for everybody with whom he was 
brought into contact. For everybody who ever heard him talk in 
private, or at the club dinner table, his good-humored heresies 
were stepping stones in every direction, and his little skepticisms 
(if one may use a word so dangerously apt to be misconstrued) 
were Cartesian, — defences against too easy assent, — tests of 
asserted conclusions. 

One could hardly do justice to Everett's memory without say- 
ing a word of .his wit and humor. Many bright things which 
he said or wrote might be repeated, but jokes rechauffes are apt to 
have a flavor a little stale. And one might say much of the earn- 
est, serious man that abode beneath an exterior so pleasant and 
sometimes so light. One who wishes to know him as he was can 
find him in his little volume on Poetry, Comedy and Duty. If I 
wanted to describe him, in every act of his life, I should borrow a 
quotation from that book, — "A man who performs a righteous 
act from a sense of duty stands much higher than one who does n't 
perform it at all ; but one who performs it because it seems the 
most natural thing in the word, simply because he wants to, stands 
still higher." 





The Reverend Edward Hale said, in substance : 

As a theologian Dr. Everett had a position peculiarly his own. 
Many have wondered what sort of theology could be taught in an 
undenominational or poly-denominational School of Divinity, and 
have supposed that the only courses open to the instructor would 
be either to treat his subject more or less vaguely and superficially 
or else to present as fairly as possible a variety of forms of belief 
and leave the student to make his choice. This was not Dr. 
Everett's method. He found underlying the differing creeds and 
methods certain fundamental principles of faith necessary to all 
of them. He discussed in his lectures such topics as the nature of 
religion, the belief in a God, the reasonableness of belief in Him, 
the denials of this reasonableness, the answer to such denials ; the 
possibility of man's approach to God, the nature of inspiration, 
the methods of revelation, the grounds of belief in immortality, the 
question as to whether Christianity was to be considered an abso- 
lute religion. These topics and others similar, not fragmentarily 
as I have given them, but consecutively and with definite system, 
made up a study of faith profound and suggestive, in following 
which the student, whatever his creed, found his faith deepened 
and enlarged, and his insight quickened. 

The respect which we felt for Dr. Everett as a teacher was 
strengthened as we came to know him personally. The elevation 
and serenity of his life, consistent with his teaching, the unaffected 
courtesy and ready friendliness with which he met those about 
him, his gentle fun, his quick wit, the wisdom of his counsel, the 
breadth of his sympathies, — all these made intercourse with him 
at once a delight and an inspiration. 

Mr. Frederick Lewis Gay remarked that through the 
kindness of Mr. Robert C. Winthrop, Jr., he had the honor 
of communicating six documents of the seventeenth century 
which have recently come to light. Four are letters written 
by Governor John Winthrop, one is a letter written by the 
Reverend Edmund Browne, while the sixth is a very inter- 
esting report on the state of the Massachusetts Bay Colony 
by Mr. Browne, — all sent to Sir Simonds D'Ewes. The 

1900.] SIR SIMONDS D'EWES. 69 

documents follow, preceded by an introductory note oblig- 
ingly prepared by Mr. Winthrop. 

Sir Simonds D'Ewes, Baronet, of Stow Langtoft Hall, County 
Suffolk, a lawyer, antiquary, and sometime member of Parliament, 
was born 18 December, 1602, and died 8 April, 1650, aged forty- 
eight. His first wife was a Clop ton, kinswoman of the second 
wife of Governor Winthrop, which fact, coupled with their pro- 
nounced Puritanism, led to some intimacy between them. By 
tradition, letters of D'Ewes formerly existed among the Winthrop 
Papers long preserved in New London. If so, they probably dis- 
appeared in the last century, as none such came to light, — nor any 
letters from Winthrop to D'Ewes, — when the Honorable James 
Savage edited Winthrop's New England, or when the Honorable 
Robert C. Winthrop subsequently prepared the Life and Letters 
of John Winthrop. The last named work, however, contains a 
passage from the published autobiography of D'Ewes, in which he 
describes the reasons which induced Winthrop and others to emi- 
grate to New England in 1630. 1 

The papers of Sir Simonds D'Ewes ultimately passed into the 
possession of that well-known bibliographer, Edward Harley, Earl 
of Oxford, and have long since formed part of the Harleian Manu- 
scripts in the British Museum. In the spring of 1900 Mr. Joseph 
James Muskett, Editor of Suffolk Manorial Families, accidentally 
discovered in this collection four original letters from Governor 
Winthrop to Sir Simonds D'Ewes, together with a long and inter- 
esting one to him from the Reverend Edmund Browne describing 
the general condition of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, all written 
between 1633 and 1639. Mr. Muskett at once made known his 
find, the value of which he did not at first realize, but after some 
correspondence careful copies were forwarded to Mr. Winthrop, to 
whom it seemed particularly appropriate to place them at the dis- 
posal of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, for which purpose 
he handed them to Mr. Gay, whose name has become associated 
with the discovery of the true site of Governor Winthrop's house 
during the first twelve years of his residence in Boston. 2 

1 The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, ii. 116. 
See also 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 248. 
2 See the Publications of this Society, iii. 86-90. 



To the right worp u his muche honored friend & cosin S r 
Simeon Dewes at Lavenham in Suff. 

Worthy S r , 

Yo" by youngc Hamond I received, & cannot but 
most thankfully accept yo r kind remembrance of me & yo r good affec- 
tion to this work, w ch the Lords owne hand hath begune & uphelde 
hetherto, in the prosperitye whereof some blessinge & comforte may 
redounde to all the Church of Christ. For o r estate heere, both Politick 
& Eccliafi, I knowe you are allreadye sufficiently informed, & althoughe 
we canot prof esse a pfection in either (w ch is not to be looked for in this 
worlde) yet it is suche as the Lords holy & wise servants (suche as he 
hath vouchsafed to bestowe upon us both formerly & now of late) doe 
approve of, & accordingly doe joyne w th us in the same Course. 

I meaue especially those 2 rever d & faithfull miiirs M r Cotton & M* 
Hooker, who lately arrived heere w th their familyes in as good healthe 
(praised be God) as when they came forthe, althoughe M rs Cotton was 
delivered of a sonne at sea, who was since baptized on shore & name 

For yo r advise about o r affaires, I am muche behoulden to yo r care of 
us & doe concurre w th yo r opinion in the most, as o r practice dothe 
declare, & shalbe somewhat rectified by yo r advice at present & more 
as o r meanes may be enlarged ; but in the last both o r practice & judg- 
ment differ from yo rs , but I suppose we should soone be agreed if you 
were heere to see the state of things as we see them. I think it fitt [not] 
to enter into ptic because Ires are subject to miscarrye, but you can 
conceive my meaning. I canot enlarge towards you as yo r love 
deserves. I hope you will consider my occasions & many Ires w ch I 
must write. 

How you should imploye any stock heere, except you send some 
faithfull man to manage it, I canot advise you ; onely you may drive a 
trade w th the Lord heere, in helping forwarde the worke of the Gospell, 
by sending over some poore godly familyes w th a yeares provision, w ch I 
account one of the best workes w ch may be pformed at this season. If 
you will please to rayse a Colonye heere in that maner (w ch would not 
be difficult for yo r self w th such godly frends as you may have to joyn w th 
you) I would take off any further trouble from you about it, but I leave 


it to yo r consideration. So w th my hearty Salutation & due respect to y r 
Lady, I coniend you to the Lord & take my leave. I rest 
Yo rs to doe you service in the Lord 

Jo : Winthrop. 

Massachusetts, N: Eng : Sept. 26 : 1633. 1 



To the right worjF" S r Simonds Deices, Knight, at Lauenham in Suff: 
Leave this w th M r Gurdon 2 or w th M r Rogers* of Dedham. 


Yo r8 p W m Hamond I rec d , acknowledging 
my self so muche bound to you that you are pleased to take all occasions 
to manifest yo r good will to o r Colonye & to myself iu |)tic, that I 
would gladly have bestowed much paynes in Satislieing y r desire con- 
cerninge the estate of o r Countrye & Affaires, & I did hope upon the 
discharge of my place to have good leysure to that end ; but o r new 
Governo r (my brother Dudly) dwelling out of the ways, I was still as 
full of companye & business as before. But for the natives in these 
pts, God hath so pursued them, as for 300 miles space the greatest pte 
of them are swept awaye by the small poxe w ch still continues among 
them : So as God hathe therby cleered o r title to this place, & those 
who remaine in these pts, being in all not 50, have putt themselves 
under o r protection & freely confined themselves & their interest w thin 
certaine limitts. 

For yo r counsell of Conforminge o r selves to the Ch : of E : though I 
doubt not but it proceeds of of y r care of o r wellfare, yet I dare not thank 
you for it, because it is not conformable to Gods will revealed in his 
worde. What you may doe in E : where things are otherwise estab- 
lished, I will not dispute ; but o r case here is otherwise, being come to 

1 British Museum, Harleian MS. 3S8, fo. 186. 

3 Brampton Gurdon of Assington was High Sheriff of Suffolk, his seat being 
near the ancestral home of Gov. Winthrop. Gurdon's daughter Muriel married 
Richard Saltonstall (1610-1694) of Ipswich, Massachusetts, a son of Sir Richard 

3 The Rev. John Rogers of Dedham, England, died 8 October, 1686. See 
4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 47, 412, 413, vii. 8. 


dearer light & more Libtye, w ch we trust by the good hand of o r God 
w th us, & the gratious indulgence of o r Kinge, we may freely enjoye it. 

So desiring you to excuse my brevitye & to continue y r good will 
towards us, I comend you w th yo r good Lady & all y rs to the gratious 
protectio & directio of the Lord, & so I take leave & rest 
At yo r service in the Lord 

Boston N : E : 

July 21. 1634.1 

To the right worp* S r Simondes Dewes, Knight. 

Sir, — I received 2: Ires from you, the one written longe since & putt 
backe in the Hope ; by the other I understande yo r good affection to o r 
Plantation, whereof you desire we should taste the fruits. Blessed be 
the Lord who hath inclined yo r heart ther toward us for good, & 
blessed be you of the Lord for it. According to yo r direction I spake 
w lh Hamond, who tould me that you bestowed pte of y r Moy vinegre to 
have made Sturgeon, w ch being putt aborde the Richard was forced 
back again, & so by shipp & putt in aboard another shippe Suffered 
much losse. I spake w th M r Trerice * 2 the master of the same shippe, 
who affirmed that of 12: hogshds of vinegre there was lost by leakage 
about 3 : hogshds. Old Hamonde came allso before the Govn r (M r 
Haines) & other of us & affirmed that there came as benefite of yo r 
Moy but losse, so that howsoever by yo r bonde we might have com- 
pelled them to have payd the whole 30*', yet respecting the loss w ch (by 
Gods providence) hapned in the adventure we were content to take the 
principall w ch the old man hath undertaken to pay, w ch when we have 
received it shalbe bestowed upon some publk worke. In the meane 
tyme the Govern 1, & Assistants return you thanks by me. 

For our condition heere the Lord is pleased still to continue 

health & peace to us & so to increase o r numbers (there have 


1 British Museum, Ilarleian MS. 388, fo. 188. 

2 Capt. Nicholas Trerice, an early inhabitant of Charlestown, was a man of 
substance and prominent in the commercial affairs of the Colony. See Win- 
throp's History of New England (1853), ii. 436, and W. Aspiu wall's Notarial 
Records (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xxxii.), passim. 


come about 20: shipps this sumer allreadye) as we are putt to 

rayse new Colonys about 100: miles to the weste of us, upon a 

very fine river & a most fruitfull place, onely shipps cafiot come 

neere by 20 : legues. M r Hooker is like to goe thither next yeare, 

not for any difference between M r Cotton & him (soe reporte) for 

they doe hould a most sweet & brotherly comunion together (thoughe 

their judgm ts doe somewhat differ about the lawfullnesse of the Crosse 

in the ensigne) but that the people & cattle are so increased as the place 

will not suffice them. The posstinges [?] this yeare (throughe the Lords 

speciall providence) & their cattle are come w th such speed & safety as 

no sickness hath been among them, nor above 2 : psons miscarried & 

very fewe cattle. 

I might further inlarge but indeed I am so full of business as I can 

scarce gett leysure to scribble thes fewe lines. I desire you to beare 

w th me, & to continue still yo r good will towards us & yo r prayres for us, 

& so with my love & due respecte to y r self & yo r worthy Lady, I 

comend you to the Lord & rest 

At y r Service 

Jo: Winthrop. 
Boston in New Engl d : July 20 : 1635. 1 



To the righte wor^ S r Simonds Dewes, Knight, at Stoive Langthon 
in Suff: To be left w th M r Gurdon at Assington in Suff: 

Sir, — The benefite w ch we have received from that w ch you were 
pleased in yo r kindnesse to bestowe upon o r plantation, calles upon me to 
give you accompt therof & to acquainte you further w th o r estate heere. 
As soone as I understood yo r minde in it, I acquainted the Governo r & 
the rest of the Assistants w th it, & calling Hamonde before us, & find- 
ing by such evidence as he produced that pte of that 30 H he rec. of you 
miscarried by the waye, & that his estate was not able to answere what 
might be required of him, we thought fitt to accept of 20 u , whereof he 
hath payd 10 h ; but the other 10 il is now desperate, for yonge W m Ham- 
ond goeing w th all that his father & he could make & borrowe to trade 
in Virginia for corne, the vessell was caste aw aye upon Longe Hand & 
7 : psons drowned. Hamonde escaped on shore, but was killed by the 

1 British Museum, Harleian MS. 388, fo. 189. 


Indians & one other w th him, whereby the olde man's estate is wholly 
overthrowne. 1 

It hath been observed that God hath allwaj-es crossed us in o r trade 
w th Virginia. Diverse of o r people went thither above halfe a yeare 
since, but have not been yet heard of ; there was a verye great mortality 
last winter : about 60 : masters of shipps & other officers died there ; 
but .o r people (I prayse God) have their healhe well heere. S r Hen : 
Vane his sonne & heire is o r Govern 1 " this yeare, a godly gent 1 & of 
excellent pts. Heere have been allready 11: English shipps & 4: 
Dutche, most of them were but 5 : weeks in their passage. 

My tyme is short & I have manye Ires to write, so as I cant enlarge. 
My love & due respect to yo r self & Lady rememembered, I rest 

At y r service, 


Boston, N : E : June 4 [?] 1636. 


Right noble S r , — After providence w th a most merciful hand car- 
ried mee over the seas, w th as upon or under an extended wings, and 
crowned my desires w th an injoyment of what I long desired to see, I 
presently considered your loving request to present unto you a descrip- 
tion of our New El? estate : therefore as a testimony of my reall honour- 
ing of your worth, and as a signifcat carrecter of my gratefull reflex, I 
have addressed a miscelaneous display, to attend your gracing of it w th 
a favoarable serveying of it. Had I injoyed time of inditing more re- 
fmedly, I should have presented it in a more pollisht forme, though I 
hate flattery and would rather both speake and doe sancte than cincte. 

I hope your Wo r will not be displeased if by the way it calleth in at 
Broomely to wayte upon your brother S r Thomas, 3 my endeered master, 
and his Lady to whom I am much obliged. 

Concerning your letter sent to M r Hooker, I have not yet spooke to 
him, being an 100 J miles distant from mee, but for your satisfaction I 

1 For further references to these two William Hammonds, see 4 Massachu- 
setts Historical Collections, vi. 395, 396. 

2 British Museum, Harleian MS. 3S8, fo. 191. 

8 Sir Thomas Bowes, of Much Bromley, County Essex, whose wife was a 
sister of Sir Simonda D'Ewes. 


shall, if it please God, send unto you our Churches apollogy either this 
yeere or the next to be agreed upon by all our elders & other divines, & 
to be dispersed for the satisfieing of all quoestionists out of desire of the 

And lastly, concerning a plantation for your Wor : I have travayled 
aboute to see the country and I have seene good places. The best for 
soyle is one Merrimacke w th in 7 miles of Ipswich and adjoyning to New- 
berry ; yet for temper the southerne side is more excellent. Wee have 
grantes of 600 acres to some Gentlemen. There be many Lords that 
have plantations heere, but if a gentleman intendeth not to come himselfe, 
or to send some honest friend, nor bee carefull in his electing of godly 
and able men in agriculture, he will be a looser by it. Therefore in such 
case it is best to venter a Sume of monys to be turned into cattle at the 
assigment and approbation of the governour M r Winthrope, a godly and 
wise gentleman, w th whom I had some discourse about your Wo' and 
desireth to tender his respect unto you. There is much to be gotten 
heere that way according to the custome of the plantation, if the Lord 
blesse the increase. If therefore your Wo' by a plantation should not 
make provision of refuge for harsh times, if they should happen at Eng- 
land, my advice is that you would venture some thing by degrees, to 
bee implyed in the breeding of cattle, as 20*, 401, or 601, or more as it 
shall please you, and I will become undertaker for the improvement of 
it in breediug cattell, and soe when a little stock shall be raysed then to 
enter upo some lotte to break up ground, w ch will then yeelcl 40 s per ami 
by the acre, if good. If you shall please to adventure such a sum, I in- 
tend to send for my father over the next yeere if wee live, but if you 
shall venter this } T eere then he would come over this yeere, & soe both 
my selfe and hee shall be obliged to you (for by that meanes he shall 
have some thing to imply him in). I thanke the Lord I have convenient 
mayntenance, set: 20* per ann, & much love, but now in case that I 
should change my condition, I would be glad to have a stocke for a lotte, 
as the rest of the Elders have, but I am not able to stocke it; whereas if 
your selfe now would adventure but the tyth of what you intended, it will 
conduce much for my benefit, the Lord blessing it. I have appoynted 
one to wayte on you for an answer. 

There came over one Knight, and a Lady widow, besides personages 
of worth, & the plantations are much peopled and inlarged this yeere. 
Thus w th my service to your selfe and ingenious Lady, and my prayers for 
either of your inlargements, I rest, remayning 

Yo r Wo r to comand in all Christian service 

Edmund Browne. 
Boston: Septemb: 7 lh Q639]. 


My office is yet to preach to some 4 or 5 greate familys, but I know 
not whether I shall settle heere ; if it prove not a church, I suppose I 
shall not. 1 



"When God, by an over ruling hand, denyed mee liberty, w ch I expected 
in the ship called the Nicholas of London, the Lord presented it mee in 
an other ship called the Thomas & Frances, where in I found some 
company of worth, as one M r Downing who married the Governours sis- 
ter, to whom I was much obliged for her matron and mother like care 
over mee in supplying my wants out of her treasury of provision. I was 
joyned in the messe w th them, had a often refreshing w th fresh meate and 
bottle beere et coeter. 

I was little sicke, but had my health in a competent manner. The 
time of our floating on the sea was some 8 weeks from the Downes, & 
j T et wee had but 2 large winds to purpose, set: in earning us out from 
the Downes, and in bringing us in to the land upon our discovery of it, 
vidl : Cape Cod, lying south from the bay. Wee were often put into 
some feare of pyrates or men of warre, but our God preserved us. 
When wee had bin 3 weekes at sea the contagious Pox struck in amongst 
us, yet ordered by the Lords power, as if it had not bin infectious ; I 
suppose some 30 had it, yet directly I think but one or 2 dyed. It was 
confined within one division in our ship, set : midle decke, the gunroome 
being free unlesse some 2 or 3 childeren w ch had them sparingly, and all 
other roome, allthough there was converse w th them, were free & injoyed 

The next day of our arrival I was invited to the Governour's to 
dinner, where wee had an old England table furnished for our entertayn- 
meut to my admire ; in the after noone I heard M r Cotton, vewing their 
comely order & faith, blessed be the Lord for them. The plantation I 
found to exceede all her sisters, though her ancestours in time, as Vir- 
ginia, Bermudas, & w cb not of their time, in convenient buildings, settled 

1 British Museum, Ilarleian MS. 385, fo. 92. Edmund Browne is stated to 
have arrived in Boston in October, 1638, and to have become first minister of 
Sudbury, Massachusetts, in August, 1640. 

2 Enclosed with the preceding letter and addressed " To the Right Wortf my 
much esteemed friend Sir Simonds Dewes, deliv this at Stowlanctoft hall, 


courts, and adjacent townes. Of the Lord yet bee its protectour & in- 
larger, to y e prayse of his name & sylensing bitter spirits w th the newes 
of her glory. 

Now concerning the plantation, this I affirme : The soyle I judge to be 
lusty and fat in many places, light and hot, iu some places sandy bot- 
omed and in some loomy, reasonably good for all sorts of grayne w th out 
manuring, but exceding good w th manure, some for wheate, some for rye 
&c. I saw much good corne of all sorts this yeare. The ground graseth 
not so well as O : E :, for wee have not brought it into a way of baring 
English grasse, though in some places our E: clover is found; yet it 
f eedeth cattle very well, I have seene oxen heare y* were worth some 14 1 an 
oxe in O : E : and good beefe not w th standing their labour. Wee plow and 
cart w th them, some farmers have two yoake of them ; in many townes 
there be 200 head of cattel, yet because of freshcomers doe hold the 
price of 20* a cow or ox, & mares be of the same. The land is rocky in 
many places, yet y* grownd beareth good indian corne, w ch grayne is in 
many places manured w th fish ; the corne yeeldeth greate increase, & doth 
compare if not excell your O : E : wheate in puddings and in being used 
as a boyled wheate. The land is grovy and hilly in many places, 
the ayre cleere and dry, the sunne is seldom enerved by any cloudy 

The fruits of the earth naturally growing are abundance of strawberrys, 
rosberrys, goose berrys red & greene, most large grapes yet not soe 
delicious as old E : grapes for not pruned nor dressed, & abundance of 
plumb trees, all sorts of garden fruits, as roots & herbs ; we have 3 
kinds of mellons most delectable, the one called an aple squash, soe 
called from its size and pleasantness being boyled & soe prepared, a musk 
mellon w ch is heere soe ripned w th the sunne as both in smell & tast it 
may compare w th goodly peares ; alsoe a watter mellon not inferior to the 
best, both of these last are eaten raw. Aple trees, peare trees & plumb 
trees grow & beare notably heere, being planted. 

Heere is greate store of fish w ch the sea furnisheth us with : as abund- 
ance of Sturgeon, some salmons, hollyboat, cod, basse, a fish that in his 
head &c excelleth the Samons jowle, makerell all the sorrier & catched 
w th hookes and excelleth our O: E : makerell by farre in fatnesse. There 
is some time a 1000 d basse caught in a draught at a time. Heere be 
abundance of oysters very large & fatte, greate lobsters, w th other shell 
fish, much fresh water fish, though differing much from the kinds in 
England in regard of shape, yet not inferiour to any in goodnesse. 

Heere is a large kind of deere. whose flesh is sold for 2 d a pound in the 
winter ; heere be wild rabbets, & hares that have bin caught, & many of our 
tame rabbits, breede excellently heere. Heere bee hum birds feathered 


in colours and not bigger than a dorre, a strange wonder. Heere be 
many upland fowle, eagles and hawkes, turkeys very large, many pigeons, 
abundance of black birds &c, fayre partridges in covys and many quayles ; 
abundance likewise of sea fowles, as swan, goose, duck, teale &c, of 
w ch abundance is taken, wee had in M r Thomas family 30 to pluck in 
an evening the last yeere. 

Mutton and Porke are usually eaten heere. Our summer for a month 
exceedeth in heate our O : E : sumers and our winter be colder, as I am 
informed by reason of a X: East wind. To conclude this relation, if 
the Lord put us upon some way of trading wee shall bee happy in out- 
ward injoyements, and I doe conclude that heere is that w ch will bring in 
benefit, for its subsistence & inrichment. I suppose wee shall have a 
trade in fishing the next yeere, as being for the present the most secure 
way to fall upon. 

Heere be yeerly many new plantations set upon in both the pattons 
[patents] to the good comfort of our spirits. Our greatest enimyes are 
our wolves, but yet flee man, and the musceta, being our English gnat, 
is exiled out of places inhabited. The Indians are wholly subjected, and 
wee more secure from land enimyes & anoyances by theeves then in : 
England. I telle you not untrueth, our outward doore hath stood by a 
q r t r of a yeere unlocked, and men ride & travayle abroad 10 or 20 miles 
w th out sword or offensive staffe, for both wolves and Indians are affrayd 
of us (the Lord be praysed), there be very few Indians. 

Now concerning our church way & order, both in its gathering 
together, electing of members, presbytery, carefull admittance, con- 
foederate walling, and exact ejecting out by church censure, I judge 
apostollicall: our members either transient or manent (by a stricter tye) 
performe noe more or are not required to doe anything (as I have 
received by information) then what the Scripture requireth or maybe 
performed by any true proffessour; whereby the church is preserved 
from Sin (unlesse it erreth from this rule). Wee have not (praysed be 
God) such mixed assemblyes as elswhere (w ch was some time my 
burden). Now whereas it was reported that many godly men, judged 
soe in England, are w tb out any particular church, the reason is because 
for some reason of not being set-led the} T doe not seeke it ; or else have 
soe taynted their life that their condicion is questionable. 

And concerning the not promiscuous baptizing of Infants, I judge 
the order apostolicall, for first the child of unbelievers is uncleane & 
unholy, the meaning of w ch text I would know. Now suppose the 
parents of a child new borne should be excommunicated upon a 
scandelous course, as I conceive, during that time as they are in their 
persons not to partake of the Sacrament soe not their child till they 


shall returne by repentance, and to be soe ejected or not admitted con- 
dicioneth man alike. 2 d noe pastour nor teacher hath any call to baptise 
soe, for they bee only pastours and teachers of those (that have elected 
them) I meane those in the body (then or after admitted), I say the pastour 
being not ordeyned in generall for other places, or to live and dye a 
pastour in case he resyneth up his place. Soe then, if the child hath 
noe right, nor pastour call to baptize w th out his charge, as he nor the 
church hath ought to judge them that be w th out, why doe wee soe blame 
this order and idolize the ordinances. 

But because of hast, if any shall desire any farther reasons, I shall, 
if the Lord please, unparte my mind more fully ; and I thinke you will 
see the Elders answer to it, for it is to be sent unto England & I shall 
if God please direct it to my friends, scl: your worship &c. 

Lastly, concerning the controversys, they are thus farre composed. 
That of them w ch are resident in the bay only M r Cotton affirmeth that 
primitive evidence is from the imediate witnesse of the Spirit ; now 
other Elders would have the Lord left free w ch way to worke. He is 
w th us at Boston, all the opinionatists that remayne soe are removed either 
w th M r Wheelwright to the Eastward, or w th M r Hutchinson unto the 
South part ; thus God hath given a 2 fold peace unto the churches heere 
(hi6 name be praysed). 

M r Wheelwright was exiled upon conceite that he intended hostile 
sedition in a sermo of his, concluding all his bretheren presbyters and 
their people, not tenentizd w th him, to be under a covenant of workes. 
M rs Hutchinson was and is a woma who led aside silly men & women 
into strange conclusions ; I have heere presented some of them unto you : 
That union with Ch. is not by faith ; 2 that faith is a law from 3.27 : & 
therefore killeth ; 3 y t there is an ingreftment into X st and not by faith, 
& y* a soule may bee in Ch. and yet Chri not in it; 4 that there are no 
graces in the Soule, but the presence of X st acting, the soule being wholly 
passive ; w th a many other strange contradictory conclusions, boasting 
much of her revelacions and scriptuerlike certaynty of them. But as 
the Lord hath scattered these conceited persons, soe hath he followed 
them strangely, & that in 2 monstrous births that one M rs Dyers and 
M rs Hutchinson had. The former whilst she lived in Boston, who 
w th .jj er husked being young & lusty, and active in holding forth 
M rs Hutchinsons conceites or some of them, was delivered' of a large 
woman child in time 2 months before her compte ; it was still borne, yet 
alive 2 houres before birth ; it was on this forme : it had noe backe part 
of the head, the face stood low upon the breast, it had noe forehead but 
4 homes in the roome, 2 being an intch long & harde, and 2 lesse ; it 
had apish eares placed upon the shoulders, the eyes & mouth were 


strangely butting out, the nose crooked upwards, the backe & breast 
were prickly like a thorne backe ; the sex distinguishing parts were 
placed on the back side beneath the back bone and the hips were ante- 
placed, likewise on the backe were 2 holes and 2 peeces of flesh appear- 
ing out of them ; upon the toes on etch foote were 3 clawes like to a 
young fowle. The women called to the travayle were taken w t!l greate 
vomiting (although fasting) before the very acte of bringing forth, and 
were sent for home w th all speede because (then and not before or since) 
their children were taken w th convulsions, by w ch meanes only 2 being 
left and one asleepe besides midwife Hawkis (of the same stamp 
w th her) when she was delivered, at w ch time there was a great Stinke 
and the bed shaked. It was concealed by a confederacy, but revealed 
strangly & confessed, and for the trueths sake was digged up and 
found soe, and applyed conjecturally to their opinions. 1 

Alsoe since their removall up to the island M rs Hutchinson is brought 
to bed of a monstrous shape, but in what forme it is not yet Knowne as 
the Govenour told mee, but reported to be many false conceptions in a 

Wee have a Cambridge heere, a College erecting, youth lectured, a 
library, and I suppose there will be a presse this winter. There was 
w th us the last yeere a Lord, and this yeere came to live w th us a Knight 
and a Lady widdow, besides other persons of worth. 2 

Mr. Thomas Minns presented to the Society five large 
mounted photographs of buildings and places in Holland that 
were closely associated with the Reverend John Robinson 
and his congregation, and described them in some interesting 
remarks, in substance as follows : 


On the front of a house in Leyden, now standing on Klok Steeg, 
or Bell Alley, immediately adjoining the Square on which stands 
St. Peter's Church, is an inscription to the effect that John Robin- 
son, the leader of the first Puritan party banished from England, 
lived, taught and died there. That house, of which I now show 
you the photograph, was built in 1683 on the site of the original 

1 See also Winthrop's History of New England, i. 201-263, and Calendar of 
State Papers, Colonial Series, 1574-1660, p. 259. 

2 There is no signature, but the handwriting is that of the preceding letter. 


house of the Pilgrims. You will see the date across the front 
above the windows, and below the window on the right is the 
tablet to Robinson. It says simply: 

On This Spot 

Lived, Taught, And Died 

John Robinson. 



This is a photograph of the bronze tablet set in 1891 in the outer 
wall of St. Peter's Church in Leyden by the National Council of 
American Congregational Churches in Memory of the Reverend 
John Robinson, whose remains lie buried in the vault beneath the 
church. St. Peter's Church is the largest in Leyden and was built 
in 1315. The tablet has at the top a ship in full sail. Below it : 

The Mayflower, 1620. 

In Memory of 

Rev. John Robinson, M.A. 

Pastor of the English Church worshiping over against 

this spot, A.D. 1609-1625. Whence at his prompting 

went forth 


to settle New England 

in 1620. 

Buried under this house of Worship, 4 Mar. 1625. 


Erected by the National Council of the Congregational 

Churches of the United States of America. 

A.D. 1891. 

Arminius, the founder of the Arminian doctrine, has a monument 
here, 1609, with many others, Boerhaave, Scaliger, and Luzac, the 
friend and correspondent of Washington. Mr. George Sumner 


found in the church receipt book a receipt for payment of the 
burial fees, of which the translation is as follows : 

1625, 10th March 

Open & Hire for John Robens, English 
preacher. 9 florins. 


The old Dutch Reformed Church here shown facing the canal 
is where tradition says the Pilgrims held their last meeting in 
Delfshaven before they set sail, and through this canal they passed 
in boats to go on board their vessel, the Speedwell, for England. 


This gives the interior of the same church, quite unchanged 
it is said from that time. There is a visitors' book here and 
whether the tradition is true or not, this is an objective point for 
all seekers in Pilgrim history. 


This gives a view of the place of embarkment at Delfshaven 
and what is now called Pilgrims' Quay. This Quay is the long 
tree-shaded promenade along the canal on the left of the photo- 

Mr. Henry H. Edes then said : 

I have brought here this afternoon a well-preserved Commission, 
on parchment, running in the name of Queen Anne and signed 
by Governor Joseph Dudley and Secretary Addington, to Samuel 
Porter, appointing him Sheriff of the County of Hampshire. It 
bears date 13 August, 1702. The seal of the Province, which is 
appended to it by a ribbon, is in a perfect state of preservation. 
It has been loaned for exhibition this afternoon by a lineal de- 
scendant of the Sheriff. 

Samuel Porter of Hadley was the eldest son of Samuel Porter 
of Windsor, who subsequently removed to Hadley, and his wife 
Hannah, daughter of Thomas Stanley. He was born at Hadley, 
6 April, 1660, and is said to have been the first born in that town. 




He was an extensive trader with England, being, in this respect, 
second only to John Pynchon of Springfield, and accumulated 
what, in his time, was accounted a great fortune. He was a Repre- 
sentative to the General Court, Justice of the Peace, Sheriff of 
the County of Hampshire and Judge of the Court of Common 
Pleas. He married, 22 February, 1683-84, Joanna, daughter of 
Aaron Cook; had fourteen children, among them Aaron who 
graduated at Harvard in 1708 and became the first minister of 
Medford ; and died 29 July, 1722. One of his grandsons, — his 
namesake, — a Harvard graduate of the Class of 1730, was the 
third minister of Sherborn, while another was slain by the Indians 
in 1755 at Lake George. 

General Charles Greely Loring of Boston was elected 
a Resident Member. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 24 January, 1901, 
at three o'clock in the afternoon, the President, George 
Lyman Kittredge, in the chair. 

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that a letter 
had been received from General Charles G. Loring accept- 
ing Resident Membership. 

Mr. Charles A. Snow offered the following vote, which 
was unanimously adopted : 

Voted, That the Amendment of the By-Laws proposed by the 
Council at this Meeting is hereby adopted, so that Article 1 of 
Chapter III. will read as follows : 

Art. 1 . — There shall be Stated Meetings of the Society on the 
Twenty-first day of November and on the fourth Thursdays of Decem- 
ber, January, February, March and April, at such time and place as 
the Council shall appoint; provided, however, that the Council shall 
have authority to postpone any, except the November, Stated Meeting, 
or to dispense with it altogether, whenever, for any cause, they may 
deem it desirable or expedient. Special Meetings shall be called by 
either of the Secretaries at the request of the President ; or, in case of 
his death, absence, or inability, of one of the Vice-Presidents, or of 
the Council. 

The Stated Meeting in November shall be the Annual Meeting of 
the Corporation. 

The President announced the death of Professor Moses 
Coit Tyler, a Corresponding Member, and paid a tribute to 
his memory as a scholar and as the author of a history of 
our Colonial literature. 


The President then referred to the death of Governor 
Wolcott, announced at the last meeting, and called first 
npon Mr. Clifford. 

The Honorable Charles W. Clifford spoke as follows : 

What can be said of Roger Wolcott which has not been already 
better said? We seem like laggards bringing our tributes of love, 
honor and respect to lay upon his bier already loaded with the im- 
mortelles of a universal grief. Yet we of this Society, which he 
cherished and whose Roll his name illumined, may, in some sense, 
have a peculiar right to mourn his death, for in his life and char- 
acter were the fruitage, after two hundred and fifty years of growth, 
of the virtues of the Colonial stock. It was just two hundred and 
fifty years from the landing of the Pilgrims to the date of his grad- 
uation from Harvard University, and it was only a few years more 
than that from the foundation of this noble City to the date of his 
inauguration as Governor of the Commonwealth. What was the 
fundamental virtue which marked the beginning of this era and, 
as I say, found its richest fruit in his life and character ? Stead- 
fastness to duty, — that dominant force which enabled its posses- 
sors, with grim determination, to do the right, as it was given them 
to see the right, regardless of personal ease and comfort and the 
flowery path which leads to inactivity ! It was that force which 
enabled the Pilgrims to breast the dashing waves upon our stern 
New England coast for the freedom to worship God, and it was 
that same force which a hundred and fifty years later threw over- 
board the Tea in Boston Harbor. 

So it was with Wolcott. An aristocrat in all the virtues that 
aristocracy can develop, he was a thorough democrat in his recog- 
nition of that altruistic principle which, since it was enunciated in 
Palestine two thousand years ago, has been the foundation-stone of 
all true democracy. A Colonial aristocrat in lineage, wealth and 
love of ease and refined things, and all the sweeter environment 
which art and beauty and poetry lend to a life of leisure, that old 
Colonial principle of steadfastness to duty was the dominant force in 
his character, softened and mellowed by the democratic altruism 
of this later and, I believe, better age. I know something of the 
motive which induced him to give up that life of ease which opened 
so alluringly before him to tread what, to him, was the hard path 


of public endeavor, and that it was not the glittering triumphs of 
the hour but that stern old sense of duty which impelled him. It 
was that which spoke in his veto, when he did what seemed to him 
to be right instead of courting popularity by an easy acquiescence. 
It was that which, in these later years, kept him at his post with 
untiring energy and unceasing watchfulness and rigid devotion to 
his public duties. It was the spirit of Phillips and of Sumner, but 
it lacked the sneer of the one and the egotism of the other. 

It is not uncommon for us to hear a person, who bears a noble 
presence, who possesses the winning traits of personal courtesy, 
who exercises the charm of human sympathy and who exempli- 
fies in his acts and thoughts the motto of his class, — Noblesse 
Oblige, — spoken of as "a gentleman of the old school;" but 
Wolcott's life proves that such is the highest type of gentleman in 
our modern school, and that this age, which recognizes and ap- 
plauds the fact, is not degenerate. 

No beggar ever felt him condescend, 
No prince presume ; for still himself he bore 
At manhood's simple level and where'er 
He met a stranger, there he left a friend. 

A Unitarian in his religious belief, Wolcott was buried from 
Trinity Church in Boston, with the entire Commonwealth mourn- 
ing at his bier. This can add nothing to his reward of duty well 
performed, but it does mean much to this goodly city of his home 
where his presence was a daily inspiration and benediction to the 
old Commonwealth which he served so well, and to all of us who 
shared his confidence and were helped and strengthened by his 
friendship; it means much more for the future welfare of human- 
ity that the life and character of Roger Wolcott was the fruit 
which, after two hundred and fifty years, the old Colonial tree 
was bearing at the close of the nineteenth century. 

President Carter of Williams College paid the following 
tribute to Governor Wolcott : 

Mr. President, — It is only as a citizen of Massachusetts, lov- 
ing such interests of the Commonwealth as know no narrow limits, 
the interests of good government, of education and the higher man- 
hood, that it is proper for me to say words in honor of the late 


Roger Wolcott. My acquaintance with him, beginning in the 
autumn of 1892 when he was a candidate for the office of 
Lieutenant-Governor, was not of long standing. It was my 
pleasure to introduce him to my fellow-townsmen at a public 
meeting. I did not know his family history, but, struck by the 
historic significance of his name, I ventured, rightly as it turned 
out, to connect him with distinguished governors of Connecticut. 
His very presence bore the stamp of distinguished ancestry, and 
yet nothing could have surpassed the simplicity and plainness and 
courtesy of the address of this high-born gentleman. The impres- 
sion left upon me by the observations of that evening was that 
here was a man destined to a lofty career. Afterward, I saw him 
from time to time in various relations, and always the same fine 
combination of dignity and gentleness or, if I may so say, majesty 
and sweetness marked his appearance. When he became Gov- 
ernor, I think it was impossible for a sensitive person to leave 
him after an interview without feeling that his supreme aim was 
to serve the Commonwealth, that the chivalrous motto Noblesse 
Oblige had become as it were an instinctive feeling with him, and 
that, whatever it cost him, he would be true to the larger, deeper 
interests of Massachusetts. The fine prayer in his speech at the 
reception of the Bradford Manuscript was the expression of his 
true life : 

May God, in his mercy, grant that the moral impulse which founded 
this Nation may never cease to control its destiny ; that no act of any 
future generation may put in peril the fundamental principles upon which 
it is based, — of equal rights in a free state, equal privileges in a free 
church, and equal opportunities in a free school. 

It was, I am sure, in response to the noblest patriotism that he 
made his appointments. It was in response to the highest devo- 
tion, not merely to the rights of the citizens of Boston, but to the 
encouragement of education in the remoter, poorer towns that he 
vetoed the bill laying a mill-tax on all property for the benefit of 
common schools, — an insidious, socialistic measure not yet, I fear, 

It was in response to this same loyalty to the ideal common- 
wealth that Governor Wolcott vetoed more than one bill having 
for its object the lowering or abolition of tests of fitness for the 


holding of office. By so doing, in one case, he came directly into 
conflict with the absurd claim of politicians who advocated, and 
apparently persuaded the Legislature of Massachusetts to accept, 
the view that a few months of service in the army ought to 
annul the requirement of any other test for fitness in an appli- 
cant for office. It is not to be believed that such acts cost their 
author nothing. He was finely sensitive to the most human 
motives. He had faith in popular government and legislative 
enactments. He did not like to send to the Legislature a mes- 
sage calling attention to the abandonment involved in such a 
bill of the life principle of democracy, — that the best equipped 
should serve the state ; but, with Phillips Brooks, believing that 
" the public officer embodies the Nation's character, expresses its 
spirit and sanctity," and recognizing that his own training and 
his position left no other path for him to tread than that of fidel- 
ity to this principle, he walked steadily in that path. 

I think there was always a feeling on the part of some even who 
honored Wolcott, that he was not in the closest touch, that he 
could not get into familiar relations with the common people ; that 
a sort of frosty dignity would now and then crop out through the 
beautiful and uninterrupted stretches of his outward courtes}^. I 
am not certain that this was not true ; but if it was true, it did not 
hinder his rapid and steady advancement ; and when once in the 
gubernatorial chair, it helped rather than impaired his lofty dis- 
charge of duty. His superb personal presence, his manly bearing 
when, on horseback, he represented .Massachusetts in some na- 
tional procession, led many to say, " He looks the king of men he 
really is." Of genuine sympathy for all men, of tenderness for 
the unfortunate, of readiness to put all his gifts and powers at the 
service of his fellow-citizens, he had no lack. Massachusetts has 
had a proud line of illustrious Governors. -Some have been dis- 
tinguished for eloquence, some for scholarship, some for executive 
power, one or two have, perhaps, had more or less a combination 
of all these qualities ; but can we recall one whose personal pres- 
ence, breadth of view, loyalty to duty, and genuine sympathy made 
him more worthy than he to be the foremost citizen of the Com- 
monwealth ? I like to think of him as a Galahad who — 

Ever moved among us in white armor, 


to whom the voice of Massachusetts history said, when he began 
his public career, — 

God make thee good as thou art beautiful ! ' 

I like to think that he co-operated with God in the fulfilment of 
that prayer, and that in all his sharp debates with the advocates 
of lower creeds, in all the turbulence and acclaim of crowds, in all 
the loneliness of the Governor's chair, he remembered the conse- 
cration. Though leaving us so young, might he not say, and do 
we not deeply honor him that he might truly say, — translating 
the Holy Grail into his ideal of service — 

In the strength of this I rode, 

Shattering all evil customs everywhere, 

And past thro' Pagan realms, and made them mine, 

And clash'd with Pagan hordes, and bore them down, 

And broke thro' all, and in the strength of this 

Come victor 

And hence I go and one will crown me king 
Far in the spiritual city. 

The Reverend Henry A. Parker related some incidents 
of Governor Wolcott's boyhood; Mr. Francis H. Lincoln 
spoke of him as his schoolmate ; Mr. Andrew McFarland 
Davis referred to the high plane which characterized his 
public and private career ; and Mr. William Gushing 
Wait recalled the manly stand which he took in the matter 
of some unjust exemptions which were proposed in connec- 
tion with the Metropolitan Park assessments. 

On behalf of Mr. Denison R. Slade, who was unable to 
be present, Mr. Edes communicated the following document 
from his family papers : 

Province of the ) 
Massachusetts Bay ) 

( Seal J 

X^_^/ By His Excellency the Governour. 

Whereas Mess? Richard Clarke and Joseph Lee have represented to 
me that they are Proprietors of certain Iron Works in the Town of 


Attleboro', & have Occasion in carrying on the said Mystery of making 
Iron to employ Twenty men as Artificers & Labourers in the said 
Business ; and that the taking the said men off from the said Work 
may be a great & irreparable Damage to their Interest, and have 
therefore prayed that I would excuse said Artificers & Labourers from 
military Duty. 

I do hereby accordingly exempt from all military Duty whatsoever 
such persons as shall be employed by the said Clarke & Lee in the said 
Iron Works to the number of Twenty, during such Time as they shall 
be so employed. 

Of which all Military Officers whom it may concern are required to 
take Notice & to conform themselves accordingly. 

Given under my hand & Seal at Boston the 13^ day of April, 1745. 
In the Eighteenth Year of his Majesty's Reign. 

W. Shirley. 

Mr. Edes then said : 

Neither the Council Records nor the Massachusetts Archives 
contain any reference to Shirley's action, nor have I been able to 
find any petition from Richard Clarke and Joseph Lee upon 
which it might have been based. These gentlemen were class- 
mates at Harvard College, in the Class of 1729, and their subse- 
quent careers are well known. 1 

The following letter from Mr. Joshua Eddy Crane, who has 
made a study of the Iron industry in southern Massachusetts, 
will be read with interest : 

Public Library, 

Taunton, Mass., April 24, 1902. 
Mr. Henry H. Edes, 

My dear Sir, — Your communication of March 22nd, relating to 
early iron works, Attleborough, was received at Taunton during my 
absence, occasioned by a trip into the South, and I have been pre- 
vented from sending you an earlier reply. 

I have been much interested in your letter and heartily wish that I 
could give you the full information required. 

It seems to me that there is no doubt that the old Attleborough forge, 
or works, to which your letter refers, must be the bloomery with which 
Thomas Baylies of Taunton was associated before his settlement here 
in 1757. The old Attleborough works were situated within the limits 

1 See John Leigh of Agawam (Albany, 18S8), pp. 47, 48 and note. 


of East Attleborongh, at Mechanicsville, or Mechanics, and have long 
since disappeared, but the site is still pointed out. As early as 1742, 
Robert Saunderson of Boston, master of the forge, sold the property 
to Robert Lightfoot, a merchant of Boston, 1 who was probably, in years 
afterward, one of several proprietors interested in the works, and in 
1759 the property came into the hands of Thomas Cobb of Taunton. 2 

Thomas Baylies appears to have been at Attleborough as early as 
1742 ; 3 it does not appear when Saunderson settled there, 4 but it is evi- 
dent that such an undertaking must have been maintained by several 
proprietors, 5 and your newly discovered document adds an interesting 
chapter to the industrial history of the place. 

1 Bristol Deeds, xxxii. 353. 

2 Ibid, xliii. 430. 

8 In a subsequent letter, Mr. Crane places the date of Thomas Baylies's 
settlement at Attleborough in 1738, on the authority of Emery's History of 
Taunton (ii. 3,4), which refers incidentally to Richard Clarke's connection with 
the Iron works in Attleborough. 

4 But see Bristol Deeds, xli. 211 and xlv. 326, in which he is described as 
of Attleborough, iron-master. 

5 The Suffolk Deeds (liv. 210) record a conveyance, for £125, from Robert 
Sanderson 1 and William Bollan, to William Clarke of Boston, since of Attle- 
borough, physician, of the Iron Stone in lands situated in Wrentham, Massa- 
chusetts, and Smithfield, Rhode Island, also the hill called " Iron Rocky Hill." 
The deed is dated 12 January, 1736. 

Another conveyance (Ibid. lxii. 67-) runs from William Bollan, gentleman, 
Robert Sanderson, merchant, and Henry Laughton, shopkeeper, all of Boston, 
who, for £1000, sell to Richard Clarke of Boston, merchant, and William 
Clarke of Attleborough, in the county of Bristol, physician, several tracts and 
parcels of land in W^rentham, and one parcel in Attleborough described as 
follows : 

Also one Third Part of Two small parcells of land purchased by the said Bollan, 
Laughton and Wood of Gideon Tower, William Hancock and Ichabod Peck situate in 

1 In all of Sanderson's conveyances recorded with Suffolk Deeds which I have examined, 
his name is spelled without the " u," which some writers have injected into the spelling of 
his name. Different members of this family in Boston spelled their names Sanders, Saunders, 
Sanderson or Saunderson, as appears in the Town and Church Records, Suffolk Probate Files 
and Suffolk Registry of Deeds. Robert Sanderson, tanner, was born in Boston 16 January, 
1696-97, and baptized at the Old South Church on the following day. He was the son of 
Robert, goldsmith, and Esther (Woodward) Sanderson of Boston, and grandson of Robert 
Sanderson of Hampton, Watertown and Boston, who was ordained a Deacon of the First 
Church in Boston 14 (12) 1668. He is believed to have been identical with Robert Sanderson, 
Esq., formerly of Boston, who died at Hammersmith, England, 11 December, 1789, aged 84 
(Musgrave's Obituary, v. 210; Independent Chronicle, Boston, of Thursday, 3 February, 1791, 
No. 1162, p. 3/3), a tvpographical error, 84 for 94, having, perhaps, been made in stating his 
age. See Suffolk Probate Files, Nos. 2082, 2279, 3686, 4107, 4108, 5965 ; Suffolk Deeds, xxxiii. 
211, xxxvi. 211, xxxviii. 183, xxxix. 220, xli. 194, 199, xliii. 195, 266, xliv. 61. 


You have doubtless made some effort to find any possible reference 
in the records of the time, to be found at the State House, which might 
verify the statement relating to Gov. Shirley's order. 

I do not find any helpful mention of the works except in Daggett's 
History of Attleborough [edition of 1894, p. 338], 1 a work of value 
issued after the death of the author, who was a writer of much research 
and for a time the President of the Old Colony Historical Society. 

I should have no hesitation in welcoming the statement that mer- 
chants of Boston were interested in this enterprise as they were in 
others in the Old Colony. In examining some of the books of the 
ancient iron works in Taunton, which were written as accounts in 
1742-5, now in possession of the Old Colony Historical Society, I 
find several names of gentlemen of Boston who were interested in the 
business, but I do not find the names of Richard Clarke or Joseph Lee. 
I do find the names of Jonas Clarke and Peter Oliver. It is very 
strong evidence, it seems to me, that the proprietors of the works 
mentioned in your letter, were the gentlemen who were graduates of 
Harvard, in association with others. 

I am not aware of any other site of a forge in Attleborough, and 

the Township of Attlebourough in the County of Bristol as Particularly described and 
Bounded by a Deed from the said Hancock and Tower dated Dec 1- 31, 1734 And by the 
said Peck's Deed dated March 12, 1734, 

one of said parcels containing two acres and twenty-eight rods, the other four 
acres and one hundred and fifty-eight rods. The conveyance also includes a 
tract of about twenty-four acres bought by the said Bollan, Laughton and Amos 
Wood, all of Boston, of Samuel Bartlett, Jr., of Attleborough by his deed of 
4 April, 1735 ; and all interests of the grantors in mines, etc. , on the granted 
premises. This deed is dated 15 July, 1736, and recorded under date of 13 
November, 1741. Endorsed upon it (Ibid. lxii. 68) is a conveyance, for £500, 
from William Clarke and his wife Sarah Clarke, to Joseph Lee of Boston, 
merchant, of — 

all our "Right and Interest in the within written Deed and in all the Lands, Tenement, 
Hereditaments, Oar Mines, Minerals, Estate, Priviledges and appurtenances thereby 
Granted and Conveyed to the said William Clark. 

This deed is dated 19 May, 1740, and was recorded 13 November, 1741. 

Other lands in Wrentham were conveyed by Bollan and Laughton, for 
£1400, to Richard and William Clarke 19 July, 1737, and on 19 May, 1710, 
William and Sarah Clarke, for £700, convey to Joseph Lee their half interest 
therein. Both of these conveyances were recorded 13 November, 1741 (Ibid. 
lxii. 68-70). 

1 See Bliss's History of Rehoboth, p. 133. 


I think that an examination of the records of the transfer of land as 
early as the beginning of the next century, that is, about 1800, will 
enable you to identify the spot. I cannot give you the name of any 
one residing in Attleborongh who may have an acquaintance with this 
matter. Mr. Seaver, the Secretary of the Old Colony Historical 
Society, concurs with me in this expression of view. 
In the sale of the property in 1742 there were — 

about 15 acres of land including the Forge Pond, together with a forge 
containing three fires, and a cole house, Pigg house, two dwellings and granary, 
a stable on said premises standing, and all the utensils belonging to and proper 
for such a forge in good going order, the whole being under y e occupation of 
Thomas Baylies. 1 

This property was sold to Lightfoot, a merchant of Boston, for two 
thousand pounds, current money of the Province, but Saunderson 
retained a part interest in the works for ten years, selling one-half 
of the forge, etc., in 1752, to John Merrit of Providence. 2 

The bloomery stood on Ten Mile river. 

Thomas Cobb was a son-in-law of James Leonard, Jr. of Taunton, 
who was an active iron-master, and was an overseer in Attleborough 
under Lightfoot and his associates, Lightfoot removing to Newport, in 
later years, and residing there some time before he disposed of his 
interest in the works. 

If I can be of any further assistance to you, please communicate 
with me. 

Yours very truly. 

Joshua E. Crane. 

Mr. George Parker Winshlp, a Corresponding Member, 
read some interesting letters, written in Boston in 1779 and 
1780, by the local correspondent of an old Rhode Island 
firm, 3 describing contemporary business, social, educational 
and denominational happenings. One communication, from 
the Reverend Samuel Stillman of the First Baptist Church, 
telling of his struggles with the rulers of the dominant 

1 Bristol Deeds, xxii. 353. 

2 Ibid, xxxix. 390. 

3 Nicholas Brown and Company, of Providence, which became, in 1796, 
Brown and Ives, under which name the firm still continues. 


church, throws some curious light upon the motives and 
methods of the party which controlled Massachusetts during 
the later Revolutionary period. 

Mr. Albert Matthews read the following paper on — 


While it may not be possible to trace the precise steps by 
which the term Brother Jonathan came to be applied to Ameri- 
cans collectively, yet as the origin of the expression has never been 
seriously treated and as some wholly new facts can be presented, 
it may be of interest to consider the subject afresh, and an exam- 
ination of the generally accepted story in regard to it will be 
instructive as a study in the evolution of a popular legend. In 
the Norwich Evening Courier of Thursday, 12 November, 1846, 
No. 797, p. 2/4, there appeared this passage : 

" The following account of the Origin of the term, ' Brother Jonathan,' 
as applied to the United States will, no doubt, gratify the curiosity 
of a multitude of minds, no less than it has done our own. It is the 
first and only account we have ever seen of the origin of a term which 
has come into universal use. It comes to us through a friend in this 
city, from one of the most intelligent gentlemen and sterling Whigs in 
Connecticut — a gentleman now upward of 80 years of age — himself 
an active participator in the scenes of the Revolution. — Ed. Courier. 

t(t Brother Jonathan ' — Origin of the Term as applied to the United 

44 When General Washington, after being appointed commander of the 
Army of the Revolutionary war, came to Massachusetts to organize it, 
and make preparation for the defense of the Country, he found a great 
destitution of ammunition and other means, necessary to meet the pow- 
erful foe he had to contend with, and great difficulty to obtain them. 
If attacked in such condition, the cause at once might be hopeless. On 
one occasion at that auxious period, a consultation of the officers and 
others was had, when it seemed no way could be devised to make such 
preparation as was necessary. His Excellency, Jonathan Trumbull, the 
elder, was then Governor of the State of Connecticut, on whose judge- 
ment and aid the General placed the greatest reliance, and remarked, 
We must consult ' Brother Jonathan ' on the subject. The General did 
so, and the Governor was successful in supplying many of the wants 


of the Army. When difficulties after arose, and the army was spread 
over the Country, it became a by-word, ' we must consult Brother Jona- 
than.' The term Yankee is still applied to a portion, but, ' Brother 
Jonathan ' has now become a designation of the whole Country, as John 
Bull has, for England." x 

The commentators rapidly improved upon this story. Within 
five years Horace Bushnell had added some attractive features, 
writing in 1851 : 

" Neither let us forget, in this connection, what appears to be suffi- 
ciently authenticated, that our Trumbull is no other than the world- 
renowned Brother Jonathan, accepted as the soubriquet of the United 
States of America. Our Connecticut Jonathan was to Washington 
what the scripture Jonathan was to David, a true friend, a counselor 
and stay of confidence — Washington's brother. When he wanted 
honest counsel and wise, he would say, ' let us consult brother Jonathan ; ' 
and then afterwards, partly from habit and partly in playfulness of 
phrase, he would say the same when referring any matter to the Con- 
gress, — ' let us consult Brother Jonathan.' And so it fell out rightly, 
that as Washington was called the Father of his Country, so he named 
the fine boy, the nation, after his brother Jonathan — a good, solid, 
scripture name, which, as our sons and daughters of the coming time may 
speak it, anywhere between the two oceans, let them remember honest 

1 The second paragraph, with slight differences, was printed in the Supple- 
ment to the Courant (Hartford, Connecticut) of Saturday, 12 December, 1840 
(xi. 199/3), preceded by the following remark : 

"Brother Jonathan. — The origin of this term as applied to the United States, is 
given in a recent number of the Norwich Courier. The editor says it was communicated 
by one of the most intelligent gentlemen and sterling Whigs in Connecticut, now upward 
of eighty years of age, who was an active participator in the scenes of the Revolution. 
The story is as follows." 

In 1848 Bartlett, in his Dictionary of Americanisms, pp. 49, 50, printed the 
passages from the Supplement to the Courant, but without indicating the source. 
In 1859 Stuart printed the passages from the Supplement to the Courant in 
his Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Sen., pp. 697, 698 note. A file of the Supple- 
ment to the Courant is in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society 
of Worcester, and I am indebted to Mr. Edmund M. Barton for allowing me to 
consult it. After a long search, a file of the Norwich Evening Courier for 1846 
was found in the office of the Norwich Bulletin. The passages in the text are 
copied from the original, to which an exact reference is now given for the first 
time. An examination of the Norwich Evening Courier for November and 
December, 1846, fails to disclose any further allusion to the subject. 


old Connecticut and the faithful and true brother she gave to Washing- 
ton." x 

A little later, G. H. Hollister, alluding to Trumbull, remarked: 

"Industrious, quiet, unselfish, trust-worthy — with a head never 
giddy, however steep the precipice upon which he stood, and a heart 
that kept all secrets confided to it as the deep wave holds the plummet 
that is dropped into its bosom — no wonder that Trumbull should have 
been selected by the first man of the world as his counselor and compan- 
ion, and no wonder that he called him i brother. ' " 2 

In 1858 Aslibel Woodward said : 

' ' We wish to note a single incident connected with the Revolutionary 
position of the first Gov. Trumbull. We refer to the origin of the once 
New-England, but now national, soubriquet of ' Brother Jonathan/ It 
is understood to have come into use in this wise : Washington, whose 
resources were generally made equal to any emergency, was, at some 
critical periods, greatly perplexed for want of troops, and that which 
was almost as necessary to insure success, the munitions of war in 
general. It was then, when his own great heart was almost ready to 
falter, that he unhesitatingly decided to fall back upon Gov. Trumbull, 
who was always reliable ; or, as he expressed it, ' to consult Brother 
Jonathan.' " 3 

In 1872, Scheie De Vere declared that — 

" in this difficulty [Washington] found great support in the energetic 
and wise governor, and thus contracted the habit of saying, in every 
emergency, ' We must consult Brother Jonathan.'" 4 

In 1872 Stephen W. Kellogg, on the occasion of the presenta- 
tion of a statue of Governor Trumbull to be placed in the Capitol 
at Washington, made a speech in the House of Representatives, 
in which he said: 

1 Historical Estimate of Connecticut, in Work and Play, 1861, pp. 214, 215. 

2 History of Connecticut, 1855, ii. 425, 426. In a note Hollister refers to 
Bushnell's address, already quoted. 

8 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xii. 60, 61. The evi- 
dence fails to show that Brother Jonathan was a sobriquet applied particularly 
to New Englanders. 

4 Americanisms, p. 251. 


" Trumbull bore the honored title and distinction of ' the rebel Gov- 
ernor ' in England. Washington gave him the good old homely name 
of 'Brother Jonathan,' by which he and his country have been and 
will be known the world over. Washington relied upon him, as on an 
elder brother, for counsel and aid all through the war. When he first 
assumed command of an army without ammunition and without supplies, 
and his council of war could devise no means to procure them, he ' con- 
sulted Brother Jonathan/ and the supplies came." x 

In 1887 Elias B. Sanford observed: 

"The relations of Governor Trumbull and Washington were those of 
close and intimate friendship. Washington leaned upon him as his 
right arm. ' Let us consult Brother Jonathan,' he would say, when any 
difficult matter was under consideration. The remark became so com- 
mon, that, in a spirit of pleasant appreciation of the Connecticut gov- 
ernor, he would playfully say, when referring any matter to Congress, 
4 Let us consult Brother Jonathan ; ' and it was in this way, the nation 
itself, in familiar phrase, was named 'Brother Jonathan.'" 2 

Close to the house at Lebanon, Connecticut, where Governor 
Trumbull lived during the Revolution, is a smaller building, 
known as the " War Office," in which he transacted his business. 
In 1891 this building was restored, and on 15 June a celebration 
was held at which a flag was raised over the building. " A few 
minutes later another flag bearing, in large letters, the words, 
'BROTHER JONATHAN,' was displayed from" the house once 
occupied by Governor Trumbull. 3 

In 1895 Mr. J. Henry Lea wrote : 

" There is probably no family among our early colonial and revolu- 
tionary stock which has contributed so many distinguished men to their 

1 The Congressional Globe, 29 April, 1872, Second Session, Forty-Second 
Congress, p. 2902. 

In his address, A Revolutionary Congressman on Horseback, delivered in 
1877, Col. T. W. Higginson remarked: 

"Gov. Trumbull was revered as the only colonial governor who took the patriotic 
side ; and is also likely to be held in permanent fame as the author of the phrase 
'Brother Jonathan ' " (Travellers and Outlaws, 1889, p. 63). 

In making Governor Trumbull the author of the phrase,. Col. Higginson has 
departed widely from the usual story. 

2 History of Connecticut, p. 234. 

8 The Lebanon War Office, 1891, pp. 27, 32, 55, 71, 75,91. See also Early 
Lebanon, 1880, p. 91. 



country's service in so many widely varied walks of life as the Trumbulls 
— preeminent among statesmen, warriors, divines, poets, painters and 
historians, the fame of the family must still rest, as its most enduring 
monument, on the patriot Governor of Connecticut whose nickname of 
4 Brother Jonathan,' affectionately given him by Washington, will ever 
stand as the prototype of American manhood and patriotism." l 

But the climax was reached by I. W. Stuart in the follow- 
ing passage : 

" So frequently did the Commander-in-chief appeal to the latter 
[Trumbull] for his deliberation and judgment, that — not only when 
any conjuncture of difficulty or peril arose, but even often when matters 
not involving peril, but simply facts and circumstances hard of solution, 
were under his consideration — he was in the habit of remarking — 4 We 
must consult Brother Jonathan ' — a phrase which his intimate relations 
of friendship with the Governor of Connecticut fully warranted, as well 
as the fact — probabty well known to Washington — that ' Brother Jona- 
than' was the title of familiar but respectful endearment by which 
Trumbull was often designated in his own neighborhood and home, 
among a large circle of relatives, friends, and acquaintances generally. 2 

" From the marquee and council-rooms of the Commander-in-chief, 
the phrase ' ive must consult Brother Jonathan ' passed out to the sol- 
diery. And gradually spreading from mouth to mouth, as occasions of 
doubt and perplexity, and finally even of slight embarrassments, arose — 
soon became a popular and universal phrase in the whole American 
army — in use to unravel the threads of almost every entanglement — 
solve every scruple — unriddle every enigma — settle every confusion — 
smooth every anxiety — and untie even — as a kind of pis-aller, as a 
catch-phrase of wand-like power — every little Gordian knot of social 

1 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlix. 148. Amid the 
all but universal acceptance of the Trumbull story, it is pleasant to record 
at least one instance of caution. The late Alexander Johnston, in 1S87, said 
that Trumbull "was the trusted associate of Washington, and the latter's 
familiar way of addressing him when asking his advice is said to have been the 
origin of the popular phrase 'Brother Jonathan'" (Connecticut, p. 287). The 
italics are mine. 

2 As Governor Trumbull had no fewer than three brothers and four sisters, 
it is highly probable that he may have been called " Brother Jonathan " by 
some if not by all of them. But that he was so called by his " friends, and ac- 
quaintances generally," is a statement in support of which no proof is offered. 
See post, p. 100 note 3. 


"From the camp the expression passed to adjacent neighborhoods — 
from adjacent neighborhoods to States — and both in this way, and 
through the medium of returning soldiery, became propagated through 
the country at large — until finally, syncopated in part, it was univer- 
sally appropriated, through its two emphatic words ' Brother Jona- 
than,' as a sobriquet, current to the present day — and which will 
continue current, probably, through ages yet to come — for that 
mightiest of all Republics that ever flung its standard to the breezes 
of heaven — the United States of America. 

"So it happens, that a Governor of Connecticut — and this the one 
we commemorate — by force of an exalted virtue, signally developed in 
himself, has enstamped his own name upon half the Continent of the 
New World ! 1 In his name a colossal nation has been baptized. The 
Kingdoms of the world — Principalities and Powers — now consult 
Brother Jonathan ! " 2 

If it is asked on what authority Mr. Stuart based this minute, 
detailed, and circumstantial account of the origin and spread of 
the term Brother Jonathan, there will be surprise to learn that 
the only evidence he could cite in support of his amazing asser- 
tions was the story given at the beginning of this paper. 3 It has 
apparently occurred to no one until now to submit that story to 
examination. A story not alluded to in the correspondence either 

1 This sentence recalls a skit which, under the title of Authenticated Amer- 
ican Etymologies, appeared in the Massachusetts Magazine for March, 1792, iv. 
161, 162: 

" When the seamen on board the ship of Christopher Columbus, after a series of fa- 
tigues, came in sight of St. Salvador, they burst out in exuberant mirth and jollity. 
' The lads are in A MERRY KEY/ cried the commodore. AMERICA is now the 
name of half the globe." 

Mr. Stuart seems to have been one of those mortals who, in the words of 
Lowell, " have been sent into the world unfurnished with that modulating and 
restraining balance-wheel which we call a sense of humor." 

2 Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Sen., 1859, pp. 696-698. Of this work, Mr. 
Henry C. Robinson has recently said that " were it written in a simpler style, 
[it] would doubtless be found in more libraries. . . . But the days of bloated 
rhetoric are past " (Jonathan Trumbull, 1898, p. 4). It need scarcely be added 
that Mr. Robinson himself accepts the Trumbull story : 

" Washington was wont to speak of Governor Trumbull as 'Brother Jonathan/ This 
pet description of Trumbull by the ' Father of his Country ' has been well transferred to 
the personification of the investigating, progressive, liberty-loving nation which Wash- 
ington and Trumbull did so much to create" (Ibid. p. 21). 

3 See ante, p. 95 note. 


of Washington or of Trumbull ; a story unknown to the contem- 
poraries of either ; a story unheard of until forty-seven years 
after the death of Washington, sixty-one years after the death 
of Trumbull, and seventy-one years after Washington took com- 
mand of the American forces ; a story the author of which has 
never been discovered, but which comes to us from an unknown 
octogenarian, who, as lie was upwards of eighty years of age 
in 1846, was therefore upwards of nine years of age in 1775, and 
whose services as " an active participator in the scenes of the 
Revolution" could scarcely have been of an arduous nature; 1 a 
story unsupported by one iota of corroborating evidence, — to 
such a story obviously no credence can be given. It is, in short, 
a newspaper story pure and simple, and as such should have been 
received with caution from the beginning. When will biogra- 
phers and historians, in dealing with a question of etymology, 
instead of accepting without examination the first account that 
comes to hand, inquire into the history of a word or phrase, and 
apply the same rules of evidence to alleged etymological facts 
that they apply to alleged historical facts ? Moreover, it will not 
escape notice that, in these accounts of Trumbull, Washington 
figures in quite a subordinate character ; but surely, the services 
rendered by Trumbull 2 were of sufficient consequence not to need 
bolstering up by details drawn from what, with the evidence at 
present in our possession, must be pronounced a purely imaginary 
story. It is incumbent on those who accept this, either to offer 
proof in its support, or, failing that, to withdraw it. 3 

1 From our associate Mr. Charles K. Bolton, who has kindly allowed me to 
read the manuscript of a book he is about to publish, — The Private Soldier 
under Washington, — I learn that many of the recruits were mere boys, some at 
the opening of the war being under sixteen. It is possible, therefore, that the 
gentleman from whom we get the story, even if only nine in 1775, might have 
served towards the close of the war. However, the age of the gentleman is of as 
little importance as is the assurance that in 1846 he was one of the most " ster- 
ling Whigs in Connecticut." 

2 A letter written by Washington, 1 October, 1785, to Jonathan Trumbull, 
Jr., contained this sentence : " A long & well spent life in the service of his Coun- 
try, justly entitled him to the first place among patriots." See post, p. 183. 

8 Before taking leaving of the Trumbull story, attention may be called to 
several passages. Soon after the origination of that story, an amusing vari- 
ation was suggested. In 1852 an unknown person wrote from La Valette, 
Malta, as follows: 


One of the many theories in regard to the derivation of the 
word Yankee was advanced by. the Reverend William Gordon, 

" The Agnomen of ' Brother Jonathan ' op Masonic Origin. 
" George Washington, commander-in-chief of the American army in the revolution, 
was a mason, as were all the other generals, with the solitary exception of Arnold the 
traitor, . . . On one occasion, when the American army had met with some serious reverses, 
Washington called his brother officers together, to consult in what manner their effects 
could be best counteracted. Differing as they did in opinion, the commander-in-chief 
postponed any action on the subject, by remarking, ' Let us consult brother Jonathan,' 
referring to Jonathan Trumbull, who was a well known mason, and particularly distin- 
guished 'for his sound judgment, strict morals, and having the tongue of good report'" 
(Notes and Queries, First Series, v. 149). 

In a letter written 19 February, 1776, by Jedidiah Huntington to Gover- 
nor Trumbull, occurs this sentence : 

" The bearer, whom I should have mentioned in the beginning of my letter, is Mr. 
Hooper, of North Carolina, one of the delegates of Congress, an old and particular ac- 
quaintance of brother Jonathan's " (5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 514). 

Jedidiah Huntington married Faith Trumbull, the oldest daughter of Gov- 
ernor Trumbull ; and the " brother Jonathan " alluded to was Jonathan Trumbull, 
Jr., the second son of Governor Trumbull. In a letter written 27 April, 1775, 
Huntirfgton said that he "expected to have seen Brother Joseph by this time," 
meaning Joseph Trumbull, the oldest son of Governor Trumbull. In letters 
written 21 September, 1775, 14 January and 29 March, 1776, Huntington men- 
tioned " brother David," referring to David Trumbull, the third son of Gover- 
nor Trumbull. In letters written 17 August, 21 September, 1775, and 1 April, 
1776, Huntington spoke of " Brother John " or " brother Jack," alluding to 
John Trumbull, the fourth and youngest son of Governor Trumbull, and the 
future artist (5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 496, 499, 504, 509, 
514, 516, 517). 

It was of course natural for Huntington to call these four men " brothers," 
because they were his brothers by marriage. If any one, not a near relative, ever 
alluded to Governor Trumbull as " Brother Jonathan," the fact could hardly 
have, escaped contemporary record ; and if Governor Trumbull had been so re- 
ferred to by Washington, surely the honorable mark of distinction would have 
excited comment. It is reasonable to expect to find some allusion to the desig- 
nation in the History of Jonathan Trumbull, the present Rebel Governor of 
Connecticut, from his Birth, early in this Century, to the present Day, — which, 
unfriendly and valueless, appeared in the Political Magazine for January, 1781, 
ii. 6-10 ; in the Rev. Z. Ely's Sermon Preached at the Funeral Solemnity Of 
His Excellency Jonathan Trumbull, and in the obituary notices which appeared, 
in 1785 ; in the Rev. Z. Ely's Discourse, in President T. Dwight's Discourse, and 
in the Biographical Sketch of the Character of Governor Trumbull (attributed 
to John Trumbull, a nephew of 'the first Governor Trumbull, and the author of 
M'Fingal), all occasioned by the death of Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., also Gov- 
ernor of Connecticut, in 1809 ; in the sketch of the first Governor Trumbull 
printed in 1839 in J. B. Longacre and J. Herring's National Portrait Gallery 


who in 1788 declared that the word was a favorite cant expres- 
sion with a certain Jonathan Hastings of Cambridge, Massachu- 
setts, about 1713. 1 It is not my purpose to discuss this theory, 
and I mention it at all only because it was reproduced by a 
writer in an English review in 1814, and drew from the editor 
the following question : 

"May not the characteristic name of Jonathan applied to the people 
of the United States owe its origin to the same person? " 2 

The origin of the term was also attributed, by another English 
writer, in 1861, to Jonathan Carver, the noted traveller. 3 On 
this principle, the expression could be traced back to the first 
person who rejoiced in the christian name of Jonathan. And 
indeed we seem almost to have reached that point in the passage 
which is now to be considered. In 1643 there was printed at 
London a pamphlet called The Reformado. 4 This purports to 
be a harangue delivered by a Churchwarden of St. Clement's 
Church, Eastcheap. The speaker, beginning with the weather- 
cock on the steeple, considers in turn every separate thing per- 
taining to the ornaments or furniture of the church, and declares 
how each ought to be dealt with : some must be wholly done 

of Distinguished Americans, iv. ; and, most of all, in the Autobiography, Rem- 
iniscences and Letters which John Trumbull, the artist, and son of the first 
Governor Trumbull, published in 1841. But we search in vain for any trace of 
the story until 1846. 

Finally, even if it can be shown that Washington did at some time allude to 
Governor Trumbull as " Brother Jonathan," the fact would not necessarily in- 
dicate the origin of our present expression. In this very note it has been shown 
that Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., actually was called "Brother Jonathan:." yet 
surely no one will be rash enough to assert that such a designation has the remot- 
est connection with the term Brother Jonathan as applied to Americans. 

1 History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the Independence of the 
United States of America, i. 481, 482. 

2 New Monthly Magazine, ii. 213 note. 

8 Notes and Queries, Second Series, xi. 263, 326, xii. 274. 

4 The full title is: THE REFORMADO, Precisely Charactered by a 
Transformed Church-warden, at a Vestry, LONDON. The first sentence in the 
above passage was quoted by a writer in Notes and Queries, 1859, Second Series, 
vii. 444 ; but as, apart from the context, it was utterly inexplicable, I sent to 
the British Museum for a copy of the pamphlet, and from this the passages in 
the text are printed. There is no date on the title-page, but in the British 
Museum Catalogue it is dated 1643. 


away with, while others need only be transformed. The passage 
which concerns us is as follows: 

" Queene ELIZABETHS Monument was put up (at my charge) 
when the Regall Government had fairer credit among us than now : and 
her Epitaph was one of my Brother Jonathan's best Poems, before hee 
abjured the University, or had a thought of New-England. I have had 
no small strugling within me about the toleration or abolition of this 
Statue ; and at last, have resolv'd it shall continue, but with a Curtaine 
to vaile it, that wee may regard, or dis-regard it at our pleasure : For, 
methinks in Forty foure yeares reigne, she might ( if she pleased ) have 
bated the Beast of Home to better purpose, and wrought a more through 
Reformation " (p. 9). 

In regard to this passage, three views seem possible. First, 
as it will not do to take the pamphlet too seriously, it may be 
held that the monument existed only in the imagination of the 
speaker. Secondly, perhaps there actually was in the church a 
statue of Elizabeth. Thirdly, it may have been one of those 
"monuments" of Queen Elizabeth which at that time were often 
seen in London churches. Writing in 1656, Fuller said: 

" Queen Elizabeth, the mirrour of her Sex and Age, ... exchanged 
her Earthly, for a Heavenly Crowne ; . . . Her Corps were solemnly 
interred under a fair Tomb in Westminster ; the lively Draught whereof, 
is pictured in most London, & many Countrey Churches, every Parish 
being proud of the shadow of her Tomb ; and no wonder, when each 
Loyal Subject erected a mournfull Monument for her in his heart." 1 

An examination of Stow's Survey of London 2 makes it reason- 
ably certain that the third view is the correct one. In the 1618 
edition of that work (p. 406), it is stated that St. Clement's 
"is a small Church, void of monuments, other then of, Francis 
Barnam, Alderman, who deceased, 1575, and of Benedict Barnam 
his sonne, Alderman also, 1598." In the edition of 1633 (p. 832), 
we read : 

1 Church-History of Britain, Book x, ^[ 12, pp. 4, 5. 

2 First published in 1598, other editions appeared in 1603, 1618, and 1633, 
the last with large additions by Anthony Munday and Henry Dyson. It was 
not again reprinted till 1724, when Strype brought out his edition. The 1618 
edition does not mention these " monuments," but the edition of 1633 records 
"all the Monuments of Queene Elizabeth, as they are in every Church " (p. 819). 


This Church was repaired and beautified at the cost & charge of the 
Parishioners, in the yeere of our Lord God, 1632. 
Iolin Stoner ) 

Thomas Priestman 

Queene Elizabeths Monument. 
Monumentum Elizabethan. 

In the figure of a Booke. 
Psal. 125. 

They that trust in the Lord, shall bee as Mount Sion, which cannot be 
removed, but remaineth for ever. 

On the one side. 

Spaines rod, Homes ruine, 
Netherlands reliefe, 
Heavens jem, Earth's joy, 
Worlds wonder, Natures chiefe. 

On the other side. 

Britaines Blessing, 
Englands Splendor, 
Religions Nurse, 
The Faiths Defendor. 

I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, Sec. 

Of the one hundred and twenty-two churches described by 
Stow, no fewer than thirty-five contained, in 1633, "monuments" 
to Queen Elizabeth. 1 The inscriptions on these monuments were 
sometimes in prose, sometimes in verse, and sometimes both in 
prose and verse. The lines given above appear, in whole or in 
part, in twelve churches besides St. Clement's. To speak of 
these doggerel lines as among "my Brother Jonathan's best 

1 In addition there was one church, St. Mildred, Bread Street, where — 

" Betweene these two [Windows], at the upper end of the Church, is a faire Window 
full of cost of beauty, which being divided into five parts, carries in the first of them 
a very artfull and curious representation of the Spaniards great Armado, and the 
battell in 1588. In the second, of the Monument of Queen Elizabeth " (p. 859). 


Poems " is in keeping with the satirical nature of the pamphlet. 1 
It is possible that the author of this " poem" was known in 1643, 
and that he was some one whose christian name was Jonathan. 
But another passage in the pamphlet seems to aid us here : 

" We have but one Manuscript, ( I meane the Register) and that must 
be Corrected; for the names of all those that were crost at their Bap- 
tisme, ring'd at their Marriage, or pray'd over at their Buriall shall be 
cancelVd. No Names henceforth shall be ingrossed here, unlesse they 
were first Registred in holy Writ " (p. 8) . 

Is it unreasonable to conclude that the speaker attributed the 
authorship of the lines to some hypothetical Puritan, to whom 
the scripture name of Jonathan might appropriately be given? 
At all events, it is a far cry from " my Brother Jonathan " of the 
1643 pamphlet to our modern term Brother Jonathan. 

Leaving these unprofitable guesses, and turning to the facts 
in the case, we find that the problem is in reality a difficult one. 
It is only within recent years that the term has been recognized 
by lexicographers ; and, so far as I am aware, the only example 
of the expression which has ever been cited is one given below 
under date of 1822. 2 Consequently, nothing is known as to the 
history of the term. It was asserted by some unknown person, 
at some uncertain time, but between 1815 and 1822, that " Brother 
Jonathan " exclaimed that a song supposed to have been composed 

1 A single extract, towards the end, will sufficiently indicate its character in 
this respect : 

" These, with some other things (I know not well what) are the Compendium of ray- 
thoughts, leaving nothing materiall to the care of my Successors, but the subversion of 
the Crosse-Ile, the demolishing of the Arches, (if without danger it beefeisable) and the 
turning of the maine structure North, and South, (which now most offensively stands 
East and West) or taking it all asunder for a purer Edification. Now onely remaines, 
that in a pretty Diminitive Vote, you please to give your Brotherly assent unto the 
premises" (p. 15). 

2 In Worcester's Dictionary of 1860 will be found the following: 

" JONATHAN, n. . . . 2. A sportive collective name applied to the people of the 
U. States." 

Worcester refers to Johnson ; but no edition of Johnson's Dictionary pre- 
vious to 1860 that I have seen contains the word. 

The passage in the text was written in January, 1901, and in July follow- 
ing appeared the section of the Oxford English Dictionary containing the word 
Jonathan. Dr. Murray's earliest example is dated 1816. 


in 1755 " was nation fine." 1 Could this statement be substan- 
tiated, it would be interesting ; but there is no reason for believ- 
ing that the alleged song was composed in 1755, and as little for 
thinking that the term Brother Jonathan was in existence at so 
early a period. It is not until well into the Revolutionary war 
that we find any trace of the term under discussion, and then it 
appears in a slightly different form. It is of course needless to 
say that all through the war, songs and ballads were constantly 
appearing in the newspapers, both loyal and patriotic. From 
one of these, which is found in a New York paper of October, 
1778, the following is quoted: 

Yankee Doodle's Expedition to Rhode-Island. 

Written at Philadelphia. 
I. From Lewis, Monsieur Gerard 2 came 
To Congress in this town Sir, 
They bow'd to him, and he to them, 
And then they all sat down Sir, 

Chorus. Yankee Doodle, &c. 

II. Begar said Monsieur one grand Coup 

You shall bientot behold Sir, 

This was belie v'd as Gospel true, 

And Jonathan felt bold Sir. 3 

1 In II. Niles's Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America, 1822, p. 

2 C. A. Gdrard was the French Minister. 

8 The letters and squibs of this time frequently allude to the Americans as 
"feeling bold," and the Loyalists appear to have regarded it as a huge joke; 
but the exact significance of the phrase is obscure. Perhaps an extract from 
" Observations on the Government account of the late action near Charles 
Town," which appeared in an English magazine soon after the battle ot Bunker 
Hill, may give a clue to the origin of the phrase. The writer, it need scarcely 
be said, was friendly to the Americans : 

"But, 'this action lias shewn the superiority of the King's troops.' — Has it indeed ? 
How ? — ' Why, they (with a proportion of field artillery, and with the assistance of 
ships, armed vessels, and boats, and with the encouragement of certain and speedy 
reinforcement if necessary) attacked and defeated above three times their own numbers.' 
— What three times their own numbers? Of whom, pray? Of French or Spanish 
Regulars? — No, of the Americans — Of the Americans! What, of those dastardly, 
hypocritical cowards, who (Lord Sandwich knows) do not feel bold enough to dare to 
look a soldier in the face! " (Almon's Remembrancer, 1775, i. 126/1). 


III. So Yankee Doodle did forget 

The sound of British drum Sir, 
How oft it made him quake and sweat 
In spite of Yankee Rum Sir. 

IV. He took his wallet on his back, 

His Rifle on his shoulder, 
And veow'd Rhode-Island to attack 
Before he was much older. 

IX. As Jonathan so much desir'd, 
To shine in martial story, 
D'Estaing with politesse retir'd 
To leave him all the glory. 1 

In July, 1779, the British made an attack upon Fairfield, Con- 
necticut, and the affair was thus described in a loyal paper : 

"Huntington Bay, 11 o'clock, July 10, 1779. About 5 P. M. landed 
about a mile and an half west of the fort at Fairfield, one division con- 
sisting of Jagers, . . . the advanced corps drew up a little short of 
the town where they proposed remaining, but the enemy bringing a 6 
pounder on their left to enfilade them, they were obliged to move for- 
wards and drive the enemy from the lower heights in front of the town 
which they occupied with this field-piece, this they effected with little 
loss and difficulty ; Jonathan very prudently removing himself to the 
upper heights at a very decent distance where he amused himself with 
firing long shot till about 8 o'clock, . . . Fairfield, till 6 in the 
evening remained as before, when an order came for the advanced troops 
to retire a little nearer the town ; Jonathan imagining the dread of him 
had inspired this motion felt very bold, and advancing nearer, got in 
behind some houses in front of the town, and flattering himself he was 
then in security, threw his shot something thicker about him, the troops 
faced about, drove Jonathan from his fancied fortress and then set fire 
to these few alone which had emboldened and afforded cover to their 
enemies; . . . Gen. Tryon then sent a flag to them by the clergyman 
of the place, offering, if they would return to their allegiance, the town 
should be spared, and those who would come in should remain unmo- 
lested ; this generous offer Jonathan did not think fit to comply with, but 

1 Royal Gazette, 3 October, 1778, No. 210, p. 3/2. The song consists of 
twelve stanzas. 


cannonaded his own town all night, the consequence of which was, in 
the morning the troops set it on fire, and they re-imbarked." 1 

In the same paper there also occurs this account : 

''Jonathan has got another drubbing. 
"Last week the rebel general Clinton, with a detachment from Mr. 
O'Sullivan, was attacked on their march near Wyoming, by a party 
under the command of Joseph and his Brethren, the particulars of which 
we hope to give in our next." 2 

In May, 1780, we find the following : 

"Last Monday afternoon Col. Delancey with a party of his Loyal 
Refugees, made an incursion of about 30 miles into the enemy's country. 
The foot took post at Byron Bridge, while the horse passed Sherwood's 
Bridge, and proceeded to Horseneck, where a party of rebels were 
stationed — they immediately attacked them, killed 8, took prisoners 
a Lieutenant, a Commissary, a Mr. Knap a Presbyterian Parson, and 36 
rank and file, also took and destroyed a piece of cannon, which the 
Jonathans in vain endeavoured to defend ; the Legalists were so quick 
upon them, that they could not discharge it more than twice before it 
was taken possession of." 3 

1 Royal Gazette, 14 July, 1779, No. 291, p. 3/1. 

2 Ibid. p. 3/1. By Joseph and his Brethren are meant the famous Joseph 
Brant and his Indians. At the celebration of the King's birthday, on the pre- 
vious 4 June, the twenty-third toast drunk was to " Joseph and his Brethren " 
(Ibid., 5 June, 1779, No. 280, p. 2/4). By Mr. O'Sullivan is apparently meant 
General John Sullivan. According to a later account, the attack by Brant was 
not near Wyoming but near Oneida Lake : 

" The action between Capt. Brant in person with the Loyalists and Indians, and the 
rebel commander Clinton, happened near a fortnight ago, about thirty miles above 
Fort Stanwix, near the east end of Oneida Lake " (Ibid., 17 July, 1779, No. 292, p. 3/2). 

As a matter of fact, the report of the action appears to have been false. Gen. 
James Clinton was not at Wyoming in June or July; neither Clinton nor Sul- 
livan was at Oneida Lake; and Brant, who was about midway between Clinton 
and Sullivan, did not attack either at the time of the alleged battle. See an 
article by our associate Mr. A. McF. Davis in the Narrative and Critical His- 
tory of America, vi. G39; W. L. Stone, Life of Joseph Brant, 1S38, i. 396-422, 
ii. 1-52; F. W. Ilalsey, Old New York Frontier, 1901, pp. 265-267; and Jour- 
nals of the Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan against the Six 
Nations of Indians in 1779, passhn. 

8 Royal Gazette, 27 May, 1780, No. 382, p. 2/4. Byron Bridge is an error 
for Byram Bridge. 


From a contemporary account of the proceedings at Charleston, 
South Carolina, in 1780, is taken the following : 

"The 21st [April], produced a flag from the rebels, asking terms; 
their demands were unreasonable, of course rejected, and the firing 
again commenced about 11 at night. The day following the reinforce- 
ment landed from New- York ; and we are happy in hearing that the 
detachment with Col. Webster, is so well posted on the Hobcaw side, 
that the rebels cannot escape. — Well knowing there is no created 
thing can equal Jonathan for a slippery trick, — we were afraid his 
escape might be effected that way ; especially as there were a great 
number of boats in town kept in readiness for that purpose." 1 

In June, 1780, an affair occurred in New Jersey about which 
there were conflicting reports. The following passage reflects 
both sides: 

"From the Boston Gazette, dated June 26. Extract of a letter 
from Fairfield, dated June 16. 'A gentleman this moment has come 
off Long-Island, and brings account that the enemy, in their late 
manoeuvre into the Jersies, have met with a repulse, and their loss sus- 
tained is 150 men killed, 3 or 400 wounded . . . ' 

" |y Every endeavour has been used to exaggerate the loss of the King's 
Troops, to represent it as considerable, and conceal that of the rebels in 
this Jersey affair. We are assured from an authority which never misled 
us, that our militia gentry in particular^ on the excursion, were uncom- 
monly chastised, and that in one of the skirmishes those of Essex county 
alone were corrected to the amount of 114 killed, wounded, and missing. 
The Newark adventurers too were copiusly phlebotomized, many of the 
republican families in East Jersey have lost their daddies and brother 
Jonathans, whilst others are smarting and groaning under the wounds 
received from the animated fire which drove them to their recesses and 
defiles:' 2 

Not long after the battle of Camden, which resulted so disas- 
trously for the Americans, there appeared in a New York paper a 
poem from which the following is extracted : 

1 Royal Gazette Extraordinary, 8 June, 1780, p. 2/3. 

2 Royal Gazette, 5 July, 1780, No. 393, p. 3/1. In the same paper of 22 
July, No. 398, p. 3/2, occur these two lines, apparently having no connection 
with what goes before or comes after : * 

"Jonathan these babies of thine 
Are not all Children genuine." 



Set to Music by Signora Carolina. 
Jonathan. Isaac. 

Isaac. {Allegro.) 
O wherefore, brother Jonathan, 
So doleful are your features ? 
Say, are you rather poorly, man, 
Or have you lost your creatures? 

Jonathan. (Piano.) 
Ah, wou'd to Heaven that were all! 

But worse I have to mention, 
For Gates, our gallant general 

Has made a new convention. 

Isaac. (Vivace.) 
Then Jonathan prick up your ears ; 

Why don't you smile and caper? 
Why, we '11 enlist the Regulars, 

And pay them with our paper. 1 

Jonathan. (Piano.) 
A thousand slaughter'd friends we've lost, 

A thousand more are taken ; 
Horatio's steed, which gallop'd post, 

Has sav'd his rider's bacon. 2 

Duetto. (Affetuoso.) 
Now mourn with sackcloth cover'd o'er, 

Our Israel forsaken ! 
So many slain — while such a Boar 

As Gates shou'd save his bacon. 3 

On 19 December, 1782, the American vessel the South Carolina 
was captured off the Delaware by the British ships Quebec, 
Diomede, and Astrea, and taken into New York ; and in a few 
days there appeared in a paper some verses purporting to come 

1 The Loyalists constantly poked fun at the depreciated American currency. 

2 Gates is said to have hardly paused in his flight until he reached Hills- 
borough, North Carolina. 

8 Royal Gazette, 27 September, 1780, No. 417, p. 3 / 1. 


"From dejected JONATHAN, a Prisoner taken in the South Caro- 
lina, to his Brother NED at Philadelphia" of which the following 
is a stanza : 

I die to relate what has been our fate, 
How sadly our Navies are shrunk ; 
The pride of our State begins to abate, 

For the branches are lopp'd from the trunk. 1 

Reviewing the extracts which have thus far been given, it is 
clear that the word Jonathan was used b} r the Loyalists 2 and 
applied by them in mild derision to those who espoused the 
American cause. We find an individual American called a 
Jonathan, we find a number of Americans called Jonathans, 
we find Americans collectively called Jonathan, and we also find 
the term Brother Jonathan. Why the particular name Jona- 
than should have been selected, is one of those questions easy 
to ask but difficult, if not impossible, to answer. 3 The fact that 
that was the christian name of Governor Trumbull may have had 
something to do with the adoption of Jonathan rather than of 
another name ; 4 but there is nothing in the evidence to support 

1 Ibid., 28 December, 1782, No. 653, p. 2/3. There are 12 stanzas. 

2 And also, perhaps, by the British serving in America. Still I have noted 
no instances of the employment of the term in such diaries, journals, and letters 
of British officers as I have read. 

3 Why should Tom, Dick, and Harry be brought together in collocation? 
Why, when speaking to a strange boy in the street, do we address him as 
Johnny? Why is a sailor called Jack? Why is Old Harry regarded as a 
particularly appropriate designation for the Devil ? Apparently all we can do 
in such cases is to state the fact. 

4 In the Royal Gazette of 14 June, 1780, No. 387, p. 3 / 2, will be found the 
following : 

" Extract of a letter, dated Middletown, May 23. 'Governor Trumbull received an 
express from General Washington yesterday, desiring him to forward a large quantity 
of provisions to New-London immediately, as a fleet might be expected there in a few- 
days, . . . Charlestown was safe the 4th instant, but since that a bloody battle has been 
fought there, but can't get the particulars/ 

" [Master Jonathan ecce the Capitulation and Lincolnade of the 12th ultimo, published 
by the Printer last Thursday ." 

The words in italics were doubtless written either by James Rivington, the 
publisher of the Royal Gazette, or by some one in the office of the paper ; but 
whether they are to be understood as an apostrophe to Gov. Trumbull or to 
Americans in general, is not clear. 

The word Lincolnade requires explanation. The surrender of Burgoyne at 


the notion that such was the case. Nor is there anything to show- 
that the word was applied particularly to the men of Connecticut, 
or even to those of New England. 

It will be observed that as yet the term has not been employed 
by the men who espoused the American cause. Hardly, however, 
had the Revolutionary war ended, than we find the use of 
the word Jonathan becoming somewhat widespread as applied 
to a country bumpkin, varied by an occasional instance of the 
term Brother Jonathan. In 1787 there was acted at New York 
a comedy called The Contrast, written by Royall Tyler of Boston. 
It is interesting to note that in this play, under the name of 
Jonathan, the stage Yankee made his first appearance in liter- 
ature. 1 In a collection of patriotic songs, published in 1800, 

Saratoga in 1777 gave rise to the verb "to Burgoyne " and to the nonn " Bur- 
goynade," instances of which occur, on both sides of the Atlantic, for several 
years after the catastrophe at Saratoga. When General Lincoln was obliged 
to capitulate at Charleston, the Loyalists, doubtless remembering the terms 
just mentioned, coined the word Lincolnade. The following extracts are in 
point : 

" The LINCOLNADE was acted on the 12th [May]. ... An entire regiment of 
militia, (secretly well affected to Government,) inhabiting the back parts of South- 
Carolina, ... no sooner heard of the Lincolnade at Charlestown than they seized their 
Colonel (Thomson) their Lieutenant Colonel, Major, and several other officers devoted 
to the Congress, brought them to Charlestown, [and] delivered them to the Commander 
in Chief. . . . This repetition is inserted by way of convincing the Infidels without our 
lines, that the town [i. e. Charleston] is taken, and their army LINCOLN ADED." 
(Royal Gazette, 8 June, 1780, p. 2/3; 17 June, 1780, No. 387, p. 2/4 ; 1 July, 1780, No. 
392, p. 3/2.) 

1 The Contrast was first performed at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
1G April, 1787, was first printed at Philadelphia in 1790, and was reprinted at 
New York in 1887 by the Dunlap Society. The character called Jonathan was 
the servant, or the waiter, — "Servant ! Sir, do you take me for a neger, — I am 
Col. Manly 's waiter," — of Colonel Manly, a hero of the Revolutionary war from 
Massachusetts. In the third act there is an amusing scene in which Jonathan 
relates how he was taken to the theatre without his knowing it. Some pas- 
sages follow : 


So, Mr. Jonathan, I hear you were at the play last night. 

At the play ! why, did you think I went to the devil's drawing-room ? 


The devil's drawing-room ! 


Yes ; why an't cards and dice the devil's device ; and the play-house the shop where 


there was one which must have been written in 1798, when 
war with France was thought imminent. Two stanzas are as 
follows : 

the devil hangs out the vanities of the world, upon the tenter-hooks of temptation. . . . 
Oh ! no, no, no ! you won't catch me at a play-house, I warrant you. 


Well, Mr. Jonathan, though I don't scruple your veracity, I have some reasons for 
believing you were there : pray, where were you about six o'clock ? 


Why, I went to see one Mr. Morrison, the hocus pocus man ; they said as how he 
could eat a case knife. . . . 

Well, and did you see the man with his tricks 1 


Why I vow, as I was looking out for him, they lifted up a great green cloth, and let 
us look right into the next neighbour's house. Have you a good many houses in New- 
York made so in that 'ere way ? 

Not many : but did you see the family ? 

Yes, swamp it ; I see'd the family. . . . 


Well, Mr. Jonathan, you were certainly at the play-house. 

I at the play-house ! — Why did n't I see the play then ? 


Why the people you saw were players. 

Mercy on my soul ! did I see the wicked players ? 
(The Contrast, 1790, pp. 39, 40, 41, 43.) 

The following contemporary notice of the play may not be without interest : 

" On Monday evening last, for the first, and last evening for the second time, was 
performed, at the theatre in this city, amid continued roars of applause, a COMEDY 
(composed by an American) called the CONTRAST. Novelty, says a correspondent, 
is ever pleasing: an American comic production is a novelty — therefore it was pleas- 
ing. . . . The striking Contrast, in this piece, is, between a person who had made his 
tour of Europe, studied the bon ton, with his gaUoned attendant . . . and an heroic, 
sentimental American Colonel, with his honest waiting-man" (New- York Journal, 19 
April, 1787, No. 2111, p. 3/3). 



Song VIII. 

[ Perhaps not out of season.] 

I WONDER what the racket means, 

A cutting of fresh capers ; 
The Parson says the French are mad, 

He reads it in the papers. 


Heigho, ho ! Billy Bow, 
I believe the War's a coming, 

W if it does, Vll get a gun, 
Soon 's / hear them drumming. 

An' I heard 'em say, a training day, 

That 's Washington 's a going ; 
An' Capen Toby swears they '11 fall 

Like grass when he 's a mowing. 1 

Clearly the hero of this song was merely a country bumpkin, 
and no doubt it was in this sense that Thomas G. Fessenden used 
the word when he made Jonathan Jolthead the hero of his 
poem called The Country Lovers, written in 1804. It begins as 

follows : 

A MERRY tale I will rehearse, 

As ever you did hear, sir, 
How Jonathan set out, so fierce, 
To see his dearest dear, sir. 2 

Two or three years later, Jonathan appears again in the title 
of a play written by Lazarus Beach, this time in the person of 
an old countryman from Connecticut. 3 

1 The Nightingale ; or Rural Songster, Uedham, 1800, pp. 117, 118. 

2 The Country Lovers; or, Mr. Jonathan Jolthead's Courtship with Miss 
Sally Snapper : An excellent New Song, said to be written by its Author ; 
And really founded on fact. Tune — ' Yankee Doodle.' In Original Poems, 
Philadelphia, 1806, pp. 69-85. 

The word Jolthead itself, it need scarcely be said, means either a large 
head, or a dunce or blockhead. In the former sense it was used in 1664 by 
J. Wilson in the Cheats, v. i. ; and in the latter sense in 1623 by Shakspere in 
the Two Gentlemen of Verona, iii. i. 290, and in the Taming of the Shrew, 
iv. i. 169, and in 1767 by Sterne in Tristram Shandy, vol. ix. chap. xxv. 

8 Jonathan Postfree, or the Honest Yankee. A Musical Farce. In Three 
Acts. New York, 1807. In a prefatory note it is said that the play "was 


In a song which from its title, — The Embargo, A New Song, — 
must have been written about this time, we again find allusion to 
Jonathan as a country bumpkin. The eighth stanza and chorus 
are as follows : 

Then Jonathan and I went down, 

To look around the wharf Sir, 
And there we see a hundred men, 

Shoving a big boat off Sir. 

Yankee Doodle Keep it up, 

Yankee Doodle Dandy, 
We HI soak our hides in home made Rum, 

If we can't get French Brandy. 1 

In our next extract we get what, so far as I am aware, is the 
earliest description of the characteristic features of Brother Jona- 
than which are now so familiar to us. In 1812 James K. Paulding 
wrote : 

"At the time this story opens, Bull's family had got to be so numer- 
ous that his farm was hardly large enough to portion them all with ; so 
he sent his youngest son, Jonathan, or as he was familiarly called 
Brother Jonathan, to settle some new lands which he had on the other 
side of the mill-pond. . . . In a little time Jonathan grew up to be 
very large of his age ; and became a tall, stout, double-jointed, broad- 
footed cub of a fellow, awkward in his gait, and simple in his appear- 
ance ; but shewing a lively, shrewd look, and having the promise of great 

written in the beginning of the year 1806, was intended for representation on 
the stage ; but was not presented to the managers until it was too late for that 
season; " and that "it is not now probable that the piece will ever have the 
honor to be played." 

1 This was found in a collection of Songs, Ballads, etc., in three volumes, in 
the possession of the American Antiquarian Society. Again I am indebted 
to Mr. Barton for calling my attention to the volumes. The genesis of this 
collection is stated in a note written by Isaiah Thomas : 

"Purchased from a Ballad Printer and Seller, in Boston, 1813. Bound up for 
Preservation — to shew what the articles of this kind are in vogue with the Vulgar at 
this time, 1814. . . . Presented to the Society by Isaiah Thomas. 
Aug! 1814." 

Thomas does not say of whom he bought the collection ; but as many of the 
ballads have the imprint of Nathaniel Coverly, Jr., Milk Street, Boston, it 
seems not unreasonable to conclude that he was the "Ballad Printer and 
Seller" referred to by Thomas. Our associate Mr. Worthington C. Ford in- 
forms me that such ballads are a desideratum in Americana. 


strength when he should get his full growth. He was rather an odd 
looking chap, in truth, and had many queer ways ; but every body that 
had seen John Bull, saw a great likeness between them, and swore he 
was John's own boy, and a true chip of the old block. Like the old 
Squire, he was apt to be blustering and saucy, but in the main was a 
peaceable sort of careless fellow, that would quarrel with nobody if you 
only let him alone. He used to dress in homespun trowsers with a huge 
bagging seat, which seemed to have nothing in it. This made people to 
say he had no bottom ; but whoever said so lied, as they found to their 
cost, whenever they put Jonathan in a passion. He alway wore a short 
Linsey-woolsey coat, that did not above half cover his breech, and the 
sleeves of which were so short that his hand and wrist came out 
beyond them, looking like a shoulder of mutton. All which was in 
consequence of his growing so fast that he outgrew his clothes." x 

In 1820 Sidney Smith remarked : 

' ' David Porter, and Stephen Decatur, are very brave men ; but they 
will prove an unspeakable misfortune to their country, if they inflame 
Jonathan into a love of naval glory, and inspire him with any other love 
of war than that which is founded upon a determination not to submit 
to serious insult and injury. 

4 'We can inform Jonathan what are the inevitable consequences of 
being too fond of glory ; — Taxes upon every article which enters into 
the mouth, or covers the back, or is placed under the foot — taxes upon 
every thing which it is pleasant to see, hear, feel, smell, or taste — taxes 
upon warmth, light, and locomotion — taxes on every thing on earth, 
and the waters under the earth." 2 

In 1822 Byron wrote this stanza: 

Here crashed a sturdy oath of stout John Bull, 

Who damned away his eyes as heretofore : 
There Paddy brogued " By Jasus ! " — " What T s your wull ? " 

The temperate Scott exclaimed: the French ghost swore 

1 The Diverting History of John Bull and Brother Jonathan, New York, pp. 
4-8. In a little piece written in 1821, in which "Jonathan" represents the 
North and " Mary " the South, James Madison gives us a slight variation : 

" Jonathan Ball and Mary Bull, who were descendants of old John Bull, the head 
of the family, had inherited contiguous estates in large tracts of land. As they grew 
up and became well acquainted, a partiality was mutually felt, and advances on several 
occasions made towards a matrimouial connection" (Jonathan Bull and Marv Bull, 
1856, p. 3). 

2 Edinburgh Review, xxxiii. 77. 


In certain terms I shan't translate in full, 

As the first coachman will ; and 'midst the war, 
The voice of Jonathan was heard to express, 
" Our President is going to war, I guess." x 

In 1825 Sir Walter Scott wrote to his son, then in Ireland, as 
follows : 

"We are very desirious to have your Court news. The Viceroy 2 is 
a person so particularly well bred, that I think it must be comfortable 
to be near him sometimes. 1 hope the Marchioness gives satisfaction. 
I think she will bear her style bravely. But I do not suppose brother 
Jonathan would like so much so large a fortune passing out his conti- 
nent to gild a Marchioness's coronet in Britain ; I should rather think 
it would gall his republican pride." 3 

In 1832 William Dunlap, alluding to a work already quoted, 
said : 

" Mr. Tyler, in his Contrast, and some later writers for the stage. 
seem to have thought that a Yankee character, a Jonathan, stamped the 
piece as American, forgetting that a clown is not the type of the nation 
he belongs to." 4 

In 1848 Lowell remarked : 

"Yet, after all, thin, speculative Jonathan is more like the English- 
man of two centuries ago than John Bull himself is. He has lost some- 
what in solidity, has become fluent and adaptable, but more of the 
original groundwork of character remains. . . . John Bull has suffered 
the idea of the Invisible to be very much fattened out of him. Jona- 
than is conscious still that he lives in the world of the Unseen as well as 
of the Seen. To move John you must make your fulcrum of solid beef 
and pudding; an abstract idea will do for Jonathan." 5 

1 Vision of Judgment, Stanza lix. This, quoted in the Encyclopaedic Dic- 
tionary, was apparently the only example of the term known to lexicographers 
until the publication of the Oxford English Dictionary. See ante, p. 105 note 2. 

2 The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland at that time was Marquis Wellesley. He 
married, 29 October, 1825, for his second wife, Marianne, widow of Robert 
Patterson, eldest daughter of Richard Caton of Baltimore, and granddaughter 
of Charles Carroll of Carrollton. An account of this marriage will be found in 
R. R. Pearce's Memoirs and Correspondence of Marquess Wellesley, 1846, iii. 

8 Familiar Letters, 1894, ii. 382. 

4 History of the American Stage, p. 85. 

5 Poetical Works, 1891, ii. 35, 36. 


In 1818 Thoreau observed : 

" When we returned to the Mattawamkeag, the Houlton stage had 
already put up there ; and a Province man was betraying his greenness 
to the Yankees by his questions. Why Province money won't pass here 
at par, when States' money is good at Fredericton, — though this, per- 
haps, was sensible enough. From what I saw then, it appears that the 
Province man was now the only real Jonathan, or raw country bumpkin, 
left so far behind by his enterprising neighbors that he didn't know 
enough to put a question to them. No people can long continue pro- 
vincial in character who have the propensity for politics and whittling, 
and rapid traveling, which the Yankees have, and who are leaving the 
mother country behind in the variety of their notions and inventions." 1 

In 1849 Martin F. Tupper thus addressed us Americans: 

There 's nothing foreign in your face 

Nor strange upon your tongue ; 
You come not of another race 

From baser lineage sprung : 
No, brother ! though away you ran, 

As truant boys will do, 
Still true it is, young Jonathan, 

My fathers fathered you ! 2 

In 1855 some unknown person said : 

" But we sons of Columbia, descendants of the Pilgrims, the true 
votaries of Liberty, will invoke no saint but St. Jonathan, and our 
children and our children's children to the latest generation, shall revere 
his name, resolving that henceforth and for ever St. Jonathan shall be 
the patron-saint of the universal Yankee nation — and the Fourth of 
July, St. Jonathan's Day." 3 

In 1865 Colonel James F. Rusling wrote : 

" Brother Jonathan is dead. Born in another age, and of the day of 
small things, he has passed away. His name, even, bids fair to become 
a myth among the people. He expired with the sound of the first gun 
fired from South Carolina against Fort Sumter, aud, in his stead, there 
stands the game-cock, W. T. Sherman. The old time beaver, the high 
collar and big cravat, the long-tailed coat, abbreviated breeches,- 

1 Maine Woods, 1894, pp. 17, 18. 

2 In Littell's Living Age, xxii. 86/1. 

8 United States Review, iv. 10G (Democratic Review, xxxv). 


cowhide boots, and 'cute individual ' from 'way deown East,' — all these 
have passed into history, and to-day the true Representative American 
is the Union Soldier. Yankee Doodle is decidedly looking up." 1 

In 1875 Sam Ward, referring to Lord Houghton, remarked: 

"Had the British Government sent him here as plenipotentiary, with 
a salary of £24,000 per annum, to win the hearts of Jonathan Brothers, 
he could not do more than he has done, and is daily doing, to achieve 
that national purpose." 2 

It is thus seen that the expression under discussion, so far from 
having become a "by- word " among Washington's officers, soldiers, 
and fellow-countrymen, was one of extreme rarity until after 1800 ; 
and, in view of the facts, the heroics of Mr. Stuart are some what mis- 
placed. But meagre as is the evidence adduced in this paper, 
it seems to indicate that the original term was simply Jonathan ; 
that it arose during the Revolutionary war, when it was employed, 
as a mildly derisive epithet, by the Loyalists, and applied by them 
to those who espoused the American cause ; that it was for some 
time avoided by the Americans themselves ; that when, late in the 
eighteenth century, the Americans took it up, they used it to desig- 
nate a country bumpkin ; and that gradually it came into popular 
vogue, on both sides of the Atlantic, as an appellation of the 
American people. Hence, like so many other words and phrases, 
Brother Jonathan takes its place among the designations which 
have finally been accepted by the very people to whom, they were 
originally applied in ridicule. 

As already stated, however, the early history of the phrase is 
obscure, and any additional light that other investigators can 
throw on it will be welcome. 


A point raised by Richard Frothingham requires explanation. Henry 
Laurens, then President of Congress, wrote Washington a letter, 20 November, 
1778, in which he said: 

" Virtue and patriotism were the motto of our banners, when we entered this con- 
test. Where is virtue, where is patriotism now ; when almost every man has turned 
his thoughts and attention to gain and pleasures, practising every artifice of change- 

1 United States Service Magazine, iv. 27. 

2 In Life, Letters, & Friendships of R. M. Mimes, 1891, ii. 323. 


alley, or Jonathans; when men of abilities disgracefully neglect the important duties 
for which they were sent to Congress, tempted by the pitiful fees of practising 
attorneys " (Sparks's Correspondence of the American Revolution, ii. 236). l 

Exactly when, and by whom, 2 coffee-houses were introduced into England, 
is not known ; but certainly it was before 1660. W. Rumsey mentions " the 
new cophy-houses " in his Organon Salutis, published in 1657 (E. F. Robinson, 
Early History of Coffee Houses in England, 1893, p. 61); in the Mercurius 
Politicus of 23-30 September, 1658, that " Excellent and by all Physitians ap- 
proved, China Drink, called by the Chineans, Teha, by other nations Tag alias 
Tee,' 1 is advertised to be " sold at the Sultaness-head, a Cophee-house in Sweet- 
ings Rents by the Royal Exchange, London " (Ibid. p. 126 note) ; and Pepys 
records in his Diary that he went " to the Coffee-House " on 9 January, 1659-60. 
John Aubrey, writing in 1680, said that "Jonathan Paynter, o! [? opposite] to 
St. Michael's Church, was the first apprentice to the trade " (Lives of Eminent 
Men, 1813, ii. 244). This Jonathan Paynter may or may not have been the 
person who gave the name to Jonathan's Coffee-House, in Exchange Alley ; 3 
but be that as it may, Jonathan's Coffee-House was for a century famous as 
the particular resort of the stock-jobbers. Among the " most factious " coffee- 
houses mentioned by Thomas Dangerfield in 1679 was "Jonathan's Coffee- 
house, near the Old Exchange " (Particular Narrative of the late Popish Design 
To Charge those of the Presbyterian Party with a Pretended Conspiracy against 
His Majesties Person, and Government, p. 16). On April ninth, 1690, Dean 
Rowland Davies made an appointment to meet some friends the following day, 
and on the tenth — 

" Very early all my companions came to my lodging, whence I went with them to 
Jonathan's coffee-house" (Journal, Camden Society, 1857, pp. 100, 101). 

In February, 1699-1700, Ned Ward wrote : 

" At last I went to Jonathan's Coffee-house by the Change, to enquire into the mean- 
ing of this strange Disorder : Where I saw a parcel of Men at one Table Consulting 
together, with as much Malice, Horror, Anger and Dispair in their Looks, as if a new 
Pestilence had Sprung up in their Families, and their Wives had run away with their 
Journey-Men to avoid the Infection. And at another Table, a parcel of Merry Hawk'd 
Look'd Blades, Laughing and Pointing at the rest, as if with abundance of Satisfaction, 

1 Suspecting that the word " Jonathans," as given by Sparks, might be an error for " Jona- 
than's," I wrote to Washington to ask to have the passage copied from the original letter in 
the Department of State. To Mr. Andrew H. Allen, chief of the Bureau of Rolls and Library, 
I am indebted for the following transcript: 

"Virtue & Patriotism were the Motto of our Banners when we entered this Contest, where is virtue, 
where is Patriotism now ? when almost every Man has turned his thoughts & attention to gain & pleas- 
ures, practicing every artifice of Change Alley or Jonathan's — when Men of abilities " etc. 

2 There are no fewer than five or six claimants for the honor. See a note by Mr. Joseph 
Jacobs in his edition of the Familiar Letters of James Howell, p. 803; J. H. Burn, Descriptive 
Catalogue of the London Traders, Tavern, and Coffee House Tokens, 1853, pp. 83, 84; W. 
Boyne, Trade Tokens, edited by G. C. Williamson, 1889, i. 601, 666 ; E. F. Robinson, Early 
History of Coffee Houses in England, passim. 

8 As Jonathan's Coffee-House was in Exchange Alley, it could not have been opposite St. 
Michael's Church; but Aubrey may have meant near, not opposite, St. Michael's ; or Jona- 
than's may have derived its name from some other person. 

1901.] Jonathan's coffee-house. 121 

they Triumph'd over the others Affliction. At last upon a little Enquiry into the mat- 
ter, I found the Honest Brother-hood of the Stock-jobbers , were in a lamentable Con- 
fusion, and had divided themselves into two parts, Fools and Knaves " (The London 
Spy, For the Month of February, 1700, Vol. ii. Part iv. p. 15). 

In 1714 John Macky wrote : 

" The Royal-Exchange is the Resort of all the trading Part of this City, Foreign and 
Domestick, from half an Hour after One, till near Three in the Afternoon ; but the 
better Sort generally meet in Exchange-Alley a little before, at three celebrated Coffee- 
houses, called Garraway's, Robin's, and Jonathan's. In the first, the People of Quality 
who have Business in the City, and the most considerable and wealthy Citizens fre- 
quent. In the second, the Foreign Banquiers, and often even Foreign Ministers. And 
in the third, the Buyers and Sellers of Stock" (Journey Through England, 1724, i. 168, 

Jonathan's was alluded to by Tom Brown in A Comical View of the Trans- 
actions That will happen in the Cities of London or Westminster, 1705, 
pp. 110, 115 ; by Addison and Steele, in the Tatler, 5-7 July, 1709, No. 38, and 
in the Spectator, 1 March, 1710-11, 28 October, 1712, 18 June, 1714, Nos. 1, 521, 
556; by Mrs. Centlivre, in her Bold Stroke for a Wife, 1718, Acts iii. and 
iv. ; by Defoe, in his Tour through England, 1722, ii. 174 ; by Smollett, in his 
Reproof, 1747; in the magazines and newspapers, and elsewhere. And, of 
course, it was Jonathan's Coffee-House to which Laurens referred in his letter 
to Washington. Laurens, born in Charleston, South Carolina, was in a count- 
ing-house there in his youth ; later he was in London, then returned to South 
Carolina; in 1771 he retired from business and went to Europe, where he was 
shortly before the outbreak of the Revolution; and in 1774 he returned to 
Charleston. (The National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, iv., 
and Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography.) Both as a man of busi- 
ness and as a traveller, he must have been perfectly familiar with Jonathan's 

To suppose, as apparently Richard Frothingham supposed, that there could 
have been any connection between Jonathan's Coffee-House in London and the 
word Jonathan as applied to a country bumpkin in America in the last quarter 
of the eighteenth century, is manifestly unwarrantable. In 1872 Frothingham 
quoted part of Laurens's letter, and remarked in a note : 

"Jonathan's was the name of a coffee-house in London, the great resort of specula- 
tors. It is referred to in the British periodicals. In the ' Gentleman's Magazine ' for 
May, 1767, is the line: 'And all the tongues at Jonathan's lie quiet.' The British 
called the Americans Jonathan and Jonathans" (Rise of the Republic of the United 
States, p. 572). 

Frothingham then went on to quote, but without specific references, three 
early extracts given in this paper, and said : " I have not met thus early the term 
4 Brother Jonathan.'" Exactly what notion Frothingham entertained is not 
clear; but his placing the allusions to Jonathan's Coffee-House and the exam- 
ples of Jonathan in juxtaposition, seems to indicate that he thought there was 
some connection between the two. The conclusion of Frothingham's note is 
curious : 

"Water-marks on paper used in 1780 by Washington has [sic] a figure that may 


represent Jonathan as a Yankee in an enclosure, holding a staff with the figure of a 
hat on the end, over the British lion, moving out of the enclosure. It had on it ' Pro 
Patria.' " 

Some of these quotations and references are from my own notes, while others 
have been obtained from Robinson's book, from Wheatley and Cunningham's 
London Past and Present, and similar sources. 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Dayis stated that he had 
listened with pleasure to the curious and interesting story 
of the growth of the original anecdote upon which was 
based the theory that the national sobriquet Brother Jona- 
than was, after all, an eponym, relating back to Governor 
Trumbull and having its form founded upon the cordial 
relations which existed between him and General Washing- 
ton. With this story, the speaker acknowledged that he 
was not familiar, but passing by some of the later forms 
into which successive narrators had magnified it, he was 
disposed to think that there was much more chance for 
the original anecdote to be true than might be inferred 
from the satirical sentences in the paper, as he recalled them, 
in which Mr. Matthews had served up the magniloquence 
of these writers in their accounts of the services of Con- 
necticut in the Revolutionary War and in their references 
to the cordial relations existing between General Wash- 
ington and Governor Trumbull. Continuing, Mr. Davis 
said : 

It must be remembered that the State of Connecticut was so 
situated that it was able to render services to the patriotic side 
in the Revolutionary War, entirely disproportionate to its size or 
its population. The Government was converted from a Royal 
Colony to an independent State without a change in its organic 
form, without a ripple of disturbance, and with but slight altera- 
tions requisite even in the blanks used by the officials whose 
tenure of office remained undisturbed under the new order of 
things. The Colony had always been practically independent 
of Great Britain, and at the time of the outbreak there was 
probably not a single official of that power within the borders of 


the State, except perhaps a customs officer at New London. Con- 
necticut and Rhode Island had escaped the upheaval which had 
necessarily accompanied the transformation into States of the 
Provinces which were under the rule of an appointed Royal 
Governor. No part of the energy of the patriots was wasted in 
combating Royal officials or Tory citizens. Connecticut, then, had 
a Governor who not only sympathized with the movement to 
overthrow parliamentary supremacy, but who was fully prepared, 
if worst came to worst, to submit the decision to the arbitrament 
of arms. The militia of the Colony had been thoroughly organized. 
The Governor continued, as long as possible, to work for peace, 
but prepared for war. When, therefore, there was a call for 
troops to aid in the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
Connecticut was ready to assist in that movement. Her contribu- 
tory action at this time ought not to be forgotten in estimating the 
moral influence of the downfall of these fortresses and the capture 
of guns and ammunition at a time when they were so much needed 

The State was then prosperous and was so situated, geographi- 
cally, as to be relieved from the suffering and misery consequent 
upon the movement of large bodies of troops within its borders. 
Except for the depredations committed by an occasional raid, 
operating by way of the Sound, it was exempt from contact, 
except upon the western border, with actual warfare. The indus- 
try of the people was mainly devoted to agricultural pursuits and 
the farms were well equipped with horses, cattle, and stores for 
the maintenance of man and beast. This agricultural wealth was 
of the utmost value to Washington. As the war progressed, the 
regions occupied by the hostile forces were stripped of their sup- 
plies and the Americans became dependent upon the territory 
which was exempt from disturbance for food for the men under 
arms and for horses with which to transport supplies and ammu- 
nition. At the outset, Connecticut was in particularly good 
condition to respond to calls upon her for contribution of this 
kind, and, as events progressed, her exemption from invasion left 
her relatively in better condition than her neighbors. The 
supplies in Eastern Massachusetts had been consumed during the 
Siege of Boston. After the battle of Long Island, the banks of 
the Hudson were swept clean of supplies by the raiders of both 


sides, the British on their part often reaching eastward as far as 
Greenwich, Connecticut, but seldom beyond that point. The 
American troops operating in that vicinity, being cut off from the 
sea, were absolutely dependent for their food upon the supplies 
which they could procure from the interior. Connecticut was 
one of the reservoirs from which they drew. During the attempt to 
dislodge the British from Newport, all southeastern Massachu- 
setts and all of Rhode Island were denuded of supplies. This 
region had not recovered from the exhaustion consequent there- 
upon when Rochambeau arrived. The French were compelled 
to turn to Connecticut for food, and the Americans themselves, 
not only the army, but even the citizens of some of the towns of 
Rhode Island and Massachusetts, were also dependent for the 
means of existence upon what they could procure from the same 

The fact that Connecticut was not the scene of any great 
military operations during this war has a distinct tendency to 
make us undervalue her contributions to the cause of Independence, 
but we may be sure that this was not done by Washington. He 
fully appreciated the situation, and the fact that he had early 
established friendly relations with the Governor who held office 
at this important point is shown by the presence of one of Trum- 
bull's sons on his personal staff. Moreover, if I am not mistaken, 
the first two instances of the use of the sobriquet cited by Mr. 
Matthews were both from Connecticut sources. 

Mr. Matthews replied that the second was, and that the 

third appeared to relate to Wyoming, Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Davis rejoined : 


True, but that region was then claimed to be a part of Connecti- 
cut. It had been organized as a Connecticut County, was settled 
by Connecticut emigrants, and although claimed of course by 
Pennsylvania, this claim had not then been fully established. 

Mr. Matthews said : 

Mr. President, — May I be permitted to make a disclaimer? 
The " satirical sentences " in my paper were in every instance 
directed, not against individuals, but against the method pursued 


by the commentators. Mr. Stuart has given us a precise account 
of the origin and spread of the term Brother Jonathan ; he has 
made statement after statement, unsupported by a particle of 
proof; and he and other commentators have made material addi- 
tions to the original story. Yet nowhere do we meet with that 
story until 1846. This method is unscientific, the results reached 
by it are unprofitable, and it lays itself open to criticism ; but 
nothing was farther from my intention than to utter a word which 
could be interpreted as a reflection upon Connecticut, or upon 
Trumbull, or upon the cordial relations which existed between 
Trumbull and Washington. 1 

Dr. Franklin Carter also participated in the discussion 
of the paper. 

1 To Mr. Jonathan Trumbull, Librarian of the Otis Library, Norwich, 
Conn., I am indebted for calling my attention to an extract which has been 
printed since the foregoing paper was written. Under date of 21 March, 1776, 
Ezra Stiles wrote from Dighton, Mass., as follows : 

" I saw several Gentlemen who came out of Boston last Eveng. . . . They [the 
British] left Bunker Hill last Ldsday Morning 17 th at Eight o'Clock, leaving Images 
of Hay dressed like Sentries standing, with a Label on the Breast of one, inscribed 
'Welcome Brother Jonathan'" (Literary Diary, 1901, ii. 2). 

This example is earlier by two years than any hitherto known to me, and 
of course makes necessary a modification of the statement made on page 105 
that " it is not until well into the Revolutionary war that we find any trace 
of the term under discussion, and then it appears in a slightly different form," 
and also of the statement made on page 119 that the evidence " seems to indi- 
cate that the original term was simply Jonathan." But while the new example 
is interesting, it does not appear to affect the conclusions expressed in this 
paper. Our associate Prof. Franklin B. Dexter, who edits the above work, 
makes this comment upon the passage: 

" The use of this phrase at this date by the British seems to prove that the common 
explanation of its origin (with reference to Washington's consultations with Gov. 
Jonathan Trumbull) cannot be the correct one" (ii. 2 note). 

In a work also published since this paper was written, Mr. John F. Weir, 
Director of the Yale School of the Fine Arts, says : 

" Washington in his difficulties and perplexities at a critical period of the war, 
when seeking reinforcements, referred in a letter to Governor Trumbull as ' Brother 
Jonathan,' thus originating a term since humorously employed in personifying the 
nation" (John Trumbull and his Works, 1901, p. 4). 

Neither Mr. Jonathan Trumbull of Norwich, who is a lineal descendant of 
Governor Trumbull, nor Mr. J. Henry Lea, who is related to the Trumbull 
family, has any knowledge of this alleged letter by Washington, to which 
there have been so many allusions during the past half century. 


Mr. Henry H. Edes called attention to the fact that this 
day marked an epoch in the history of Harvard University, 
since President Eliot had to-day exceeded, in the length of 
his service in the executive chair, the exceptionally long 
administration of President Holyoke, which covered a period 
of thirty-one years, eight months, and four days. 

President Kittredge mentioned the curious book-plate of 
President Holyoke, specimens of which are preserved in 
Gore Hall. It is without device, — a plain slip of paper 
bearing the words — 


Mr. Edes stated that he had in his possession a handsome 
chair, in a fine state of preservation, which once belonged to 
President Holyoke. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 28 February, 
1901, at three o'clock in the afternoon, President Kit- 
tredge in the chair. 

The Records of the Stated Meeting in January were read 
and approved. 

Mr. Worthington C. Ford communicated an unpub- 
lished Diary of Washington, kept at Mt. Vernon from the 
twenty-seventh of September, 1785, till the end of that 
year, and eleven letters of Washington, written the same 
year, which illustrate or explain entries in the Diary. In 
some brief remarks, Mr. Ford called attention to the most 
interesting matters contained in these documents, among 
them the popular clamor against the Cincinnati, and the 
arrival of Houdon for the purpose of making a bust 
of Washington. The Diary affords an interesting glimpse 
of Washington as the country gentleman, interested in 
agricultural pursuits, riding to hounds, attending fox hunts 
— his especial pleasure — and the races, and dispensing a 
generous hospitality not only to his kinsfolk, his neigh- 
bors and his former comrades-in-arms but also to titled 
foreigners and others from abroad. It also makes clear 
Washington's minute attention to small matters of domes- 
tic concern. 



27 September -31 December, 1785. 


Tuesday, 27 l A 

Thermometer at 57 in the Morn'g. — 59 at noon — and 62 at 
Night. Wind fresh from the N? West with flying clouds, and cold. 

Doctf [James] Craik who came here last Night, returned this 
Morning to Maryland. 

Wednesday, 28 l K 

Thermometer at 58 in the Morn'g. — 60 at Noon and 62 at 
Night. Morning lowering, with appearances of rain, but evening 
clear, wind still to the N.Vard. 

Doctf" [Walter] Jenifer and his wife came here to Dinner and 
went away after it, to Col? M. c Carty's. 

Mr. Taylor having finished the business which brought him 
here, I sent him up to Alexandria to take a passage in the Stage, 
for New York. 1 

1 Congress was about to bring before the British Government the losses of 
property by citizens of the States at the time of the evacuation of New York. 
A number of negro slaves and servants had been sent or allowed to go to Nova 
Scotia and other places, a loss which concerned more particularly the Southern 
States. Washington held the papers and correspondence which passed between 
him and the British commander in chief, the " good " Sir Guy Carleton, and it 
was to obtain copies of the more important that Mr. Taylor, a clerk in the 
office of Foreign Affairs, had been sent to Mount Vernon. Washington wrote 
to Jay on September 27th : — 

" Mr. Taylor presented me the honor of your favor of the 25th ultimo, and gave me 
the pleasure of hearing that Mrs. Jay, yourself, and family were well when he left New 
York. Upon your safe return to your native country, after a long absence and the im- 
portant services you have rendered it in many interesting negotiations, I very sincerely 
congratulate you and your lady. It gave me great pleasure to hear of your late ap- 
pointment as secretary of the United States for the department of foreign affairs. A 
happier choice, in my opinion, could not have been made ; and I shall always rejoice at 
any circumstances, that will contribute either to your honor, interest, or convenience. 

" Having completed his mission, Mr. Taylor returns to you with the proceedings and 
report of the commissioners, who were sent into New York to inspect the embarkation, 


Thursday, ®9'A 

Thermometer at 60 in the Morning — 65 at noon — and 6Q at 
night. Day clear, and not much wind, especially in the Afternoon. 

Mr. Sanders, an undertaker in Alexandria, came down between 
breakfast & Dinner to advise a proper mode of shingling, putting 
Copper in the Gutters between the Pediments & Dormants, and the 
Roof and to conduct the water along the Eves to Spouts, & pro- 
mised to be down again on Tuesday next to see the work properly 
begun : — 

Friday, 30'A 

Thermometer at 60 in the Morn'g. — 68 at noon — and 70 at 
night. Day clear, wind pretty brisk from the Southward — till 
the evening when it veered more to the Eastward. 

Mr. Hunter, and the right Hon We Fred: von Walder, Cap*? in the 
Swedish Navy — introduced by M[ Rich d Sodarstrom 2 came here 
to Dinner and returned to Alexandria Afterwards, — in the eve- 
ning a M r Tarte, introduced by a letter from M r . Lowry of Black 
river came in to request my sentiments respecting some entry's 
they, in Partnership, had made in the Great Dismal Swamp, which 
I gave unreservedly, that they had no right to. 

One of the Howard Bitches W c ? was sent to me from France 2 
brought forth 15 puppies this day ; 7 of which (the rest being as 
many as I thought she could rear) I had drowned. 

Run round the ground which I designed for the Paddock for 
Deer & find it contains, 18a 3r 20P. Began again to smooth the 
Face of the Lawn, or Boiling Green on the West front of My 
House — what I had done before the Rains proving abortive. 


Saturday, first 

Thermometer at 66 in the morning — 70 at noon — and 72 at 
night. Southerly wind and clear. 

which, by the by, was little more than a farce, as they inspected no more property than 
the British chose they should be witness to the embarkation of. It will always give me 
pleasure to hear from you. Mrs. Washington joins me in most respectful compliments, 
and best wishes for yourself and Mrs. Jay, and I am, dear Sir, yours, &c." 

1 Swedish consul at Boston. 2 A gift from Lafayette. 


Begun to raise a scaffold for shingling the Front side of my 
House, next the Court Yard. Rid to my River, Muddy hole, and 
Dogue run Plantations. 

Doct* [David] Stuart 1 came in whilst we were at Dinner & stayed 
all night. 2 

Sunday, 2A 

Thermometer at 70 in the Morning — 76 at noon — and at 
night. Weather warm — forenoon clear, afternoon lowering. 

Went with Fanny Bassett, Burwell Bassett, Doct r [David] 
Stuart, G[eorge] A[ugustine] Washington, M r [William] Shaw 3 & 
Nelly Custis to Pohick Church ; to hear a MT Thompson preach, 
who returned home with us to Dinner where I found the Rev d . 
Mr Jones, 4 formerly a Chaplain in one of the Pennsylvania 

After we were in Bed (about eleven o'clock in the evening) 
MT Houdon, sent from Paris by Doct? Franklin and Mr. Jefferson 
to take my Bust, in behalf of the State of Virginia, with three 
young men assistants, introduced by a M T . Perin a French Gentle- 
man of Alexandria, arrived here by water from the latter place. 5 

1 Stuart had married Eleanor Calvert, the widow of John Parke Custis. 

2 See letter to Jonathan Trumbull, p. 183, post. 

8 William Shaw who served as Washington's secretary from 26 July, 1785, 
to the arrival of Tobias Lear in May, 1786. 

4 Probably Rev. David Jones, who was appointed, 27 April, 1776, chaplain 
of the Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion (Colonel Anthony Wayne's). On 1 
January, 1783, he was transferred to the Third Pennsylvania, served as 
chaplain of the Northern army under W T ayne in 1794, and was chaplain in 
the war of 1812. He died 5 February, 1820, aged 84. 

6 Houdon had come to the United States in the vessel with Dr. Franklin, 
reaching Philadelphia on the fourteenth of September. Franklin wrote to 
Washington on the twentieth of September : — 

" He is here, but the materials and instruments he sent down the Seine from Paris 
not being arrived at Havre when we sailed, he was obliged to leave them, and is now 
busied in supplying himself here." 

Washington, in acknowledging Franklin's letter, wrote on the twenty-sixth : — 

" When it suits M. Houdon to come hither, I will accommodate him in the best man- 
ner I am able, and shall endeavor to render Ids stay as agreeable as I can." 

On the same day he wrote to Houdon : — 

"By a letter, which T have lately had the honor to receive from Dr. Franklin at 
Philadelphia, I am informed of your arrival at that place. Many letters from very 


Monday, 3A 

Thermometer at 70 in the Morning — 68 at noon — and 66 at 
night. Wind at S? West, weather variable until noon when it be- 
came more cloudy & dripping towards evening it began to Rain 
and the night was wet. 

The two Reverend Gentlemen who dined and lodged here, went 
away after breakfast. 1 

Tuesday, JfK 

Thermometer at 63 in the Morning — 62 at noon. — and 66 at 
night. Wind at S? West, veering more Westerly. Morning, 
wet, and till noon dripping clear afterwards, and wind fresh. 

Wednesday, S. 

Thermometer at 60 in the morn'g. — at noon — and 68 at night. 
Brisk wind from the Southward all day. Weather clear. 

Stripped the Shingles of the South Side of the Pediment of the 
West front of the House, in expectation of Mr. Sanders's coming 
to direct the shingling of it, but he never appeared. 

Col? Ramsay introducing a M T . M c Comb, & a M r . Lowry ; dined 
here and went away afterwards. Mr. Perin went from this after 

Thursday, 6*. 

Thermometer at 65 in the morning — 65 at noon — and 66 at 
night. Flying Clouds and a Rainhow, in the Morning with but 
little Wind ; drippings of rain, more or less all day. 

Mr Bur well Bassett, and Mr [William] Shaw set out after Break- 
fast for Dumfries. 

The appearance of the day and the impracticability of giving 
on ace* of the clammyness of the Earth an even face to any more 

respectable characters in France, as well as the Doctor's, inform me of the occasion ; for 
which, though the cause is not of my seeking, I feel the most agreeable and grateful 
sensations. I wish the object of your mission had been more worthy of the masterly 
genius of the first statuary in Europe ; for thus you are represented to me. 

" It will give me pleasure, Sir, to welcome you to this seat of my retirement ; and 
whatever I have, or can procure, that is necessary to your purposes, or convenient and 
agreeable to your wishes, you must freely command, as inclination to oblige you will be 
among the last things in which I shall be found deficient, either on your arrival or dur- 
ing your stay. With sentiments of esteem, I am, Sir, &c." 

1 See letter to John Page, p. 184, post. 


of my lawn, until the gr^, should get dryer of which there is no 
immediate prospect, I sowed what was levelled & smoothed of it, 
with English grass seeds ; — and as soon as the top was so dry, as 
not to stick to the Roller, I rolled and cross rolled it ; — first with 
a light wooden roller, and then with a heavy wooden roller, with 
a view of compressing the ground — smoothing the Surface of it, & 
to bury the seeds. 

M? Sanders not coming according to expectation I began with 
my own people to shingle that part of the Roof of the House w ch 
was stripped yesterday, & to copper the Gutters, &c c 

Friday, 7*. 

Thermometer at 62 in the morning — 64 at noon — and — at 
night Wind Southwardly all day, and weather clear, warm & 

Sat today, as I had done yesterday, for Mf Hondon to form my 

M r . 3 Jenifer, wife of Doct r Walter Jenifer, dined here and re- 
turned afterwards; and DoctT [James] Craik came here in the 
afternoon, and stayed all night. 

M T . [William] Shaw and M T . Bassett returned from Dumfries 
about noon. — & Doct r Brown came in the afternoon to visit a sick 
servant of the Mf Bassetts, & returned. 

Finished trenching my Lawn the spading of which had rec? 
several interruptions by odd Jobs intervening, the ground get- 
ting a little drier I began again to level & smooth it. Plowed 
up a Cow pen in order to sow the ground with orchard grass 

Saturday, 8&. 

Thermometer at 63 in the Morning — 66 at Noon. — and 68 at 
night. But little wind — weather clear and exceedingly pleasant. 

Sowed the ground which was plowed yesterda} r , and which 
might amount to about a quarter of an acre, with near half a 
Bushel of the Orchard £rass seeds, which was neither verv clean 
nor I fear not very good. Also sowed with English grass seeds, 
as much more of the Lawn as I could get levelled & smoothed and 
rolled it in the same manner as that on Thursday last was done. 


Sunday, 9-. 

Thermometer at 64 in the Morn'g. — 70 at noon — and 70 at 
night. Morning and Evening lowering. Midday tolerably clear, 
warm & pleasant. 

Accompanied by M r . Houdon and the two Mr. Bassetts attended 
the Funeral of M T . Manley at the Plantation of M* Will? Triplett 
and returned to Dinner. 

Monday, 10*. 

Thermometer at 68 in the morn'g. — 70 at noon — and 74 at 
night. Thunder about day. Morning threatening, but clear & 
pleasant afterwards. 

A M r . Jn? Lowe, on his way to Bishop Seabury for ordination 
called and dined here. Could not give him more than a general 
certificate founded on information, respecting his character ; — 
having no acquaintance with him ; nor any desire to open a cor- 
respondence with the new ordained Bishop. 

Observed the process for preparing the Plaister of Paris & 
mixing of it, according to M* Houdon. The oven being made 
hotter than it is usually heated for Bread. The Plaister which 
had been previously broken into lumps — that which was hard, to 
about the size of a pullets egg ; and that which was soft, and 
could be broken with the hands larger ; was put in about Noon, 
and remained until night ; where, upon examination, it was fur- 
ther continued until the morning without any removal of the heat 
in the oven, which was close stopped. Having been sufficiently cal- 
cined by this operation, it was pulverized (in an iron Mortar) & sifted 
for use through a fine lawn sieve, & kept from wet. When used, it 
is put into a Bason, or other vessel with water sifted through the 
fingers, 'till the water is made as thick as Loblolly — or very thick 
cream. as soon as the plaister is thus put into the water, it is 
beat with an Iron spoon (almost flat) until it is well mixed, and 
must be immediately applied to the purpose for which it is in- 
tended, with a Brush or whatever else best answers, as it begins to 
turn hard in, four or five minutes, and in seven or ten cannot be 
used, & is fit for no purpose afterwards, as it will not bear wetting 
a second time, for this reason no more must be mixed at a time 
than can be used within the space just mentioned. The brush 


(common painters) must be put into water as soon as it is used, and 
the plaister well squeezed out, or this also becomes very hard, in 
this case to clear it, it must be beaten till the plaister is reduced to 
a powder, & then washed. 

Tuesday, ll'A 

Thermometer at 68 in the Morning — 70 at Noon — and 71 at 
night. A very heavy fog until near 10 O clock, with ver}^ little 
wind from the eastward, from thence till five P. M. it was toler- 
ably clear; when it clouded again, & looked like rain. 

Sowed more English grass seed on all the ground that had been 
levelled, & smoothed on the Lawn. 

Began the foundation of the House at the Southwest corner of 
the South Garden. 

M r Dulany, Mf Sanderson and M r Potts dined here and returned 
afterwards to Alexandria. 

After dark it began to rain and continued to do so fast more or 
less, all night — which appeared to have washed all the seeds (at 
least all the Chan with its contents) which had been just sowed 
from the ground, and carried it to the lowest parts of it. 

Wednesday, WK 

Thermometer at 66 in the Morning — 64 at noon — and 62 at 

The Rain which fell last night had made the ground so wet that 
I could neither level, or in any manner work it. I was obliged 
therefore to employ the labourers thereon in other Jobs. 

Mr. Livingston (son of Peter Vonbrugh Livingston of New York) 
came to Dinner & stayed all night, and in the evening M r [James] 
Madison arrived. 

Wind at N° E* and thick weather all day ; and fine rain with 

Thursday, 13*. 

Thermometer at 62 in the Morning — 62 at Noon — and 62 at 
Night. Wind at N? E* all day and raining more or less, some- 
times hard. 

Mr Livingston, notwithstanding the Rain, returned to Alexan- 
dria after dinner A Suspension of all out doors work. 


Friday, lift. 

Thermometer at 62 in the Morning— 65 at noon — and 66 at 
night. Lowering most of the day, but no wind. 

Mr. Madison went away after Breakfast, My Chariot which went 
up for, brought down Miss Sally Ramsay & Miss Kitty Washing- 
ton, to be Bridesmaid to-morrow at the wedding of Miss [Frances] 

Mf George [Augustine] Washington & M T . Burwell Bassett, 
went to the Clerk's office & thence to Col? Mason's for a license & 
returned to Dinner, having accomplished their business. 

The ground being too wet, I employed the labourers who had 
been leveling the Lawn in cleaning & weeding the Shrubberies. 

Saturday, IS-. 

Thermometer at 66 in the Morn'g. — 68 at noon — and 68 at 
night. A Heavy lowering Morning with the wind at South — 
clear afternoon and fine evening. 

The Reverend Mr. Grayson, and Doct!" Griffith, Lund Washing- 
ton, his wife, & Miss Stuart came to Dinner, all of whom, remained 
the evening except g L. W. After the candles were lighted George 
Aug. Washington and Frances Bassett were married by Mr. Gray- 

The ground continuing too wet to level, the. labourers worked in 
the Shrubberies. Put two thousand of the Common Chestnuts 
into a box with dry Sand, a layer of each — & two hundred of 
the Spanish Chestnuts in like manner to plant out in the Spring. 
These were put into Sand in a day or two after they were taken 
from the trees. 

Sunday, 16'A 

Thermometer at 66 in the Morn'g. — 68 at noon — and 72 at 
night. Morning thick and lowering, with appearances of rain 
which vanished about noon, after which it was clear and very 
pleasant — wind continuing at South. 

Mr. Grayson went away very early in the morning, & Mr. 
Griffith, MF Lund Washington and Miss Stuart after Dinner. 


Monday, 17'- h . 

Thermometer at 68 in the Morning — at Noon — and — at 
Night. Foggy and lowering Morning with but little wind — 
clear afterwards, and wind at N? West & Cool. 

Set out to meet the Directors of the Potomack Navigation 1 at 
George Town. Where having all assembled, we proceeded to- 
wards the Great Falls, and dispersing for the convenience of ob- 
taining quarters, Gov!" [Thomas] Johnson and I went to M r Bryan 
Fairfax. Gov: [Thomas S.] Lee, Col? [John] Fitzgerald, Mr. Potts 
the Secretary, Mr. Rumsay 2 the Manager, & M! Stuart the assist- 
ant, went to a M' Wheelers near the G l Falls. Col 1 ? [George] 
Gilpin — I should have said before had proceeded on to prepare 
the way for levelling &c r . at that place, in the Morning. 

Tuesday, lS f A 

Thermometer at — in the Morning — at noon — and — at night. 

After an early breakfast at Mf Fairfax's, Gov? [Thomas] John- 
son & I set out for the Falls (accompanied by Mr. Fairfax) where 
we met the other Directors and Col [George] Gilpin in the opera- 
tion of levelling the ground for the proposed cut or canal from the 
place where it is proposed to take the water out to the other 
where it will be let into the river again. In the highest of 
which, and for near 70 rod, it is between five & seven feet 
higher than the surface of the water at the head. After which it 
descends, & for at least 300 yards, at the lower end rapidly — this 
cut upon the whole, does not appear to be attended with more 
difficulty than was apprehended, for tho' the ground is higher than 
was expected, it appears from some experiments of sticking a 
spiked stake down in those parts, that there is two or 3 feet of soft 
earth at Top, & the lower end of the canal well calculated to re- 
ceive locks to Advantage ; as also to dam the water to throw it 
back into the canal & thereby reduce the digging w cb may also be 
done at the head by loose stones being thrown into the River to a 
Rocky Island. The length of the cut from the work of today, is 
found to be about 2400 yards, a little more or less upon exact 
measure west. 

1 See letter to Richard Henry Lee, p. 1S1, post. 2 James Ruinsey. 


Took a view of the River from the Spout, or Cateract to the pro- 
posed entrance of the canal below, to see if I could discover (as 
some supposed there was) the advantage of a canal on the Mary- 
land side in preference to one on this, — but saw no likely appear- 
ances of it. About 400 y ds below the Cateract, there is a cove 
into which empty s a small part of the river, tho' deep & steep 
rocks on both sides which is a good defence to it, and some little 
distance below this again, is another cove but how a canal was to 
be brought thither I could not (having the river between) dis- 
cover — however at and below both — is rapid water, one little, if 
any inferior to the Spout at Shanondoah. Having taken a rough 
level of the proposed cut, — formed general ideas for the Canal, 
determined to go on with it this winter, as soon as our operations 
on the water on ace* of the season must cease & come to some 
resolutions respecting the hire g of negros, we broke up after dark 
& I returned to Mf Fairfax's. 

Wednesday, 19-. 

Thermometer at — in the Morn' g . at noon — and — at night. 
Wind which had been at N? W* yesterday, & clear — had now 
shifted to the S? E fc and lowered till night, when it began to rain, 
which it did more or less through the night, the wind blowing 

Immediately after breakfast I sat out for my return home at 
which I arrived a little after noon, and found my Brother Jn° his 
Wife, 1 Daughter Milly, 2 & Sons Bushrod 3 & Corbin, 4 & the wife 
of the first. Mr Wili m Washington 5 & his wife & 4 children, & 
Col? [Thomas] Blackburn, to whom was added in the evening Mf 
Will m Craik. 

M? Houdon having finished the business which bro* him hither, 
went up on Monday with his People, work, and impliments in My 

1 Hannah Bushrod, daughter of Colonel John Bushrod, of Westmoreland 
County. . 

2 Mildred, who married Thomas Lee. 

3 Bushrod, married in 1783, Anne, daughter of Colonel Thomas Blackburn, 
of Prince William County. Died without issue. 

4 Corbin, married Hannah, daughter of Richard Henry Lee. 

5 Probably the son of Augustine, the half-brother of the General. William 
married, in 1780, Jane, daughter of John Augustine Washington. 


Barge to Alexandria, to take a Passage in the stage for Philadel- 
phia the next morning. 

Sowed (after making good the vacancies of the former) about a 
pint of the Cape of Good Hope wheat sent me by M? [Samuel] 
Powell of Philadelphia, in 14 rows alongside of the other in the 
enclosure behind the stables. Also, sowed about a table spoonful 
of the Buffaloe or Kentucke River sent me by Doct r [David] 
Stuart alongside of the Guinea grass at the foot of the above 
wheat & continuance of the rows thereof. 

Thursday, 20*. 

Thermometer at 67 in the Morn' 8 . 66 at noon — and 65 at 
night. Wind fresh at South east and weather threatening, 
with Showers of rain (some pretty heavy) through the day. 

George [Augustine] Washington & his wife, Bushrod Washing- 
ton his wife, Sister & Brother, the two M? Bassetts, 1 M! [William] 
Craik and Mf [William] Shaw notwithstanding the weather set 
out for the races at Alexandria, and were disappointed of seeing 
them, as they were put off they did not return. 

Friday, %1 S A 

Thermometer at 57 in the morning — 55 at noon — and 53 at 
night. Flying Clouds and cold with appearances of snow, wind, 
being at N°. West. 

My Brother, My Will m Washington and his wife w T ent up with 
me to this days races at Alexandria — We dined at Col . Ramsays 
& returned in the evening with the company who went from here 
the day before, except M r . W™ Washington the two Mr. Bassetts 
and M r Shaw. 

Saturday 22K 

Thermometer at 52 in the Morning — 52 at Noon — and 52 at 
night. Wind at N° West and fresh, & cold with appearances of 
unsettled weather. 

Went up again today, with My Brother and the rest of the 
Gentlemen to the Race & dined at M r Herberts. all returned ex- 
cept M r Jn° Bassett who got hurt in the race field, & M T . Shaw. 
Mr. Will™ Scott came here in the evening, from Alexandria. 

1 John and Burwell. 


Sunday, 23$. 

Thermometer at 50 in the Morn' g . 56 at Noon — and 59 at 
Night. Fine & pleasant all day with the wind at South. no 
frost as was expected. 

My Brother, his wife, Daughter and son ; My Will m Washington 
his wife & 4 Children ; M^ Bushrod Washington & wife ; and Mi" 
[William] Scott all went away after Breakfast. M* Jn° Bassett & 
M? Shaw came home in the forenoon, and Mr. Fitzhugh of Chatham, 
Genl [Alexander] Spotswood, M T . McCarty of Pope Creek, and a 
Col? Middleton of South Carolina came here to dinner, & went away 

Perceived the Orchard Grass seeds which I sowed on the 8^ 
Instt. in the same inclosure of the Turnips, to be coming up thick 
and well. 

Monday, %Jfi. 

Thermometer at 56 in the Morning — 58 at noon — and 58 
at night. Variable & squally — with a little rain — wind at 
South in the Morning and Westerly afterwards." 

The two M T . Bassetts (Burwell and John) left this after break- 
fast to return home. In the Afternoon Doct! [James] Craik 
came in, and stayed all night. 

I rid to my Plantations at the Ferry, Dogue run, and Muddy 
hole, found the orchard grass seeds which had been sowed at Dogue 
run come up very well — as — the Timothy also had — and that 
my cornfield now that the Fodder was taken off, looked miserably 
bad. the wheat on the other hand very good. 

Tuesday, 25th. 

Thermometer at 54 in the Morn' g . 58 at noon — and 56 at 
night. Forenoon clear and serene and pleasant ; but the afternoon 
windy & cold, with flying clouds — wind about West. 

Doct* [James] Craik went away before Breakfast — he intended 
to Alex? but was to call upon John Alton. 

Rid to my Plantation in the neck — found my corn & Wheat there 
similar with those at the other plantations as described yesterday. 
Finding the seeds of the Honey locust had come nearly or quite to 
a state of maturity although the thick part of the pod still retained 


its green colour I had them gathered lest when ripe they should 
be gathered by others, to eat. 

Wednesday, %&A 

Thermometer at 50 in the Morn' g — 56 at noon — and 56 at 
Night. A large white frost this morning Wind brisk and cold 
from the N°West all the day, after 9 °'clock. 

Took the cover off my dry well to see if I could not fix it 
better for the purpose of an Ice House, by arching the Top, and 
planking the sides. 

Having received by the last Northern Mail advice of the arrival 
at Boston of one of the Jack Asses presented to me by His Catho- 
lic Majesty, I sent my overseer, John Fairfax, to conduct him, and 
his keeper, a Spaniard home safe, addressing him to Leiut* Gov- 
ernor [Thomas] Cashing, from whom I received the information. 

Sent to Morris (Overseer of My Dogue run Plantation) a 
Bushel of clover seed (reserving, six pounds to sow as fast as he 
could get the ground which is intended for the reception of it, in 
order. Yesterday I transplanted a carnation cherry tree, an apri- 
cot tree, which were within the Lawn before the door into the 
North Garden, little expecting that either will live, the first being 
33 inches in circumference the latter 21 inches and a good deal 

Finished the shingling on the West front of the House. 

Thursday, 27th. 

Thermometer at 50 in the Morn' g . 56 at noon — and 58 at 
night. A remarkably great white frost and the ground a little 
frozen Wind Southerly all day, after it rose in the morning, but 
not very fresh. forenoon clear — but the afternoon, especially 
toward the Suns setting a little hazy & lowering. 

M* Battaile Muse came here before dinner but would not stay 
to it. After finishing some business with me respecting my 
Tenants — and my agreeing to allow him Six p r C fc for collecting 
my Rents, he went up to Alexandria. Purchased 1000 Bushels 
of Wheat of him, to be delivered as fast as he could have it bro 1 
down, at My Mill — for which I am to give six shillings in March 
next, or when he comes here in April. 


Began to put up my Hogs at the different Plantations, to fatten 
for Porke. 

Friday, <28 l K 

Thermometer at 54 in the Morning — 60 at Noon — and 62 at 
Night. Wind Southerly ; clear and pleasant all day. 

Finished levelling and Sowing the lawn in front of the H° in- 
tended for a Boiling Green as far as the Garden Houses. Also 
began to sow Clover seeds at Dogue Run Plantation. 

Saturday, 29th. 

Thermometer at 59 in the Morning 64 at noon — and 65 at 
night. Morning clear, calm, and very pleasant — about noon it 
began to lower a little, and continued to do so all the afternoon. 

Rid to the Plantations at the Ferry and Dogue run — at the last 
of which finished sowing the Clover seed which I sent there the 
26^. With this I mixed 9 Bushels of the pounded Plaister of Paris ; 
and sowed the whole on about 4^ acres of Ground (on the side of 
the run along the old mill race.) as near as I could judge from 
stepping it. 

Sunk the inner well in the Dry well now fitting up for an ice 
house, about 8 feet untill I came to a pure sand. 

M m . [David] Stuart & Child Naney, & Miss. Allan came here 
this evening. 

Sunday, 80th. 

Thermometer at 64 in the Morning — 63 at noon — and 60 at 
night. Thunder and lightning about day Break and Raining 
More or less all day, attended in the forenoon with very high 
wind from the Westward. 

Mr [William] Shaw went up to Alexandria after Breakfast, & 
stayed all night. 

Monday, 31 s ± 

Thermometer at 52 in the Morn'? 54 at noon — and 56 at 
Night. A raw and moist air, with a Westerly wind — & lowering 

M5 Shaw returned to Breakfast & M r . 3 [David] Stuart, Miss. 
Allan &c c went away after it. 

A Cap* [Richard] Fullerton came here to Dinner on business, 


of the State Society of the Cincinnati of Pensylvania, for whom I 
signed 250 Diplomas as President. Went away after. 

Sent half a Bushel of Clover Timothy seed to Morris — to sow 
at Doeg run Plantation. 

Tuesday, 1&. 

Thermometer at 50 in the Morning — 56 at Noon — and 56 at 
night. A white frost. — and damp kind of a Morning, with but 
little wind, rather hazy all day & towards evening lowering. 

Rid to my Plantations at Dogue run and Muddy hole — at the 
former preparing, & sowing Ground with Timothy seed. 

M r . a Fendall, M r . 8 Lee & Miss Flora Lee, daughter of the former 
with Doct r Skinner came here to Dinner, and stayed all night. 

A Mf Sacket from Tygers Valley on the monongahela, and 
another person came here before Dinner and showed me some 
propositions they had to make to Congress for a large territory of 
Country West of the Ohio, which I discouraged them from offer- 
ing, as I was sure they never would be acceded to by that body. 

Wednesday, 2$. 

Thermometer at 58 in the Morn's 58 at Noon — and — at 
night. A very thick, damp morning & heavy Fog until about 
9 O'clock when it began to Rain ; & continued to do so until 
noon, when it thinned and looked as if it would be fair, but soon 
recommenced raining, which last-, until near Night. 

Perceived the wheat from the Cape, which had been sent to me 
by MF [Samuel] Powell of Philad a & which I sowed on the 19* 
of last Month had come up very well. The Guinea Grass in my 
Botanical garden was as much injured hy the frosts which we 
have had, and the colour of the blade as much changed, as those 
of Indian corn would have been from the same cause. Could per- 
ceive none of the Guinea Grass up which I sowed in the In- 
closure behind Stable (old vine yard) on the l 8 .* day of Sep 1 ". 

Thursday, 8*. 

Thermometer at 54, in the Morning — 60 at Noon — and 58 at 
night. Morning clear, calm, and very pleasant ; but the wind 


springing up about 10 O Clock in the N? West, & blowing pretty 
fresh, it turned cool towards evening. 

Borrowed a scow from Col? [George] Gilpin, with which to 
raise mud from the Bed of the river or Creek, to try the efficacy of 
it as a Manure, and sent it to the river Plantation for that purpose, 
went over there Myself to mark off a piece of ground to spread it 
on after it should get mellowed by frosts of y e winter. 

Mrs. Fendal, Mr? & Miss [Flora] Lee & Docty Skinner went away 
breakfasting, first. 

Took up 11. Pines of a large size & planted them in the green 
brier hedge & circle at the extremity of the Lawn within the Gate. 

Friday, 4th 

Thermometer at 52 in the Morn' g . at noon — and 60 at night. 
Lowering, and the wind very brisk from the S° West in the Morn- 
ing ; but clear, calm warm, and very pleasant afterwards. 

Raised the heavy frame in my House today — and planted 16 
Pines in the avenues on my Serpentine Walks. 

Rid to ray Dogue run Plantation, where they were still prepar- 
ing ground for, & sowing of Timothy seed — went from thence to 
M!" Lund Washingtons, on a visit to My Rob* Washington who 
was gone up to Alexandria. Returned home by the way of 
Muddy hole. 

In the evening a M T . Jn? Fitch came in, to propose a draft & 
model of a Machine for promoting navigation, by means of a 

Saturday, S-. 

Thermometer at 60 in the MornX 64 at noon — and 65 at 
Night. Morning a little lowering with the wind pretty brisk from 
the Southward until about noon when it became calm & clear. 

Went over the Creek to see how my people went on in raising 
mud from the bed of the Creek — their progress but slow. 

M5 Robert Washington of Chotanck — My Lund Washington & 
Mr. Lawrence Washington dined here, as did Col? [George] Gilpin 
and M r Noah Webster — the 4 first went away afterwards — the 
last stayed all night — in the afternoon a My Lee came here to 
sollicit Charity for his Mother who represented herself as having 
nine Children, a bad husband, and no support. He also stayed the 


Sunday, C'A 

Thermometer at 64 in the morning — 68 at noon — and 68 at 
night. Clear, Calm, and remarkably pleasant all day — Sun set 
in Bank. 

M r Webster and M? Lee went away after breakfast. M? Geo. 
[Augustine] Washington & wife went to Church at Alexandria, 
as did Mf [William] Shaw — the two first, returned to dinner, the 
other not till some time in the night, after the family were in bed 
altho' it was omitted in the occurrences of Yesterday. 

I tried 2 quarts of the pulverized plaister of Paris ; one of them 
burned, the other unburnt, upon two sections of the circle in front 
of the House, from the Dial Post to the Center post opposite to 
the pavem' leading to the gate by the quarter. The section 
nearest the House was sprinkled with the burned Plaister These 
sections are only from one post to another in the circle, and do 
not contain more than about 145 square ft. A quart therefore on 
each is at the rate of 8 Bushels to the Acre. This was the poorest 
part of the circle. 

Monday, 7*. 

Thermometer at 66 in the Morn' g . 69 at noon — and 69 at 
night. Clear, calm, and remarkably pleasant all day, but rather 
too warm for the season. 

M r . s [William?] Peake and Miss Eagland dined here and re- 
turned in the evenX 

Employed since I first began to supply the dead Trees in the 
Serpentine walks which I compleated this day except with the 
lime (or powder) and horse chestnut, neither of w c . h I have or 
could easily get at. The number represented are as follows — 
of Pine 19 — of Elm 2 of Poplar 18 — of the black Gum 17 — of the 
Aspan 2, — of the Mulberry 5 — Ash 2 — and of the Maple 

Tuesday, S'K 

Thermometer at 60 in the Morning — 66 at noon — and 66 at 
night. A very heavy fog (with little or no wind) until near noon 
when it dispelled, became clear, warm & pleasant. 

Rid to Dogue run & Muddy hole Plantations — the first pre- 


paring ground, & sowing Timothy seed. Began to replace the 
dead Trees in my Shubberies. 

Doctf [James] Craik first, and a Cap? Lewis Littlepage after- 
wards came here to Dinner; the first went away after it — The 
other stayed all night. This Capt" Littlepage has been Aid de 
Camp to the Duke de Crillen — was at the sieges of Fort S* Phil- 
lip (or the Island of Minorca) and Gibralter, and is an extraordi- 
nary character. 

In the Evening DoctT Griffith came, & stayed all night. 

Wednesday, 9-. 

Thermometer at 64 in the morning — 66 at noon — and 66 at 
night. A red & watery sun in the morning, which about noon 
was obscured, slow rain afterw d . s . Wind Southerly, all day ; and 
at night appeared to be getting to the Westward 

Mr. Griffith went away after Breakfast, and Cap* Littlepage 
after Dinner. 

Having put in the heavy frame into my Ice House I began this 
day to seal it with Boards, and to ram straw between these boards 
and the wall — all imaginable pains was taken to prevent the 
straw from getting wet or even damp but the moisture in the air 
is very unfavourable. 

Thursday, 10 th . 

Thermometer at 59 in the Morning — at noon — and — at night. 

There having fallen so much rain in the night as to convince me 
that the straw which I had placed between the Ceiling & the wall 
of My Ice House, must have got wet, and being in some doubt 
before of the propriety of the measure lest it should get damp, 
heat, & rot, I had it all taken out, leaving the space between un- 
filled with anything. 

Went up to Alexandria to meet the Directors of the Potomack 
Company. Dined at MF Fendalls (who was from home) and 
returned in the evening with M r . 8 Washington. M! George 
[Augustine] Washington & his wife — who accompanied us re- 
maining to a Ball. 

Planted 8 of the Hemlock Pine which were brought from 
Neabsco in my Shrubberies — more still wanting to make up the 
deficiencies. lo 


Friday, 11*. 

Thermometer at 56 in the Morn' g . 54 at noon — and 55 at 
night. Wind at N? E l and fresh all day — very cloudy, and 
sometimes dripping. at Night it began to fall a little more seri- 
ously, but in no great q'* y . 

Sent My carriage up for and brought George [Augustine] 
Washington & his wife down after dinner. 

Saturday, 12. 

Thermometer at 54 in the Morn' 8 . 58 at noon — and 60 at 
night. Wind a little West of the N? and pretty fresh all the fore- 
noon, and Cloudy. Afterwards clear, still & very pleasant. 

Received 215 apple trees (red strick) from Major Jenifer wh* I 
sent to the river plantation in the neck, to be planted. At the 
same time and from the same place received two New Town — & 
2 Golden Pippin Trees — two of the Bury, & two S' Germain 
Pea[ch] Trees, and two duke Cherry Trees. 

Rid to ray Plantations at the Ferry — Dogue run and Muddy 
hole, at the second of which they were yet preparing ground, & 
sowing grass Seeds — at the last gathering corn. 

Covered my exotic plants in that section of my Botanical Gar- 
den between the Salt House & the House next the circle, & began 
to cover the Guinea grass, which two days before I had cut of near 
the crown. but did not finish it. 

Sunday, 13*. 

Thermometer at 59 in the Morniug — 65 at noon — 65 at 
night. Clear all day — Morning calm & very pleasant, but windy 
afterwards from the No. West. 

MT Sam! Hanson and his wife, M r Thof Hanson and their two 
Sisters, & M r . a Dulany wife to WaltF Dulany, lately from England 
came to Dinner & stayed all night. 

Monday, H*. 

Thermometer at 58 in the morning 64 at noon — and 62 at 
night Calm, clear & pleasant Morning Wind pretty brisk after- 
wards from the N° W', but fine notwithstanding. 




The company who came to din? yesterday, & lodged here last 
night went away after breakfast — upon which I went to my neck 
Plantation in y e Neck with intention to take a descriptive list of 
My Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Working Tools &c? but the forenoon 
being far spent I could only do it of the Horses & Tools. 

Began to plant the apple Trees which were brought from Major 
Jenifers on Saturday. Finished covering the Guinea grass in my 
Botanical garden except 6 Rows of it which I left uncovered, — and 
uncut — to try the effect of the Winters frosts & snows upon it. 

In the Evening MF Will™ Craik returned from his trip over the 
Alligany Mountains having effected no business for his father or 
me, being disappointed of seeing those with whom he had it to 

Tuesday, 15. 

Thermometer at 54 in the Morning — 56 at noon — and 60 at 
night. Wind southerly and pretty fresh — weather somewhat hazy 
and smoaky. 

Went to my Neck Plantation and compleated the ace* of My 
Stock there except that of the Hogs. Which stand thus. 


A grey dray Stallion ....... 

Buck, a sorrel 16 y* old 

Gilbert, a black 17. 

Randolph, a grey .... 7. 

Doct r , a grey 7 

Prentice, a Bay ..... 10 

Jolly, a Black ..... 9 

Dick, a White ..... 12 

Grunt, a Bay 9 

Pompey, a Bay 14 

Diamond, White .... 9 

Possum, Grey 10 

Jack — Black 10 " Do 

■ do 

• do. 

i Do 


i D° 


i Do. 

■ Do 


' D°. 


• Do. 


« Do. 

• Do. 

• Do , 





Kit a black mare .... 5 
Fly, Dark brown .... 


Betty — White Stock? . . 9 
Punch grey flea bitt" . . . 
Jenny light grey .... 9 

Brown 11 

Fanny — Black 9 

Overs 1 " — Black 




A Brown Horse 5 

Bright Bay rising 3 

Black . . Do 3 

Brown mealy co d Do 3 

Black .... Do 3 

Black . . small Do 3 

Ditto Do 2 

Iron Grey . . Do 2 

Black bold Pan. n 2 

A grey spring colt 

Dark bay 9 

Sorrel 5 

Brown 6 

Black — rising 3 

Dark brown 3 

Grey 3 

Black rising 2 








Black spring colt 1 

In all 40 


Bulls, y* 

Working Oxen .... 
Fatting Steers in cornfield 



. . 6 y? old 
3 y? old 
2 y™. old 
1 yl old 
Spring — cow — calves . 












Steers — full grown . . . 

. . 18 

4 y r ? old . 

. . 2 

3 y rs . old . 

. . 4 

2 y rs . old . 

. . 7 

1 yr old . 

. . 3 

Spring Bull calves .... 

. . 11 

Cows bro 1 to the House > 
for milk & to go back > 

Total Cattle 



- 8 



Rams 7 

Ewes 92 

Weathers 12 

Ditto in cornfield 16 


Weathers bro! to H e H* - 42 

Total .......... 169 

Tools & Implim**' 

A Waggon Saddle and > 

Gier for 4 Horses. . ) 
An Oxe Cart — good 1 

Ditto not good 1 . 2 

Oxe Chains 2 

Bolts for Tongues ......... 2 

Yokes, Rings &? 

Bar Shear Plows 9 

Two p! Iron traces to each 18 

Old bridles for ditto 18 

N. B. These Traces serve the waggon 
Hitting Hoes helved .... 20 
Unhelved pretty g* . . . . 3 

indifferent 2 

At the Smiths shop 2 . 27 




Mattocks but indiff* 6 

Ditto said to have > 

come to the Home H° > . . . 7 . 13 

Grubbing Hoes indiff* 3 

Axes 7 

Ditto at Smiths shop 1 

Ditto old Iron 1 . 9 

Iron Wedges — pairs 3 

Open iron wire sieve 1 

Sand Sieve 1 2 

Note these to be sent to the Home H°. 

Harvest Bakes — 5 only g d 13 

Pitch forks 1 

Half Bushels — new .... 1 

Old — D° 1 . 2 

Plantation Gun 1 

Wednesday, 16-. 

Thermometer at 58 in the MornX 66 at noon — and — at 
night. A large circle round the moon last night, a red & angry 
looking sky at the Suns rising and a brisk Southerly Wind all day 
with rain in the evening and night. 

Finished the arch over my Ice House today. 

Went early in the morning to take an ace* of my stocks &cf at 
Dogue run & Muddy hole Plan* 



Dabster . 

Buck . . 

Nancy . . 
From Camp 

Fly . . . 

Fancy . . 

a grey 

. Bay 

. Bay 

. Ditto 

. Ditto 

. Ditto 

. Black 

14 . 

14 . 

13 . 

13 . 


. 6J 




Carried over . 





brought over 5 

Sorrel. 13. old 1 

Ditto 13 M 1 

- Bay — very old .... 1 

Engl 1 ! Hunter Brown 
Grey Mare bo* at Bristol 
Dray — Black . . . . 

15 old 1 
. D 

Camp. D°. J P 


Bay. likely in foal 14.6' 

Bay. Roan — white face . . . 14.5 

Sorrel 14£ 

Black-snip on y? nose . . . . 13. 

Iron grey — dark 14.3 

Black . . from Husten .... 2 

Black-star & snip likely 2 

Bay — White face 1 

Black — long star 1 

Bay near hind foot wh 1 

Bay small star 1 

Bay, (blood) near hind f w! . . . . 1 
Bay. star & snip 1 


a 4 



A Grey . . snip . . 14 . . 3 
*Bay Roan . wh. face .... 1 

♦Sorrel . . . snip 1 

*Dark Grey 1 

Grey Colt, fr™ Bus 1 ? m spf 

* It is not certain whether these are horses or 
mares not having distinguished them on the 
spot at the time. 




In all 



Working Oxen 7 

Fatting Steers in Meadow 2 

Cows . 15 




Heifers . . .4 — y r . s old . 

3 y r . B old . . 

2 y" old . . 

1 yf old . . 
Spring Calves 

. . 5 

. . 3 
. . 6 
. . 2 

. . 6 

Steers — full grown .... 

3 y rs old . . 

2 y? old . . 

1 j T . old . . 
Sprin " Calves 

. . 7 
. . 1 
. . 2 

. . 7 
. 5 







Ewes . 


. 7 

Ditto in meadow fat? .... 

. . 7 

Old cows in ye. Mead? 

N. B. The Tools, not being got up no ace* 
was taken of them at this time. 








Jockey — . .a black . 
Diamond . . Ditto 

• 13£. 

. 14 . 

. 10 J 


Ranking — 

Fly .... a Grey . 
Jenny — Brown . . . 
Finwick Dan Sorrel . . 
Fancy — Grey . . . . 

. 14 . 
. Hi. 
. 18J . 
. 18*. 
. 13J . 

.io 1 

. 8 

. 8 


. 9 



. .<£ 








Bay — small star &c1 . 
Bay — long blaze . . 
Bay — very small star 
Dark. Bay sm! Star & r Sr 
Dark Brown Simson . 
Bay . . midF? likely 
Bay. small star spring 
Black, sm! star — spring 

. . 13 

. . 7 ' 

. . 13 

. . 5 

. . 13 

. . 5 

. . 13 

. . 5 

. . m 

. . 3 

. . 1 



Brown Bay, crook* blaze 
13 hands high 5 y r . s old 
Grey — unlikely ....... 2 

Bay — sm! star unlikely 
Grey natural paean, spf 




Working Oxen 4 

Cows 10 

Heifers ... 1 y! old 1 

Cow Calves — this Spring 1 

Steers, full grown 8 

2 years old 2 

1 year old 1 . 11 

Male Calves 4^ 

Total 31 


Rams . , 5 

Ewes 39 

Lambs 11 

Total 50 


Tools & Impliments. 

A good oxe Cart — 2 Oxe Yokes > 

& Iron Rings — Compleat ) . . . 1 

Oxe Chain 1 

Bar shear plows 3 

Iron Traces . . . pairs 6 

Haims, Collars, Bridles &c c Comp' 

2 spare Colters 2 

Mattoxs 5 

Axes, includ'? 1 at the Home H? . . . . 4 

Iron Wedges — pairs 

Hilling Hoes 

Pitch fork 

A Wheat Fan 

Half Bushel 

The Hogs at all the Plantations running in the 
Woods after the mast, no acct. could be taken 
of them. 

Richard Henry Lee, lately President of Congress ; his son Lud- 
well, Col? [John] Fitzgerald, and a MF Hunter (Merch?) of Louden 
came here to Dinner & stayed all night. 

The Stock at the Ferry not being got up Postponed taking the 
ace* of them until they sho? be got together. 

Thursday, 17K 

Thermometer at 58 in the morning 60 at noon — and 62 at 

Col? Lee & all the company went away after Breakfast. M r . 
[William] Shaw went up to the assembly in the afternoon at 

Morning a little foggy & thick but clear afterwards with the 
Wind at N? West and Cool. 

Friday, 18 l A 

Thermometer at 49 in the Morning — 54 at noon — and 50 at 
night. Morning clear & severe — a white Frost and ground froze 
— Ice an eighth of an Inch thick — Wind at No. W* & pretty fresh 
until the after noon when it was almost calm. 




Began to take up a number of small Pines to replace the dead 
ones in my wildernesses got them with much dirt about the Roots. 
Took an account of the Horses, Cattle & Sheep at Home. viz. 


Magnolia — an Arabian 

Nelson — Riding Horse 1 

Blue skin . . Ditto 1 

Carried over . . 



ht over . . 




Partner — A Bay . 

. . 15 . 

age 1 
. 12 

Ajax — light Bay 
Chatham, dull Bay 
Valiant, Yellow Bay 
English . . Bay 
M c Intosh . . Bay 
Careless. Bay . . 
Young . . . Bay 

. . 15 . 

. . 15 . 

. . 14|. 
. . . 15vei 

• • 14*. 
. . . 14*. 

. 11 

. 8 
. 16 
•y old 
. 9 
. 5 








Dragon . . Black 

. . 15. . 

. 6 



Jolly . . . Ditto 
Chichester Bay . . 
Jock — Grey . . . 

. . 15. . 
• • 14* 
. • 14*. 

. 14 
. 5 





Black — Mare Dray 
Black. Horse Ditto 

. . 15 . 

. . 14 . 




Used in Tumblers . 

• J 



A Brown Bay 
Chevalier — dull bay 
Brown Bay, Mudc 
Columbus, br: D? 




bay . 
iy hole 

. 14 . 
. 14*. 

. 6 



. 14 . 


. . 21. 



Working Oxen .... old .. 2 

Ditto — D° .... Young . . 2 . 4 

Brought over 4 

Cows, from Camp 4 

Riv^ Plant" 8 

Dogue run D° 6 

Ferry . D? 3 . 21 

Bull . . 1 

In all 26. 

Note. One of the cows that came from the River Plant" (making 
the above 9) got mired this Fall and died, and of the above, the 4 cows 
from Camp — two from the Ferry — three from Dogue run — and one 
from the neck are ordered to be detained here, and all the rest to be sent 
to their respective places. 


Weathers . 40 

Ewes. Sucking Lambs 4 

Lambs . . for killing .... 4 . 48. 

Began to take up my summer Turnips at the House, got 
ab* half np to day. Sent to Mr. [Dudley] Digges for Papaw 
Bushes to replace the dead ones in my Shrubberies. Coming 
late I had not time to plant them but put the Roots in the 
ground until tomorrow. Planted the two duke cherries — 
sent me by Major Jenifer in the two gardens — one under each 
wall, ab? 30 feet from the Garden Houses — and planted the 
Bury & 2 S l Germain Pairs also sent me by him in the N? Garden, 
new part thereof one of each kind on the Circular walk and the 
other two on the strait walk. Put the Box with the Magnolia, & 
other exotics from S? Carolina — and that with the Kentucke 
Coffee tree under a bush cover in the open part of the Green H? 
— and began to cover the Palmetto Royal at the Front gate with 
Brush with the leaf on — but got a small part only south of the 
gate & South part thereof done before night. 


Saturday, 19 l K 

Thermometer at 46 in the Morning — 54 at noon — and — at 
night. Wind at N? West and cold all day, with clouds which 
threatened snow in the evening. Ground very hard frozen. 

Finished digging my Summer Turnips and putting them in a 
cellar. Also finished covering the Palmetto royal at the front gate, 
except a small piece on the South side, nearest the gate for which 
brush could not be got in time. 

My Ice House Walls except the Pediment over the outer 
door and the inner walls of the arch were compleated this day 

DoctT [James] Craik whom I had sent for to visit York George 
(in the neck) who is much afflicted with the gravel came here 
about sundown and stayed all night. 

Sunday, 20'A 

Thermometer at 48 in the Morning 54 at noon — and 54 at night. 
Clear and calm all .day, but the air keen notwithstanding. 

George [Augustine] Washington & wife & Mf [William] Shaw 
went to Lund Washingtons to Dinner & returned in the afternoon. 
Col? [Robert Hanson] Harrison (Judge) came here to Dinner — 
and DoctF [James] Craik (who went away early this Morning) at 

My Nephew Law? Washington came here with a letter to day 
from M r . Bailey respecting their Board, &c? * 

Monday, <21K 

Thermometer at 48 in the Morning, at noon — and — at N. 
Lowering Morning, with the wind at N? E* — about half after ten 
A. M. it began to snow & continued to do so (of a wet kind) un- 
til night, when it ceased tho' the ground was not covered more 
than an Inch thick. 

Col? [Robert Hanson] Harrison & Doctf [James] Craik left this 
after Breakfast, and I went up to Alexandria with G. [Augustine] 
Washington to meet the Directors of the Potomack Com? and to 

1 See letter to the Rev. Mr. Balch, p. 185, post. 


a Turtle feast (the Turtle given by myself to the Gentlemen of 
Alex a ) 

Returned in the evening and found the Count Doradour recom- 
mended by, & related to the Marq 8 de la Fayette here as also the 
Rev? Mr. [Walter] Magowan. 

Tuesday, <2&. 

Thermometer at 40 in the Morning 46 at noon — and 52 at 
night. Clear and cold Wind at N° West all day — the snow ex- 
cept on the N? side of Hills & Houses had dissolved. 

The Count Doradour and M r . [Walter] Magowan went away 
after Breakfast. The Re v M T . Keith of Alexandria and a M r Bowie 
of Philadelphia came to Dinner and returned to Alexandria in the 

Gave my people their cloathing pr list taken. 

Removing earth today as Yesterday, to cover my Ice H? 

Wednesday, 23*. 

Thermometer at 48 in the Morn' g . 54 at noon — and — at night. 
Clear, warm, and pleasant, with the wind at South. 

Finished all the Brick work of My Ice House today. 

Miss Kitty Washington, Gen! [Benjamin] Lincoln, Colonels 
Hooe & Lyles M r Porter, Capt n Goodwin, DoctT Swift, MT Potts, 
MF Dalby, M r . Morshur, M r Williams, M r Philips & a M r Cramer or 
Cranmur, came here to Dinner, and all of them returned in the 
evening except Kitty Washington. 

Sent Mr. [William] Shaw through Alexandria to agree for the 
schooling & Board of my nephews George and Lawrence Washing- 
ton now at the Acadamy at George Town — & thence to the latter 
place to conduct them to the former for the purpose of going to 
School at the Alexandria Academy. 

Thursday, ^Ifii. 

Thermometer at 48, in the Morn' g . 56 at noon — and 55 at 
night Clear, warm & pleasant, wind being still Southerly. 

Immediately after Breakfast rid to my Plantation at the Ferry 
& took the following acct. of my Stock. Viz. 





Price a black Horse. 
Ditto — a Sorrel Do. 

Jenny, bla. Mare . 
Peggy — White D°. 
Fly — Dark grey Do. 
Kitty, Small bay Do. 
Bonny — Sorrel Do. 
Nancy — black Do. 

A Black Mare. Steady 
A Sorrel Ditto Leonidas 
A bay — D. very small 

A bla. Horse unlikely 
A Small bay — Leonedas 

hand 8 . 

. 14 . 
. 14J. 

. 14 . 
. 13*. 
. 13 . 
. 14 . 
. sm! . 




A black — bald face Spi? 


Spring j 



Darling — a red & W. Ox . . . . 6 

Bembo, white & red ox 9 

Mark black & White Do 11 

Duke red brindle — very old 4 

Cows 14 

Heifers . 4 years old 1 

3 y r8 - 2 

2 y r3 - ....... 2 

calves this sp? .... 5 .. 10 

Steers — full grown 2 

4 years old 2 

3 years old 5 

2 years old 3 

1 years old 1 

Spring calves 7 . 20 


Bulls — 2 years old 1 

Beeves in Corn field 2 


Total 51 


Rams 1 

Ewes 9 

Weathers 5 

Total 15 

Tools & Implements. 

A good Cart — 

2 Yokes with Rings. 

A Cain . . 

Wheat Fans 1 

Wire Riddles — coarse 4 

Sand Sieves 1 

Coarser size 1 . 6 

Plows Bar Shears 4 

Iron Traces . . . pairs 8 

Haims, C'lars, Bridle &c. 
Compleat for them 

Weeding Hoes 1 

Hilling — Ditto 13 

Grubbing — Ditto 1 

Mattock, 4 

Axes 5 

Iron Wedge . . . . 1J pairs .... 

From the Ferry I went to the Plantation at Dogue run and took 
the following account of the Tools there — being omitted when I 
was there last : Viz : — 

Oxe Carts 1 

At the H? for repairs 1 2 




Oxe Yokes with rings 4 

Oxe Chains ; 2 

Wheat Fans . . ■ 1 

Riddles — viz 

1 open & tolerable good 

1 Sand sieve & much worn 

Axes 9 

Mattocks 6 

Grubbing Hoes 6 

Hilling, Ditto 16 

Iron Wedges — pairs 4 

Spades — good 1 

Bar Shear Plows , . 4 

Iron Traces 8 

Haims, C'lars, Bridles 
&c c Complete . . 

Spare Colters 3 

Adze, 1 

Drawing knife 1 

Hand Saws 1 

Froes — 1 

Broad Chissels ........ 1 

Narrow D° 1 

Guage 1 

Auger — f Inch 1 

Recapitulation of all my Stocks of Horses* Cattle & Sheep. 


Stud Horse — Magnolia . 
Ditto Dray 

Riding Horses . 
Chariot Horses . 
Hack Horses 
Waggon Horses 
Cart . Ditto 

Home H 
D° D° 

Plow . 

. Ditto 

. Plant 118 

Cart . 

. Mare 

Home H° 

Plow . 

. Ditto 

Plan 1 * . 










Broke Ditto not worked . 
Unbroke D" ove. 4 y? old 

Ditto 3 yrs . 

Ditto 2 yrs . 

Ditto 1 . . 

Ditto. Colts . 

Unbroke Horses 4 & upw ds 




In all 

3 yrs. . 
2 Ditto 
1 Ditto 
Spring Colt 






— 68. 



Note. In the above acc r ; are included 2 English mares and their 
colts, the one a Horse and the other a mare which by being at a meadow 
had not been included in any of the foregoing lists. Of the above 
mares 16 may go to Magnolia, and 33 to the Jack-Ass if he should 
arrive safe, and both of them be in order at the proper Season for 


Bulls . 


aged . . . 

. . 2 

2 y r8 - old . . 

. . 2 

1 y r - old . . 

. . 2 . 

Steers — 


■ full grown .... 

. 35 

4 y r . 8 old . . 

. . 4 

3 y rs old . . 

. 10 

2 y rB - old . . 

. 14 

1 y r old . . 

. 12 

Calves . . 

. 27 . 



, . 

. 6 yrs. old 

. . 6 

4 y rs - old . . 

. . 6 

3 yrs. D n . . . 

. 20 






2 yrs D° . . . 19 
1 yr. D° . . . 10 
Calves .......... 31 . 92 

Beeves fatting . 9 

In all 336 


Rams 19 

Ewes 167 

Lambs 15 

Weathers 59 

Ditto — fatting 23 . 82 

In all 283. 

Friday, £5^. 

Thermometer at 50 in the MornX — at noon — and — at night. 
Wind Westerly & Cooler than it had been the two days proceed- 
ing about noon a black cloud arose to the Westward out of which 
came a mixture of Snow and Rain — this disappearing the sun 
shone but the day upon the whole was variable & unpleasant. 

Set out after breakfast, accompanied by Mr. G. [Augustine] 
Washington, to make MT Mason at Colchester a visit, but hearing 
on the road that he had removed from thence I turned into Guns- 
ton Hall 1 where we dined and returned in the evening & found 
Col? Henry Lee his & lady here. 

MF [William] Shaw returned having removed George & Law® 
Washington to the Alexandria Academy & fixed them at the 
Widow Dade. 2 

Saturday, WK 

Thermometer at 44 in the Morning — 57 at noon — and 50 at 
night. Wind Westerty and rather Cool in the Morning but less of 
it & warmer afterwards — day variable — Clouds & sunshine. 

1 Residence of George Mason. 

2 See letter to Sir Edward ISTewenham, p. 186, post. 


Col? Lee & his Lady went away after breakfast — crossing to 
Maryland on their way home. 

Sunday, <2V± 

Thermometer at 46 in the Morn'? — 52 at noon — and 50 at 
night. Very little wind all day but smoaky with some clouds and 
rather chilly. 

General [Benjamin] Lincoln and Col? [David] Henley Dined 
here & returned in the afternoon. 

Monday, 28*. 

Thermometer at 46 in the Morning 50 at noon — and — at 
Night. Thick Smoak and clouds in the Morning & great appear- 
ances of snow until one O clock, when the Sun came out and was 
more pleasant but cold notwithstanding. 

Went with G. [Augustine] Washington to dine with Col? Lyles 
in Alexandria returned in the evening. 

Tuesday, 29*. 

Thermometer at 44 in the Morning — 54 at noon — and 54 at 
night. A large hoar from frost followed by southerly wind and 
some clouds — but upon the whole tolerably clear & pleasant. 

Sent my Boat to Alexandria for a Hhd. of Common Rum and 
some articles brought from Boston for me by General Lincoln — 
Maj r . G. [Augustine] Washington were [ ? went] up to receive 

Went out after Breakfast with nrv hounds from France, & 
two which were lent me, yesterday by young Mf Mason, found a 
Fox which was run tolerably well by two of the Fr? Bitches & one 
of Mason's dogs, the other French Dogs showed but little dis- 
position to follow, and with the second dog of Mason's got upon 
another Fox which was followed slow and indifferently by some 
& not at all by the rest until the eve : became so cold that it 
c d not be followed at all. 

Wednesday, SO*. 

Thermometer at 45 in the Morning — 52 at noon — and 55 at 
night. Morning very thick with clouds & smoak — about 


9 O'clock it began to snow very moderately which neither con- 
tinued long, nor lay on the ground — at one the sun came out, 
and the afternoon became clear and pleasant, the wind though 
not much of it, being Southerly all day. 

On the Wheat which was given to me by Col? Spaight from the 
Cape of Good hope and which having been sowed forward had be- 
come very forward — full half leg high and jointed I determined 
to try an experiment and accordingly on three Rows next the 
fencing on the East side the Inclosure I cut it within four Inches 
of the ground just above the crown of the plant from whence the 
shutes had issued, the remainder I suffered to remain in its ex- 
uberant state to try the difference. 1 


Thursday, V±. 

Thermometer at — in the Morning — at noon — and 52 at 
night. White frost and clear Morning — very little wind all day 
and that Southerly. 

Took the hounds out before sunrise — and about 8 O clock 
after being upon several drags, or the same drag several times 
put up a Fox which the dogs run vecy indifferently — being very 
much dispersed, and often at cold Hunting until about 12 or be- 
tween that and one when the Scent had got so cold that they 
could follow it no longer 3 or 4 of the French H d . s discovered no 
greater disposition for Hunting to day than they did on Tuesday 

Miss Kitty Washington went from this after Breakfast, to Alex- 
andria — and Mf [William] Shaw who with G. [Augustine] Wash- 
ington went out a Hunting with me meeting her in the Road 
accompanied her to that place. 

In order to try the difference between burning Spermacite and 
Tallow Candles — I took one of each. 

The 1- weighing 3 oz : 10 pwt : 6g : 

2 . . Ditto 5. 2 

and lighted them at the same instant — the first burnt 8 hours and 
21 minutes ; when of the latter their remained 14 penny weight, 

1 See letters to James Madison and David Stuart, p. 188, post. 


which continued to burn one hour and a quarter longer, mak- 
ing in all 9 hours and 36 minutes. By which it appears (as 
both burnt with out flairing) that, estimating Spirmeciti candles 
at 3/ pf lb. & Tallow candles at 1/. pf lb. the former is dearer than 
the latter as 30 is to nearly 13. In other words more than 2\ 
dearer. 1 

Friday, 2*. 

Thermometer at — in the Morning 5Q at noon — and 56 at 

Col? & M r . s M c carty came here to Dinner — as did Colonels 
[John] Fitzgerald and [George] Gilpin — and M? Cha 8 Lee & 
Doct r Baker. 

Wind Southerly all day — clear & pleasant. 

Saturday, 3~. 

Thermometer at 50 in the Morning 56 at noon — and 61 at night. 
The day very pleasant until the afternoon when it began to lower 
— the Wind in the Morning was Westerly, & in the Evening 
Easterly but not much of it. 

Employed all day at my writing Table on business of the Poto- 
mack company — bro* 2 Hounds fr m Col? M c Carty. 

George Washington & wife went up to Abingdon after Break- 
fast Doct r Brown dined here and went away afterwards. 

Finished covering My Ice House with dirt & sodding of it. 

Sunday, #-. 

Thermometer at 53 in the Morn' g . 56 at noon — and 59 at 
night. A thick fog, or rather mist in the Morning, with out any 
wind until about 10 O'clock, when it turned to a slow rain, 
which ceased about noon and assumed the appearance of fair 
weather, but about 4 O'clock it began to drip again. 

Last night Jn? Alton, an Overseer of mine in the neck an old 
and faithful servant who had lived with me 30 odd years died of 
an imposthumus in his thigh after lingering for more than four 
months with it, and being reduced to a mere skeleton and this 
evening the wife of Tho s Bishop, another old servant who had 
lived with me an equal number of years also died. 

1 See letter to the Count de Rochambeau, p. 100, post. 


Monday, 5th. 

Thermometer at — in the Morning — 58 at noon & 58 at night. 
Lowering all day — with very little wind and that Northerly. 

It being a good scenting morning I went out with the Hounds 
(carrying the two had from Col? M c Carty, run at different two 
foxes but caught neither — my French Hounds performed better 
to day, and have afforded hopes of their performing well, when 
they come to be a little more used to Hunting, and understand 
more fully the kind of game they are intended to run. 

When I returned home w ! 1 was not until past three O'clock found 
a Doct r Baynham here recommended to me by Col [George 
William] Fairfax of England. 

George [Augustine] Washington and his wife returned in the 
Evening from Abingdon. 

My Overseer [John] Fairfax also returned this Evening with 
Jack Ass, and his Keeper a Spaniard from Boston. 

Tuesday, 6'A 

Thermometer at 52 in the Morn' g . 57 at noon — and 59 at 
night. Morning clear and very pleasant with but little wind — 
before noon it sprang up from the Westward, and afterwards be- 
came cloudy but the sun set clear. 

Finished getting in the Wood the Posts & railing for the fen- 
cing of my paddock. 

Made another experiment of the difference in expense between 
burning Spirmaciti & Tallow candles which showed that a Tallow 
candle weighing 3oz lip? W* burned 5 HT 48 M. A Spirmaciti 
D? weighing 3 oz.9 P. W. 18 gr™ burned 7 H rs & 28 M. which is 
an hour and forty mint 8 longer than the Tallow candle & of which 
when the latter was burned out there remained 14 penny W* 
6 gr n . s Hence, reckoning as in the former instance, Tallow at 1 / p? 
lb, & Spurmaciti at 3/. p5 lb. the latter is dearer than the former 
as 31 -J is to ten & an half or x 

Wednesday, 7 th. 
Thermometer at 52 in the Morning & 59 at noon — but removing 
it afterwards out of the room where the fire was, into the East 

1 See letter to William Gordon, p. 191, post. 


Entry leading into my study, this circumstance with the encrease 
of the cold fell the Mercury to 42. Morning clear calm & pleas? 
but the wind coming out violently from the N? West about half 
after eight O'clock, it turned cold & uncomfortable. 

Doc? Baynham went away after Breakfast. 

Sent M r . [William] Shaw to Alexandria to discharge Lieu* Gover- 
nor [Thomas] Cushings draft on me for 300 silver Dollars in 
favor of M r . ! the order being in the hands of Mf Taylor and 

to do other business. 

Took away the supports to the Arch over my Ice house. 

Thursday, S*. 

Thermometer at 30 in the Morning 38 at noon — and — at 
night. Wind to the eastward of North in the Morning, and cold 
— ground hard frozen — afterwards it died away in a great meas- 
ure and shifted more to the Westward backing. 

Finished removing the earth for covering of, and the way in to 
My Ice House. and again set the people to taking up and plant- 
ing small Pines in the Wilderness on the Right of the lawn. 

Also sent to Col? Mason's Quarter and got young Crab trees for 
the shrubberies — but not getting them home in time to plant, the 
Roots were buried until they could be planted in the places de- 
signed for them tomorrow or &c? 

Capt" Sullivan, of a ship at Alexandria, agreeably to my request 
came here to dinner, to interpret between me & the Spaniard who 
had the care of the Jackass sent me — My questions, and his an- 
swers respecting the Jack are committed to writing — Capt n 
Sullivan returned after dinner & Capt n Fairley * of New York 
came here in the Afternoon. 

Friday, 9* 

Thermometer at 36 in the Morning 39 at noon — and — at 
night. Not much wind — thick and misting all day — toward 
night it began to rain & continued to do so until day. 

Planted the Crab trees which were brought here yesterday and 
more young pines. 

1 James Fairlie. 


Saturday, 10th. 

Thermometer at 36 in the Morning 38 at Noon — and 40 at 
night. Little or no wind all day but thick and Mizling as yes- 
terday till night when it began to rain fast again. 

Opened a drain into the that goes from the cellars to re- 

ceive the water from the gutters and spout from the House top 
that it may be carried of under ground. 

Flooring the Ice House. Preparing with the Negros for Kill- 
ing Hogs on Monday. 

Sunday, 11th. 

Thermometer at 38 in the Morn' g . 50 at noon — and 58 at 
night. A heavy mist all day with little or no wind — at or before 
dusk it began to rain fast, and about 9 at night it cleared with a 
puff of wind from the Southward and the moon & stars appeared. 

Mr Wilson, My Sanderson and a My Hugh Mitchel dined here 
and went away in the afternoon. 1 

Monday, 12th. 

Thermometer at — in the morning — at noon — and 58 at night. 
Morning cloudy and soft with out any wind. In the evening it 
began to mizzle and after dark to rain fast and continued to do so 
until I went to bed and how much longer I know not. 

Majy [James] Farlie went away before breakfast, with 251 
Diplomas which I had signed for the Members of the Cincinnati of 
the State of New York, at the request of General [Alexander] 
M?Dougall, President of that Society. 

After an early breakfast George [Augustine] Washington M*. 
[William] Shaw & Myself went in to the woods back of muddy 
hole Plantation a hunting and were joined by Mr. Lund Washing- 
ton and Mr. William Peake. About half after ten Oclock (being 
first plagued with the dogs running Hogs) we found a fox near 
Col? Masons Plantation on little Hunting Creek (west fork) having 
followed on his Drag more than half a mile, and run him with 
eight Dogs (the other 4 getting, as was supposed after a second 
Fox) close and well for an hour — when the Dogs came to a fence 

1 See letters to Alexander Hamilton and General Knox, pp. 192, 193, post. 




and to cold Hunting until 20 minutes after 12 when being joined by 
the missing Dogs they put him up a fresh and in about 50 minutes 
killed up in an open field of Col? Mason's. every rider and every 
Dog being present at the Death. Two Hounds which were lent, 
and sent to me yesterday by Mf Chichester — viz — a Dog named 
Rattler, & a Bitch named June, behaved very well. My French 
Dogs also came on — all except the Bitch which raized Puppies 
running constantly whilst the Scent was hot — 

Mr. [William] Peak & Lund Washington came home to dinner 
as with us. 

Tuesday, 13*. 

Thermometer at — in the Morn' g . 47 at noon — and — at night. 
Wind Westerly — fresh, & air turning cold, flying clouds all day, 
but clear at night and still. 

Finished killing My Hogs — the number & weight of which are 
as follow. 


River Plant n 
Dogue run. D 
Muddy Hole Do 
Ferry " Do 





out of the above Tho? Bishop & Tho? Green are each to have 500 
Hesikiah Fairfax has had 480 & Morris 416 — and Davy 414. 
leaving for family use 150751b which with 4 Hogs killed for early 
Bacon (in October) weighing 8101b make in all 15,8851b laid up for 
the consumption of my table — use of my people and the poor 
who are distressed for it. 

M r [Abraham] Baldwin formerly a Chaplain in the Army from 
Connecticut — now a Lawyer in the State of Georgia called here on 
his way to the last but would not stay dinner. 

A M r Douglas came here to rent my Land on Difficult run for 
which I asked him £58 p? ann. and to which he is to give an 
answer after consulting his Brother in Alexandria. 

Wednesday, l£th. 
Thermometer at 30 in the Morn' 8 . at noon 

and 42 at nicrht. 

Morning and day clear & pleasant — Wind at S? East Ground a 

little froze in the Morning. 


M r George [Augustine] Washington and his wife set off to 
visit her friend in New Kent &c? Mf Bassett's carriage & Horses 
having come up for them on Sunday night last. 

Rid to the Ferry Planta? the Mill, and Dogue run Plantation 
and went & came by the place (in front of the H°) where Muddy 
hole were at work. 

Thursday, 15th. 

Thermometer at 40 in the MornX 45 at noon — and — at 
night. Moderate & clear all the forepart of the day with the 
wind at S° East, but not fresh — In the Afternoon it began to lower 
at Dusk turned very cloudy — and in the night set in to a con- 
stant rain. 

M T . [William] Shaw went up to Alexandria after dinner, to 
a Ball I presume, and in the evening Joseph Winzor & Will 1 ? 
Kirchewall 2 of my tenants from Frederick came in & stayed all 

Friday, WK 

Thermometer at 50 in the Morn' g 56 at noon — and 56 at 
night Rainy Morning and an Easterly wind but not much of 
it Drizzling all day — and towards night it began to rain again and 
threatened a wet night, very light wind all day. 

Before dinner Joseph Hickman, another of my Tenants from 
Frederick came in to whom and those that came yesterday and 
— Williams, I passed Leases for the Land on which they live, 
all went away after it. M T . [William] Shaw returned before din- 
ner from Alexandria. 

Saturday, 17 th. 

Thermometer at 56 in the Morn' g . at noon — and — at night. 
Rainy Morning, wind though not fresh at N° West which after- 
wards more to the N? & East & continued raining off & on all 

Went to Alexandria to meet the Trustees of the Academy in 
that place, and offered to vest in the hands of the said Trustees, 
when they are permanently established by Charter, the sum of 
one thousand pounds, the interest of which only, to be applied 
towards the establishment of a charity school for the education 
of Orphan and other poor children, which offer was accepted, 


returned again in the evening 1 — Roads remarkably wet and 

Sunday, 18*-. 

Thermometer at 44 in the Morning — 54 at noon — and 52 at 
night. Morning perfectly clear & pleasant, with but little wind 
and continued so through the day, severe, moderate and pleasant. 

Monday, 19 th . 

Thermometer at 42 in the Morn'*, 56 at noon — and 52 at night. 
Calm and pleasant all day especially in the morning, towards eve- 
ning the wind, though very little of it, came from the Eastward & 
the weather lowered. 

Rid to the Mill, and to Dogue Run Plantation — took the 
Hounds with me, and in the Pincushion found a fox which the 
Dogs runs very well for an hour — after which coming to a fault 
— they took (as I presume) the heel & in Muddy hole found a 
fresh Fox which was only run by part of the Dogs — the others 
did not seem inclined to hunt. 

Davy a Mulatto man who has for many years looked after my 
Muddy hole Plantation, went into the neck to take charge of the 
River Plantation in the room of Jn? Alton deceased, and Will (Son 
of Doll) was sent to Muddy hole as an overseer in his place. 

Both My Mills stopped — & repairing. 

Tuesday, 20*. 

Thermometer at 42 in the Morn' g . 47 at night — and 45 at 
noon. Morning tolerably clear, but a red sky at the place of the 
suns rising (which is an indication of dirty weather) and the wind 
(tho' not fresh) at N° East The day continued tolerably clear and 
pleasant until the evening when it began to lower. 2 

Dispatched at his own req* the Spaniard who had the cha'e of 
my Jack from Spain, sent him with Mr [William] Shaw to Alexan- 
dria to go in the Stage to New York. 

1 See Washington's letter to the Trustees, 17 December, 17S5, in Sparks, ix. 

2 See letters to Governor Johnson and Lund Washington, pp. 194, 195, post. 


Brought some Carts and Cutters from My Plantations to assist 
in laying in a Stock of Firewood for Christmas. 

Mr. [William] Shaw returned in the evening accompanied by my 
Nephew Ferdinando Washington. 1 

Wednesday, 21'^. 

Thermometer at 44 in the Morning — 44 at noon — and 46 at 
night. Lowering all day with but little Wind and that easterly. 

M* Dan 1 Dulany (son of Dan!) M r Benj? Dulany Mess. Sam! & 
Tho? Hanson, Mr Phil? Alexander, and a My Moursher came here 
to Dinner and stayed all Night. 

Finished measuring my corn at the several Plantations, which 
stand thus. 

River — Plantation, viz. . . . Barrels 

Large end of Corn & c 203 

Small end of Ditto 135 

Fatting Hogs have eat .... 44 

For Mr. Alton 6 . 388 

Muddy hole Plant? viz. 

In the Corn House . . . . 112 

Given to yf fatt'<? Hogs. . . 28 . 140 

Dogue Run Plant" viz. 

In corn House 45 

Given to the Hogs 30 . 75 

Ferry Plantation — viz. 

In the Corn House 85 

Fatting Hogs 28 

Overseers share 14 . 127 

Total 730 

Corn already exp d . on Hogs, . . 130 
Overseers shares 20 . 150 

Remaining for all my purp 8 , only . . . 580. 

1 Son of Samuel Washington. 


Went a Fox hunting with the Gentlemen who came here }'ester- 
day together with Ferdinando Washington and Mr. [William] 
Shaw, after a very early breakfast. found a Fox just back of 
Muddy hole Plantation and after a chase of an hour and a quarter 
with my Dogs, & eight couple of Doctor Smiths (brought by M r . 
Phil-Alexander) we put him into a hollow tree, in which we fast- 
ened him, and in the Pincushion put up another Fox whicli in an 
hour and 13 minutes was killed — we then after allowing the Fox 
in the hole half an hour put the Dogs upon his Track & in half 
a mile he took to another hollow tree and was again put out of it 
but he did not go 600 yards before he had recourse to the same 
shift — finding therefore that he was a conquered Fox we took the 
Dogs off and all came home to Dinner except My Dan! Dulany 
who left us in the Field after the first Fox was treed — Lund 
Washington came home with us to dinner. DoctT Brown who had 
been sent for to Philip Bateman — came to Dinner and returned 
afterwards as did all the Gentlemen except the two MF Hansons & 
Mr Alexander. 

The Morning of this day indeed all the forenoon was very lower- 
ing but the evening was clear & very pleasant. 

Friday, Q3A 

Thermometer at in the MornX 44 at noon — and 42 at night. 
Morning cloudy, with the wind at West, which shifting to the No. 
E? produced strong and encreasing appearances of falling weather 
before the evening. 

Went out with the two Mr Hansons & M? Alexander when they 
set out on their return after breakfast, with the Dogs ; just to try 
if we could touch on a Fox as we went along the Eoad — they 
homeward and I to My Plantation in the neck, this we did, but the 
scent being Cold, and seeing no great prospect of making it out the 
Dogs were taking off and the Gentlemen went home — and I to 
Muddy hole Plantation instead of the neck — it being too late to 
go to, and return from the former before Dinner. 

Saturday, ®4th. 

Thermometer at 38 in the Morn' g . 34 at night — and 36 at noon. 
Wind at N? East with rain in the Morning (a good deal of w c . h ap- 


peared to have fallen in the night.) About 10 O'clock it began 
to snow & continued to do so untill about 2 Oclock when it ceased 
just covering the Ground the snow being wet. 

Sunday, 25th. 

Thermometer at 34 in the Morn' g — 42 at noon — and 42 at 
night. Morning perfectly clear and fine without wind — about 9 
O'clock it sprang up from the Southward and blew fresh with 
various appearances of weather sometimes much like rain & then 
clearing at night the wind shifted to the Westward and before 
Morning got to N? West blowing hard all the while. 

Count Castiglioni, Col? Ball and Mr. Will™ Hunter came here to 
dinner — the last of whom returned to Alexandria afterwards. 

Monday, 26'A 

Thermometer at 32 in the Morning — 40 at Noon — and 38 at 
Night. Clear and cold in the Morning with the wind high at N? 
West which moderated a little towards Night. 

Tuesday, %7<A 

Thermometer at 38 in the morning 44 at noon — and — at 
night Clear with the wind very high from the Southward until 
the evening when it shifted to the Westward & blew equally hard 
but did not get to be very cold. 

Wednesday, 28'A 

Thermometer at 36 in the Morning 38 at noon — and — at 

Col? Ball went away yesterday, after breakfast, tho' it was un- 
noticed in the occurrences of the day. 

Wind exceedingly high from the N? West & clear. 

A Mr. Israel Jenny of Loudon County came here in the after- 
noon, respecting some land which he has been endeavouring to ob- 
tain under an idea of its being waste, but which he finds to be 
within the lines of my Chattin run tract in Fauquier County, 
though claimed by Mf Robert Scott, who has put a tenant upon it 
of the name of Jesse Hite, who has now been upon it three years 


and thereafter to pay Rent. M r . [Battaile] Muse my Collector to 
be written to on this subject as also concerning My land in Ashbys 
Bend part of w c ^ is claimed by Mf Landon Carter. 

Thursday, %9'A 

Thermometer at 29 in the Morning — at Noon — and 40 at 
night. Morning clear with very little wind and that from the 
South — pleasant all day until the evening when it began to lower 
and about 8 at night set in to raining with a strong Southerly 
Wind wfh continued through the night. 

Count Castiglioni went away after breakfast, on his tour to the 
Southward. M r . [Israel] Jenny also left this at the same time. 

After which I went to My Dogue run Plantation to measure, 
with a view to new model, the Fields at that place — did not re- 
turn until dark nor finish my survey. 

Mf [William] Shaw went to Alexandria to the Assembly. 

Friday, 80'A 

Thermometer at 46 in the — at Noon — and — at night. A 
good deal of rain fell in the night which ceased about day break 
but the wind from the Southward continued to blow very hard all 
day with flying clouds. 

Went to Dogue run again to compleat my surveys of the Fields 
which I did about 2 O'clock, and upon my return Found Miss Sally 
Ramsay, Miss Kitty Washington — M? Porter and Doctf" Craik 
JunT here. Mf [William] Shaw also returned from Alexandria 
before Dinner. 

Saturday, 31*. 

Thermometer at — in the Morning — at noon — and 37 at night. 
A Raw Wind from the Eastw? blew in the forenoon — afternoon 
calm, but chilly, with appearances now & then of a Change in 
the weather. 

Rid to my Plantations in the neck Muddy hole, and Ferry. 
George Steptoe Washington came here to Dinner — and after it 
went away the Company that came yesterday. 

Landed 230 Bushels of oats today from an Eastern shore vessel 


— and by her had brought from Alexandria the Picture drawn by 
Mr. [Robert Edge] Pine of Fanny Bassett now Washington and 
the young [George Washington Parke] Custis. 



Jan. 10^ The white thorn full in berry. 

20. Began to clear the undergrowth in the Pine groye. 

Feb. 12. Renewed the Work in the Pine grove, it having been long 
interrupted by snow on the ground. 

16. Transplanted Ivy under the wall of the N? Gard. with as much 
dirt to the root as could be taken up. 

18. Transplanted d? [Ivy] under the wall of the S? Garden, north 

Mar. 2. Began to cart dung upon the ground adjoining the Pine 
groves intended for clover and orchard grass seeds. 

7. Finished plowing the ground, adjoining the Pine groves, for 
clover and orchard grass seeds, which was begun in december last. 

11. Planted Hemlock Pine from occoquan. 

12. A Bushel of the Plaister of Paris pounded and sifted weighs 
82 lbs. 

April 6. Sowed holly berries back of and immediately adjoining to, 
the green brier hedge on the N? side the gate in front of the house in 3 

6. Sent the shad sein to the Ferry to commence fishing for shad. 

7. Sowed half the lower semicircle with holly berries in drills as 

7. Assembled a number of Plows to prepare for sowing the clover 
& orchard grass seeds by the Pine groves, but rain soon stopped them. 

8. Hoed the ground back of the greenbrier hedges to prepare it for 
sowing grass seeds with diff' quantities of the Plaister of Paris, to try 
the efficacy of it as a manure. 

1 A memorandum in Washington's writing of his agricultural operations 
during the year. 



8. Scattered 2£ Bushels of this plaister on £ the circle in the C! yard, 
N? side. 

9. Laid off 4 acres of gr? at Muddy hole, & sp d Dung thick on it for 
clover from the farm yard and began to break it up and prepare it for 

11. The Plows (tho' the gr? was not in good order being too wet) 
were again set to work by the Pine grove, & the Hoes in the piece 

12. Sowed Holly berries in drills (3 rows) from the Kitchen to the 
ha! ha! — and from the servants Hall to the Smith's shop [icords 

12. Plowing, rolling, & harrowing the ground for grass seeds at 
home, by the Pine grove. 

14. Sowed the above 4 acres at Muddy hole with clover seed, 40 lbs. 
— the ground had been twice plowed — once harrowed & gone over with 
Hoes to break the clods, a bush harrow and [illegible"} followed. 

14. Sowed 60 lbs. of clover seed in the ground by the Pine grove 
(upper side by ditch) — leaving a space of 6 feet — sowed half a 
Bushel of orchard grass seed and 5 pints of clover seed mixed together, 
in a breadth quite through the field — then leaving another interval of 
6 feet, 4^ pecks of the orchard grass seed unmixed were sown and the 
whole harrowed in with a bush harrow. Note, the ground before it was 
sowed, had been 3 times plowed — twice harrowed, and twice rolled, 
upon the last of which the seed was sown — and considering the bad 
weather of the Winter & spring, was in tolerably good order. 

14. Sowed 3 bushels of orchard grass seed on 3 acres of wheat at 
Muddy hole, adjoining the clover : & six bushels of the Plaister of Paris 
in powder along w T ith it — both rolled in ; but it was observed that the 
gr* had received very little benefit from the rolling ; the seed not being 
buried at all, on ace' of the hardness & dryness thereof ! 

16. Sowed If Bush 1 . 8 of the Albany Pease behind the stable. 

18. Sowed the point (after grubbing and taking the Tussocks and 
other trash off and burning it) below the clover & orchard grass from 
a d b ! e chestnut tree downwards, with Barley had from Col.' Henry Lee — 
The East side of this was sprinkled with 2 bushels of Plaister of Paris 
(Powdered) and harrowed in along with the Barley — After w ch orchard 
grass was sown thereon and harrowed in with a bush harrow. On the 
west side of this point, Barley was also sowed and harrowed in with 
the Iron harrow as on the east side, & the orchard grass seed harrowed 
with the bush — but the Plaister was sown last and not touched to try 
the difference betw" burying & letting it lye on the surface — and to 
try also the virtues of the Plaister as a manure. The gr? adjoining 


this point, along the fence of the hops, was also sowed with the 
same Barley & orchard grass seed this day, the gr d being first man- 
ured with stable & farm yard dung. 

20. Again rolled the 3 acres of wheat at Muddy hole, on which the 
orchard grass seed were sown the 15 th — This rolling (tho after rain) 
was but of little service, as the hills of the last year's corn prevented 
much, if any good effect. 

25. Having got the gr d on the N«? side of the gate, between the 
brier hedge & ditch in a good state of preparation for the grass 
seeds intended to be sown in it, for making experiments with the 
Plaister of Paris, it was divided into equal sections from the outer 
ditch, pointing to the center of the old gate, the outer part of which, 
at the ditch was 18^ feet (the inner at the edge of the holly berries 
16 feet) — each of these sections contained 655 sq? feet — on the first 
of which, next the road, 5, on the next 4, on the next 3, on the next 2, 
& on the next 1 pint of the Plaister of Paris was sprinkled — the 
next section had none — Then 5, 4, 3, 2, 1 & nothing again — and 
so a third time, which made as it were 3 grand divisions — The first 
named of which the Plaister was harrowed in with a heavy harrow — 
The 2? with a bush. — and the 3 d was only rolled without harrowing. 
This was done to try whether burying the Plaister deep, shallow, or 
not at all, was best, and to ascertain the qt? proper to an acre; — the 
above being at the rate of 1, 2, 3, 4 & 5 bushels to the acre. The 
whole, after the Plaister was treated in this manner, was sown with 
orchard grass seeds, about 8 quarts. 

26. The circle on the south side of the gate, was treated in every 
respect as the other, beginning with the greatest quantity of the plaister 
next the road. 

26. The Barley and Pease were perceived to be coming up. — the 
first very generally — the latter first making their appearance. 

May 7. The Barley & Pease seem to have come on well. The 
clover had advanced but little — The first sown orchard grass seeds 
were making their appearance ; — but none of the second were to be 

7. Discovered no benefit from the Plaister which was put on the 
circle in the C? yard — nor from that which had been spread on the 
wheat at Muddy hole. 

10. Quitted fishing at the Ferry landing. 

18. Finished planting corn at Muddy hole. — only began to plant it 
at the Ferry on 12*. h and at Dogue run the 18*. h instf, owing to the 
constant wet & cold spring. 


25 Pease were brought to Table for the first time in the season 

June 3. Opened my Ice House. 

17. Cut down (with scythes) the weeds which had shot up, very 
rank in the ground which had been sown with clover & orchard grass 
seeds at the Home House — as also those in the circles by the gate. 

20. Began to gather seed from the blew or Euglish grass. 

July 27. Cut my Pease which grew from the Albany seed. 

29. Again (for the 2? time) cut the weeds among the clover at the 
Home House & for the first time those iu the clover field at Muddy 

Aug* 15. Obliged to discontinue sowing wheat in corn ground — 
the drought being so great that the existence of the corn was endan- 
gered by stirring the earth. 

24 Measured round the ground intended for a deer paddock — find 
the fence will be about 1600 yards in length that incloses it. 

27. Planted about 1000 grains of the cape wheat below my stables 
in 2 feet rows and 5 inches distant in the rows. 

30. The latter rains had revived the corn and occasioned a number 
of fresh shoots — but it is apprehended that there was not of the 
farina suff' in the Tassel to impregnate the grain. 

30. Remarked that corn and wheat grow as well under Persimon 
trees as in open exposures, which proves the value of them for shades, 
and for their fruit w c . h may be distilled &c* 

31. The Cape wheat was coming up today. 

Sep. 1. Planted ab* 1400 more grains of the Cape wheat along side 
of the former in rows similar thereto — the 2 quantities about |- a gill. 

17. Transplanted turnips on a rod sq r 1 foot apart cutting the 
tap root. 

Oct. 7. Plowed a cowpen in front of the House, containing about a 
quarter of an acre for orchard grass. 

8. Sowed it with near half a bushel of seed, (which was neither 
clean, nor appeared to be good.) 

19. Planted, after making good the deficiencies of the former about 
a pint of the cape of good hope wheat (sent me by M! Powell) in 14 
rows along side of the other in the inclosure behind the stables. 


23. The orchard grass seeds sowed on the 8^ inst. was coming up 
thick and well. 

24. A small spot of orchard grass seed, sown on low land at Dogue 
run the was coming up very well. 

28. Put up Hogs to fatten. 

Nov^ 2. The Cape wheat (of M r Powell's) was coming up very well. 

5. Put powdered Plaister of Paris, 2 quarts, viz. 1 burnt ; the other 
unburnt, on two sections of the circle in the court yard, from the deal 
post to the center post of the street to the Quarter, which is at the rate 
of 8 bush 1 ? to the acre, being the poorest part of the circle. The west 
section was spread with the unburnt. 

30. The first sowed cape wheat having become very rank at least 
half leg high and jointed, I cut 3 rows on the East side within 4 Inches 
of the gr? just above the crown of the plant. 

Dec. 1. Experiment on the difference between spirmaceti candles 
and Tallow related. 

6. Another experiment for the same purpose 

13. Killed my Hogs that had been put up to fatten. 

21. Finished measuring Corn at all the Plantations — see ace! of it. 



Mount Vernon, August 22, 1785. 

Dear Sir — In my absence with the directors of the Potomac navi- 
gation, to examine the river, and fix a plan of operations, your favour 
begun on the 23^, and ended the 31st of July, came to this place. I am 
sorry to hear of your late indisposition, but congratulate you on your 
recovery; hoping that the re-establishment of your health will be of 
long continuance. The packet which you were so obliging as to send 
me, came safely, and I thank you for your care of it ; but for want of 
knowledge of the language, I can form no opinion of my own of the 
dramatic performance of Monsieur Serviteur le Barbier. 

The currency of my information from France is, that the dispute 
between the emperor and Holland,, will be accommodated without 


bloodshed ; but after the explicit declarations which have been made 
on both sides, I do not see how either (especially the first) can recede 
from his claims. To save appearances, and to let the contending 
parties down handsomely, say some of my letters, is now the greatest 
difficulty ; but all agree, that a spark may set the whole in flames ; 
indeed Bavaria, it is expected, will yet do this. 

It is to be hoped that our minister at the court of London, will bring 
that government to an explanation respecting the Western posts, which 
it still retains on the American side of the line, contrary to the spirit, if 
not to the letter, of the treaty. My opinion from the first, and so I 
declared it, was, that these posts would be detained from us, so long as 
they changed it, though I wish for cause to do so, as it may ultimately 
become a serious matter. However singular the opinion may be, I can- 
not divest myself of it, that the navigation of the Mississippi, at this 
time, ought to be no object with us ; on the contrary, till we have a 
little time allowed to open and make easy the ways between the 
Atlantic States and the western territory, the obstructions had better 
remain. There is nothing which binds one country, or one state, to 
another, but interest ; without this cement, the western inhabitants 
(which more than probably will be composed in a great degree of 
foreigners) can have no predilection for us; and a commercial connexion 
is the only tie we can have upon them. 

It is clear to me that the trade of the lakes and of the river Ohio, as 
low as the Great Kanhawa (if not to the falls) may be brought to the 
ports on the Atlantic, easier and cheaper, (taking the whole voyage to- 
gether) than it can be carried to New Orleans ; but once open the door 
to the latter, before the obstructions are removed from the former; let 
commercial connexions (which lead to others) be formed, and the habit 
of that trade be well established, and it will be found no easy matter 
to divert it: and vice versa. 

When the settlements are stronger and more extended to the west- 
ward, the navigation of the river Mississippi will be an object of im- 
portance; and we shall be able then (reserving our claim) to speak a 
more efficacious language than policy, I think, should dictate at 

I never have, and I hope never shall hear, any serious mention of a 
paper emission in this state, yet such a thing may be in agitation. 
Ignorance and design are productive of much mischief, (the first is the 
tool of the latter,) and are often set to work as suddenly as unex- 
pectedly ; those with whom I have conversed on this subject, in this part 
of the state, reprobate the idea exceedingly. 

We have lately had the pleasure of Miss Lee's and Miss Hannah's 


company at this place; they were both well five clays ago. Mrs. 
Washington prays you to accept her compliments ; and with sentiments 
&c &c &c &c 

Geo. Washington. 
P. S. 

Your name, I well remember, stands amongst those of the subscribers 
for a share in the Potomac Company. 




Mount Vernon, 1 October, 1785. 

My D r Sir — It has so happened, that your letter of the first of last 
month did not reach me until Saturday's post. 

You know too well the sincere respect & regard I entertained for 
your venerable Father's public & private character to require assurances 
of the concern I felt for his death ; or of that sympathy in your feelings 
for the loss of him, which is prompted by friendship : — Under it how- 
ever, great as your pangs may have been at the first shock, you have 
every thing to console you. A long & well spent life in the service of 
his Country, justly entitled him to the first place among patriots. In 
the social duties he yielded to none ; & his lamp, from the common course 
of nature, being nearly extinguished — and worn down with age & 
cares; but retaining his mental faculties in full vigor; — are blessings 
which rarely attend advanced life : — All these combining have secured 
to him universal respect & Love here ; & no doubt immeasurable 
happiness hereafter. 

I am sensible that none of these observations can have escaped you, 
& that I can offer nothing which your own reason has not already 
suggested on this occasion ; & being moreover of Sternes opinion that — 
"Before an affliction is digested, consolation ever comes too soon; — 
and after it is digested it comes too late : — there is but a mark between 
these two, as fine almost as a hair, for a comforter to take aim at." I 
rarely attempt it — nor shall I add more on this subject to you; as it 
would only be a renewal of sorrow, by recalling 2 fresh to your 
Remembrance things which had better be forgotten. 

My principal pursuits are of a rural Nature, in which I have great 
delight ; especially as I am blessed with the enjoyment of good health. 
M r . 8 Washington on the contrary is scarcely ever well, but thankful for 


your Kind remembrance of her, & joins me in every good wish for you, 
Mrs. Trumbull & your family — Be assured that, with sentiments of the 
purest esteem & regard, 

I am &? 

G: Washington. 



Mocnt Vernon, 3 October, 1785. 

Soon after I returned from Richmond in May last, I spoke to a Dutch 
merchant in Alexandria on the subject of importing Germans; but not 
receiving any satisfactory information from him, tho' he was perfectly 
willing to oblige, I requested him, as he was on the eve of a journey 
thro' Baltimore to Boston, at both which Dutch Elouses are established, 
& in the last he is concerned; to make every enquiry he could respect- 
ing the mode — the terms, & practicability of obtaining the number we 
want: — but meeting with no precise information here neither — I wrote 
some little time ago to M. De Neufville, a Gentleman of very respectable 
character at Amsterdam, with whom I have long corresponded, for full 
information; & to know also, if £5000 could be borrowed for the use of 
the Company * on such terms, & upon such securities as it proposed to 
give. Herein also I have been unlucky, for soon after I had written 
& had sent my Letter to New York to obtain a passage by the Packet, 
I received an account of this Gentleraans arrival at Boston. These 
delays following the enquiries which I only considered as auxiliary to 
those of the Managers, to whom I intended to communicate the result, 
will be unlucky if they have taken no steps in the mean while them- 
selves — Would it not be advisable in case my good Sir, for you as one 
of them to go fully into the matter whilst you are at Philadelphia, 
where, it is to be presumed, the best information on this side the 
Atlantic is to be obtained; & the most likely place to enter into con- 
tracts — unless a person in behalf of the Company, should be sent to 
Holland expressly for this purpose; or a gentleman there, in whom 
confidence could be placed would undertake it. 

But unless M' Anderson should succeed in negotiating the loan he 
was requested to obtain— or the like sum could be borrowed in Holland, 

1 The Potomac Canal Company. 


— we shall be without funds to carry the Plan into effect, & conse- 
quently cannot advance beyond the limits of enquiry — or preliminary 

Mrs Washington joins me in respectful compliments to Mrs. Page, 
who we hope will reap all the benefits which are expected from the 
change of climate. 

With very great esteem & c . 

G. Washington. 



Mount Vernon, 22 November, 1785. 

Rev? Sir, — The expence attending the residence of my Nephews at 
Georgetown so far exceeds the idea I was led to entertain when they 
went there, that, in behalf of their Guardian, I am compelled to remove 

When they were sent to the Academy under your management, I was 
informed by Col Fitzhugh, that the charge for schooling & Board (if I 
am not mistaken) was £31 — each — Cloathing if judiciously applied & 
properly attended to, I knew could not be a very great expence, for 
boys of their standing. 

But to my surprize, I have already paid Mr Stoddert £67 — 18 . 6 — 
Mr. Bayle £55 . 5 . 2 . — & yesterday in a letter from the latter, I am 
informed that there is half a years board due to him for each — & an 
acco' of cloathing besides, yet to be exhibited. 

The leading motive Sir, which influenced me to send them to George- 
town — was, their boarding with you, & I expected from what had 
passed between us, — after the intervention which had occasioned the 
suspension of it, they would have returned to you : — but now M r Bayle 
writes me that be also declines boarding them after the 24 1 ? 1 inst. & 
points out a third Person. 

These several circumstances combining, added to a couviction founded 
in experience, that I can not restrain the profuse & improper advances 
of Goods for them at a distance, have induced me to bring them to 
Alexandria, where I shall be a witness to their wants, and can supply 
their necessities upon more advantageous terms, than they have been 
hitherto — 

I am rev^ Sir &c. 

G. Washington. 




Mount Vernon, 25 November, 1785. 

Dear Sir, Since I had the honor of writing to you on the 20* h of 
March, which was done in haste (having but little notice of Capt. 
JJayles intended departure, before the time appointed for his sailing — 
& then to send my dispatches to Richmond 125 miles) — I have been 
favored with your letters of the 3? of March, 25 th of May, & 23 d of 
July. The first was forwarded to me by Capt n Bibby, whom I have 
not yet had the pleasure of seeing ; tho' he gives me assurances of 
it, & to whom I shall have pleasure in rendering any services in my 
power consistently — if it should be found necessary. 

The opposition which the virtuous characters of Ireland have given to 
the attempts of a British Administration's interfering with its manu- 
factures, fettering its commerce, restraining the liberties of its subjects 
by their plan of reform &? & c , will hand their names to posterity with 
that reputation & respect to which their amor patriae entitles them. 

Precedents, as you justly observe, are dangerous things — they form 
the arm which first arrests the liberties & happiness of a Country. 

In the first approaches they may indeed assume the garb of plausi- 
bility & Moderation, & are generally spoken of by the movers as a 
chip in porrage (to avoid giving alarm) — but soon are made to speak a 
language equally decisive and irresistible ; w r hich shews the necessity of 
opposition in the first attempts to establish them, let them appear under 
what guise or courtly form they may ; — & proves too that vigilance & 
watchfulness can scarcely be carried to an excess in guarding against 
the insidious arts of a Government founded in corruption. 

I do not think there is as much wisdom & sound policy displayed in 
the different Legislatures of these States as might be ; yet I hope every- 
thing will come right at last. In republican Governments it too often 
happens that the people (not always seeing) must feel before the} 7 Act: 
— this is productive of errors & temporary evils — but generally these 
evils are of a nature to work their own cure. 

The situation of affairs in Ireland, whilst the propositions were pend- 
ing in the Parliament of it, would, I concluded, be a means of postpon- 
ing your voyage to this country ; — but as these seem to have met 
their quietus, I hope nothing else will intervene to prevent your ful- 
filling your expectation of coming in the Spring ; — the season will 
then be favourable for crossing the Atlantic. 


Had I been present & apprized of your intention of making an aerial 
voyage with Mons r Potain, I should have joined my entreaties to those 
of Lady Newenham to have prevented it. As yet, I see no object to 
warrant a gentleman of fortune (happy in himself — happy in a family 
w c . h might be rendered miserable by a disaster, against which no human 
foresight can guard) running such a risk. It may do for young men 
of science & spirit to explore the upper regions : — the observations 
there made may serve to ascertain the utility of the first discovery, & how 
far it may be applied to valuable purposes. To such alone I think 
these voyages ought at present to be consigned — & to them handsome 
public encouragements should be offer' d for the risk they run in ascer- 
taining its usefulness, or the inutility of the pursuit. 

I have neither seen nor heard of Mr. Thorpe the s[t]ucco worker 
mentioned in your letter of the 23? of July. A good man acquainted 
with that business would have come very opportunely to me, as I had, 
& now have a large room which I am about to finish in this way. I 
have at length engaged a person to do it; — who from having no rival, 
imposes his own terms, which I think are exorbitant — good workmen 
of any profession would meet encouragement in these States. For 
the many marks of attention which you have been pleased to bestow 
upon me — I feel myself your Debtor : — could my picture which is 
placed in a groupe with Dr. Franklin, the Marq? de la Fayette & others 
in your library, speak the sentiments of the original, it would salute 
you every morning with its acknowledgements, I have never seen 
more than one picture of Gen! Green, & that a Mezzotinto print sent 
to me a few days ago only, by the publisher a Mr. Brown at N? 10 
George Yard, Lombard Street, London ; taken it is said from a painting 
done at Philad? 

The Magazines, Gazettes & e which you had the goodness to forward 
to me, came safe ; & I pray you to accept my thanks for them — My 
best respects, in which Mrs. Washington joins, are presented to Lady 
Newenham & yourself. 

With sentiments of great esteem & regard, 

I am &? 

G : Washington. 




As printed by Mr. Sparks (ix. 146), Washington's letter to Madison, 
dated Mt. Vernon, 30 Nov. 1785, omits after the paragraph ending with 
the word " desirable," the following lines : — 

" It gives me great pleasure to hear that our Assembly were in a way 
of adopting a mode for establishing the cut between Elizabeth River & 
Pasquotanck which was likely to meet the approbation of the State of 
N. Carolina. It appears to me that no Country in the Universe is bet- 
ter calculated to derive a benefit from inland navigation than this is, 
and certain I am that the conveniences to the citizen individually, & the 
sources of wealth to the country generally which will be opened thereby 
will be found to exceed the most sanguine imagination. The mind can 
scarcely take in at one view all the benefits which will result therefrom. 
The saving in draught cattle, preservation of Roads, &c, &c, will be 
felt most interestingly. This business only wants a beginning. Rappa- 
hanock, Shannondoah, Roanoke and the branches of York River will 
soon perceive the advantages which water transportation (in ways hardly 
thought of at first) have over that of land and will extend navigation 
to almost every man's door." 


Mount Vernon, 30 November, 1785 

Df Str, Your favor of the 16 th came duly to hand, & I thank you for 
its several communications. The resolutions which were published for 
consideration, vesting Congress with powers to regulate the commerce 
of the Union, have I hope been acceded to. If the States individually 
were to attempt this, an abortion, or a many headed Monster would be 
the issue. If we consider ourselves, or wish to be considered by 
others as a United people, why not adopt the measures which are char- 
acteristic of it, & support the honor & dignity of one? If we are 
afraid to trust one another under qualified Powers there is an end of the 
Union — why then need we be sollicitous to keep up the farce of it? 

It gives me pleasure to hear that there is such an accordance of 
sentiments between the Eastern & Western parts of this State — My 


opinion of the separation has always been, to meet them half way, upon 
fair & just grounds ; & part like friends disposed to acts of brotherly 
Kindness thereafter — I wish you had mention'd the territorial line 
between us. 

The port Bill ; the Assize Law (or any substitute for the speedy 
administration of Justice) being established ; — good faith with respect 
to treaties, preserved by public acts ; taxation continued & regularly 
collected, that justice to one part of the community may keep pace with 
relief to the other, & our National character for Justice, thereby sup- 
ported; — a due attention to the Militia, and encouragements to extend 
the inland navigation of this Commonwealth where it is useful & practi- 
cable, (which will not only be of amazing convenience & advantage to 
its citizens, but sources of immense wealth to the country through some 
of it Channels) — are among the great & important objects which will 
come before you, & a due attention to them will, I hope, mark the 
the present epocha for having produced able statesmen, sound patriots 
& liberal minded men. 

At a late Meeting of the Directors of the Potomac Navigation at the 
great Falls, & from a critical examination of the ground at that place ; 
we unanimously determined to petition the Assemblies of the two States 
to be relieved from the expence of sinking our canals four feet deep ; 
as a considerable expence, & no advantage that we could discover, was 
likely to attend it. As the petition which is herewith sent under cover 
to you & Col? Syme recites the reasons on which it is founded I shall 
not repeat them : — the public as well as the Company's interest calls for 
an ceconomical use of the fund which is subscribed for this undertaking ; 
— the enemies therefore (if there are any) to the navigation, are equally 
bound with its friends, to give it support. 

I should be much obliged to you for desiring the public printer to 
send me the Journals of the present Session from its commencement, — 
& to do it thro' the session as fast as they are printed, by the Post. 
I pray you to pay him for them, & for My Gazette (if Hay is the pub- 
lic printer) & I will repay you with thanks when you return. 

I am very glad to hear you have got so well over your fever — 
Mrs. Stuart has had a bad cold but is getting better — All here join me 
in best wishes for you & I am &1 

G: Washington. 




Mount Vernon, 1 December, 1785. 

My Dear Count, Your letter of the 2d of June, which you had 
the goodness to write me at the moment of your taking leave of the 
venerable Dr. Franklin, now lies before me ; and I read the renewed as- 
surances of your friendship with sentiments of gratitude and pleasure, 
short of nothing but the satisfaction I should feel at seeing you, and the 
recollection of the hours in which, toiling together, we formed our friend- 
ship, a friendship which I hope will continue as long as we shall continue 
to be actors on the present theatre. 

A man in the vigor of life could not have borne the fatigues of a pas- 
sage across the Atlantic with more fortitude, and greater ease, than the 
Doctor did ; and since, instead of setting himself down in the lap of 
ease, which might have been expected from a person at his advanced age, 
he has again entered upon the bustling scenes of public life, and in the 
chair of state is endeavouring to reconcile the jarring interests of the 
citizens of Pennsylvania. If he should succeed, fresh laurels will crown 
his brow; but it is to be feared, that the task is too great for human 
wisdom. I have not yet seen the good old man, but have had inter- 
course with him by letters. 

Rumors of war still prevail, between the Dutch and the Emperor, 
and it seems, if newspaper accounts are to be credited, to be near at 
hand. If this event should take place, more powers must engage in it, 
and perhaps a general flame will be kindled ere the first is extinguished. 
America may think herself happy in having the Atlantic for a barrier ; 
otherwise a spark might set her a blazing. At present we are peaceable, 
and our governments are acquiring a better tone. Congress, I am per- 
suaded, will soon be vested with greater powers. The commercial in- 
terests throughout the Union are exerting themselves to obtain these, 
and I have no doubt will effect it. We shall be able then, if a com- 
mercial treaty is not entered into with Great Britain, to meet her on the 
restrictive and contracted ground she has taken, and interdict her ship- 
ping and trade in the same manner she has done those of these States. 
This, and this only, will convince her of the illiberality of her conduct 
towards us ; or that her policy has been too refined and overstrained, 
even for the accomplishment of her own purposes. 

Mrs. Washington is thankful for your constant remembrance of her, 
and joins me in every good wish for you and Madame de Rochambeau. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 




Mount Vernon, 6 December, 1785. 

D? Sir, Altho' I am so great a delinquent in the epistolary way, I 
will not again tread over the usual ground for an excuse, but rather 
silently throw myself upon your philanthropy to obtain one. 

In reading the Memoir which passed thro' my hands to you (for I have 
no copy of it) I do not recollect that I was struck with any exagerations 
or improprieties in it ; — nor is it in my power to give you a precise de- 
tail of the facts about which you enquire, without unpacking my papers, 
& entering upon a voluminous research therefor ; which might not after 
all elucidate the points. 

Whether Gen! Howe commanded in person at the intended surprize & 
attack of the Marq? de la Fayette at Baron Hill, I am unable positively 
to say : — I would suppose however that he did — first, because the narra- 
tive says so — 2 d ! y because he did not relinquish the command until with- 
in a few days of the evacuation of Philadel* & 3 d . ly , because the British 
Army came out in full force. That the column on the right commanded 
by Gen! Grant was strong, can admit of no doubt; (and report to the 
best of my recollection made the number 7000) because it was design'd 
to turn the Marquis's left flank, get into his rear, & cut off his retreat by 
the nearest & most direct roads ; whilst he was to have been attacked 
in front, & on his right (which was next the Schuylkill) by the Com- 
mander in Chief, & light infantry ; — by the first in front, b} r the other 
on the flank. 

The French troops which were landed from on board the fleet, formed 
a junction with the American Troops before, & were all under the Com- 
mand of the Marquis till my arrival. The position at Williamsburgh 
was taken I believe, with a view to form the junction, being favorable 
to it ; — the defile between the College Creek which empties into James 
river, & Queen's Creek which empties into York river, being very 
narrow, & behind the former of which the French landed in perfect 

My excursions up this river (for I have had several) have afforded me 
much satisfaction, as we find the undertaking to extend & improve 
the navigation of it, is not only practicable ; but that the difficulties 
which were expected to be met with, rather decrease than Multiply 
upon us. 

I come now, my good Doctor, to acknowledge in a particular Man- 


ner the receipt of your obliging favor of the 7*? ult?, & and to thank 
you for your kind & valuable present of Fish which is very fine & had 
a more successful passage than the last, no acco! of which having ever 
yet been received. 

I have too Mrs. Washington's particular thanks to offer you for the 
flower roots & seeds, which she will preserve in the manner directed. 
I have put into a box with earth, shrubs of the Redwood (or red-bud) & 
Fringe tree, which General Lincoln promised his vessel should heave to 
& take for you as she passed by. I was going to send other flowering 
shrubs, but upon mentioning the names of them, the Gen! & Col? Henley 
said your Country already abounded with them. I forgot however, to 
ask them if you have the Magnolio ; — if you have not, I can send some 
by another opportunity. 

I hope this letter will find you quite relieved from the feverish com- 
plaint you had when you wrote last, & Mrs. Gordon in perfect health, 
to whom & yourself Mrs. Washington & the family (who are all well) 
join me in every good wish — Fanny Bassett & my nephew Geo: A. 
Washington have fullfiled an engagement of long standing & are now 
one bone, and one flesh. 

With great esteem, &? 

G: Washington. 



Mount Veenon, 11 December, 1785. 

D? Sir, I have been favor'd with your letter of the 25*. h of Nov. by 
Maj' Farlie. Sincerely do I wish that the several State Societies had, 
or would adopt the alterations which were made & recommended by 
the General Meeting in May 1784. I then thought & I have had no 
cause since to change my opinion, that if the Society of the Cincinnati 
mean to live in peace with the rest of their fellow citizens, they must 
subscribe to the Alterations which were at that time adopted. That 
the jealousies of, & prejudices against this Society were carried to an 
unwarrantable length, I will readily grant, & that less than was done 
ought to have removed the fears which had been imbibed, I am as clear 
in, as I am that it would not have done it. But it is a matter of little 
moment whether the alarm which seized the public mind was the result 
of foresight, envy, jealousy or a disordered imagination — the effect of 


perseverance would have been the same ; & wherein would have been 
found an equivalent for the separation of interests which from my best 
information (not from one State only, but many) would have inevitably, 
taken place? 

The fears of the people are not yet removed — they only sleep, & 
a very little matter will set them afloat again. 

Had it not been for the predicament in which we stand, with respect 
to the foreign officers, & the charitable part of the institution, I should 
on that occasion, as far as my voice would have gone, have endeavoured 
to convince the narrow minded part of our countrymen that the Amor 
patriae was much stronger in our breasts than in theirs; & that our 
conduct thro' the whole of this business was actuated by nobler & more 
generous sentiments than was apprehended by abolishing the Society at 
once with a declaration of the causes & the purity of its intention : — 
but the latter may be interesting to many, & the former is an insuper- 
able bar to such a step. 

I am sincerely sorry to find by your letter that the B— n, 1 is again 
in straightened circumstance. I am much disinclined to ask favors of 
Congress, but if I knew what the objects of his wishes are, I should 
have much pleasure in rendering him any services in my power, with 
such Members of that Body as I now & then correspond with. I had 
flattered myself, from what was told me some time ago, that Congress 
had made a final settlement with the B — n much to his satisfaction. 

My compliments & best wishes, in which Mrs. Washington joins, are 
presented to Mrs. Hamilton. 

I am &? 

G : Washington. 

P. S. When you see Gen! Schuyler & family, I pray you to offer my 
best respects to them. 



Mount Vernon 11* Dec. 1785. 
My Dear Sir, Maj! Farlie gave me the pleasure of receiving your 
letter of the 22? Ins* & thereby knowing that you, Mr r . 8 Knox & the 
family are all well. 

It has always been my opinion you know, that our Affairs with respect 
to the Indians would never be in a good train whilst the British Garri- 
sons remained on the American side of the territorial line — & that these 

1 Baron Steuben. 


Posts would not be evacuated by them, as long as any pretext could be 
found to with-hold them. They know the importance of these Posts 
too well to give them up soon, or quietly, their trade with the 
Indians in a great measure depend upon the possession of them, 
knowing full well that all the assertions of our Comm e . e with respect 
to the Articles of Peace, & their obligations to surrender them, is 
no more than chaff before the wind when opposed by the scale of 

I am sorry the State Societies should hesitate to comply with the 
recommendation of the General Meeting of the Cincinati, holden at 
Phil a in 1784. I then thought, & have no cause since to change 
my opinion, that nothing short of what was then done would appease 
the clamours which were raised against this Institution. Some late 
attacks have been made upon it ; amongst which a Pamphlet written by 
the Count de Mirabeau, a French Gentleman, has just made its appear- 
ance. It is come to my hands translated into English, but I have not 
had time yet to read it. 

I am sorry you have undergone any chagreen on ace* of the lime- 
stone. I have got through my summers work without any disappoint- 
ment therefrom ; having had it in my power at all times, when wanted, 
to buy Shells, nor would I wish to have any sent me now, unless by 
contract not to exceed one shilling and three pence at the ships side in 
Alexandria, or opposite to my House ; and this I do not expect, as 
Stone lime is oftener higher at the former place. 

It is unnecessary to assure you of the pleasure I should feel at seeing 
you at this place, whenever business or inclination may bring you to 
this State. Every good wish in which M r . s Washington joins me, is 
offered to you, M r . 8 Knox and the children. 

With every sentiment of friendship & regard, 
I am, My dear Sir, 

Y T . affec* H b . le Serv< 

G? Washington. 
Maj k GenV Knox. 



Mount Vernon, 20 December, 1785. 

D" Sir, It so happened that your letter of the 4 th ult° with its enclos- 
ures, did not meet a quick passage to me, & that some delays after- 


wards, more the effect of accident than neglect, prevented the petition 
& Bill (which you were so obliging as to draw) from getting to the 
Assemblies of the two States, so soon as were to be wished ; however 
they are now before them ; & from that of Maryland, I am informed by 
a gentleman to whom I had written on the occasion, that the business 
could meet with no opposition there ; — & from that of this State that 
it was reported reasonable Acts, it is to be hoped, will therefore pass, 
conformably to our desires. 

I feel myself much obliged by the calculations you have been at the 
trouble to make & to transmit to me ; & at all times shall be happy in a 
full & unreserved communication of your sentiments on this, or any 
other business. This in particular is a new work — stands in need of 
all the information we can obtain, & is much indebted to you for many 
estimates, & ideas which have been very useful. 

It is to be apprehended, notwithstanding the great encouragements 
which have been offered by the Directors of the Company for the hire 
of Negroes, that we shall not succeed in obtaining them. An idea is 
entertained by the proprietors of them, that the nature of the work will 
expose them to dangers which are not compensated by the terms. 
Servants I hope are purchased ere this ; — Col? Fitzgerald was to have 
gone yesterday to George town for this purpose. If the appearance 
of the people is at all favorable, the price at which Col? Deakens offers 
them will be no obstacle. 

This letter, handed to the care of Col? Deakens, will be accompanied 
by a small bag of Spanish Chesnuts — half of which you will please to 
accept, & the other contrive to M r Lee — they were sent to the Alex- 
andria races in October to be given to him, but the delivery was neg- 
lected. It might be well perhaps to put them in sand to prevent an over 
drying to the injury of vegitation. 

With very great esteem & c . 

G: Washington. 


Mount Vernon, 20 December, 1785. 

D? Lund, Having come to a fixed determination (whatever else may 
be left undone) to attend to the business of my plantations ; and having 
enquired of Geo : Washington how far it would be agreeable to him & 
his wife to make this place a permanent residence, (for before it was 


only considered as their temporary abode, until some plan could be 
settled for them) & finding it to comport with their inclinations, I now 
inform you that it will be in my power to comply with your wishes with 
less inconvenience than appeared when you first proposed to leave my 

The business of the Mill is what both of us, will be most at a loss 
about at first ; & as the people wanting flour are in the habit of applying 
to you for it, it would be rendering me a service to give your attention 
to this matter, until he can become a little acquainted with the mode of 
managing it ; & your advice to him afterwards in this & other affairs 
may be useful. 

The mode of paying the taxes, the times of collection, & in what 
kind of property it is most advantageous to discharge them, — & the 
amount of them, is another business in which he will be to seek ; & I 
have not sufficient knowledge of the practice to instruct him. 

Nothing else occurs to me at this time in which it is essential to give 
you any trouble after the present year ; for if I should not be able to 
visit the plantations as often as I could wish, (owing to company or 
other engagements) I am resolved that an account of the stock & every 
occurrence that happens in the course of the week shall be minutely 
detailed to me every Saturday. Matters cannot go much out of sorts 
in that time without a seasonable remedy. For both our interests, the 
wheat remaining in the straw should be an object of your care. 

I am &? 

G: Washington. 

Mr. Charles K. Bolton exhibited and read an anony- 
mous contemporary manuscript belonging to the Boston 
Athenaeum, of which the following is a copy : — 

An elegy on the death of General 

What mournful strains invade our ears? 
Whence those sad plaints, those copious tears? 
This solemn silence woeful pause! 
All, all bespeak some deep felt cause. 
A deep felt cause ! a nation weeps, 
In dust Columbia's Guardian sleeps. 



A nation's prayers his life to save, 
To heav'n in clouds of incence rose, 
A nation's tears bedew his grave, 
And angels gaurd his sweet repose. 
The PATRIOT 's dead ! a nation weep. 
In dust Columbia's Gaurdian sleeps. 


When Albion's proud insulting foe 
Aim'd our best rights to overthrow, 
His arm, out stretch'd in conquering might 
Their veteran army put to flight. 
The HERO 's dead ! a nation weeps, 
In dust Columbia's Guardian sleeps. 


The peace obtain'd so long desir'd, 
To Vernon's shades the Chief retir'd, 
But faction's cruel feud arose, 
And broke the Farmer's hop'd repose. 
Our FRIEND is dead ! a nation weeps, 
In dust Columbia's Guardian sleeps. 

His Country's voice once more he hears, 
And in the Council he appears, 
The mighty Charter of our land, 
Is sanction'd by our Moses' hand. 
Our CHIEF is dead ! a nation weeps 
In dust Columbia's Guardian sleeps. 


With equal laws he rules the state 
Supports the weak, directs the great ; 
Then yields the helmn, retires to rest 
By all his Country lov'd and blest. 
The SAGE is dead ! a nation weeps 
In dust Columbia's Guardian sleeps. 



Again his ready sword he draws ; 
Unmov'd he stands in Freedom's cause ; 
Nor shrinks to heed the marshal band, 
Should hostile foes invade the land. 
Our GENERAL'S dead! &c 


Thy ways O King of Kings is just 
Or when we live or turn to dust ; 
Then cease from man, look up on high, 
Our only hope 's above the sky, 
We all must die and turn to dust, 
Tho' Man is mortal God is just. 

Mr. Henry H. Edes exhibited a copy of Titan's New 
Almanack for the Year of Christian Account 1729, printed 
by William Bradford and containing manuscript entries of 
contemporary events. The writer of these entries has been 
ascertained by Mr. Henry W. Cunningham to have been 
William Sanford of Portsmouth, Ehode Island. 1 Mr. Edes 
recalled the fact that Bradford was a Quaker who came over 
with Penn in 1682, and, in 1691, was a partisan of George 
Keith in his quarrel with the Pennsylvania authorities which 
resulted in Bradford's removal to New York, where he was 
Public Printer for more than fifty years. The Sanfords were 
also Quakers, which may account for their using this par- 
ticular kind of Almanac. Mr. Cunningham has prepared 
notes identifying the persons mentioned by Sanford. 

The following is a copy of the entries : 



16 Jeremiah Clark 2 died aged about 8 years 

1 See Mr. Cunningham's Note on William Sanford, p. 203. 

2 Sanford doubtless made a slip in recording the age. Jeremiah Clark, born 
1043, died 16 January, 1729. He was the son of Jeremiah and Frances (Dun- 
gan) Clark, who had gone from Boston to Rhode Island and were among the 

Titan's New 


Fa^fche Year of Chriftian Account 1729. 

Being the fift afterB\ffexi\\z r or, Leap-Tear ': 

tUnto wliicS i§ Numbred, 

Froift y By the Owk/ and Creek Chr ; ifliam r yi$ 7 

the ^^y&£$cws,jHebrewfa\\&RabbiuSi 7489 

GreaqofA By the late Computation • o£ 7K fik $ 73 » 

\y herein is contained 

* I}e Lunatiotis, ^K^i^^j^lwfthcii^^-r 
/for* SqtingTideii Plangis M&jowz.n<\ .Mutual 'Afpe #j ', 
Time, of cheSmiaad Moph^Rifing and. Sertiim length 
of Days,- the Seven- .&&# iRj^g and Setting, Time , of 
High- Water, £au;$V ^iW&: aed ObfervableDays; 

Fitted £o t;he Latitude ^of ,40 Regimes North,, 
arid a Me*i*uah of i ttve l^wrs. Weft &oin&Nt>bkj 
*butvmay,?\fei^<^ t&e a4jacen v 

Places ftG^&lactjt&a jo $t>uth-Cafylmki j 

printed and^olW^1p&^ ■M?MM$$ 729 ^ 




1 1 th in the Evening Tho§ Durfie x died 

13 about 3 a clock in the afternoon Ruth Sanford 2 

first daughter of my Son Rich- 3 born 


30 Jashub Wing 4 & Dorothy married 

1 1 quarterly meeting at Portsmouth 

most prominent of the early settlers in Newport. Jeremiah the father was 
Governor of the Colony and died in 1661. Jeremiah the son was a resident of 
Newport, where in 1701 he was made a Deacon of the Second Baptist Church, 
and for many years he was a Deputy. He married Ann Audley (Odlin) and 
had nine children, the second of whom, Frances, born 1669, married in 1689 
John Sanford, the brother of the writer of the entries. (Austin, Genealogical 
Dictionary of Rhode Island, p. 44; Rhode Island Historical Magazine, vii. 297.) 

1 Thomas Durfie was the son of Thomas Durfie (1643-1712) of Portsmouth. 
He was a Deputy from Portsmouth in 1707, 1709 (when he was called "Jr.") 
and 1713, and in 1717 he got relief from the Assembly by the passage of an Act 
obliging the Town of Portsmouth to lay out a highway to his farm, commonly 
called Common Fence Point. He married Ann Freeborn (1669-1729) and had 
a son Thomas, who was admitted a freeman of Portsmouth 6 May, 1729, and 
whose marriage to Sarah Briggs is recorded in the almanac under date of 15 
June. To them was born on 20 March, 1729-30, a daughter Sarah, and on 2 
May, 1737, Sarah (Briggs) Durfie died. Thomas Durfie, who died in 1729, had 
a brother Robert who married Mary, daughter of John and Mary (Gorton) 
Sanford. Mary (Sanford) Durfie was a first cousin of the writer of the entries. 
(The Durfie Chart in Austin, Ancestry of 33 Rhode Islanders; Portsmouth 
Records, i. 120, 121 ; Rhode Island Colonial Records, iv. 28, 67, 147, 219, 420.) 

2 Ruth Sanford was named after her father's sister Ruth (1706-1709). 

3 Richard Sanford married at Portsmouth 21 February, 1722-23, Elizabeth, 
daughter of John Coggeshall. He lived for some years at Dartmouth, and later 
removed to Chilmark. (Portsmouth Records, i. 217 ; Bristol County, Massa- 
chusetts, Deeds.) 

4 The identity of this Jashub Wing has not been proved, but he was doubt- 
less the son of Daniel and Anna (Ewer) Wing of Sandwich, Massachusetts. 
He was born 30 January, 1674, and married in 1701-02 Anna, daughter of 
Ludovick Hoxie. Jashub Wing was admitted a freeman of Sandwich in 1700, 
and in the list of freemen in 1702 is found the name of Shearjashub Wing. 
The records of Sandwich give the death of the wife of Jashub Wing on 16 De- 
cember, 1721, after which no trace of Jashub Wing is found in the records of 
that town. (See an article on the Hoxie family in the April, 1901 number of 
a genealogical magazine called The Owl, published by George Dikeman Wing 
of Kewaunee, Wisconsin ; C. P. Wing, Wing Genealogy, p. 40 ; Genealogical 
Advertiser, iv. 13 ; W. H. Whitmore, in New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Register, xxxix. 192.) 



18 Turkeys set 

26 Aiken 1 born 

24 Benj 1 II as sard 2 & Hannah Nichols mar^ 

25 Stephen Austin 8 & Mary Fish married 


the last and this month the Measels was much 
Spread abroad in the Governm* 


3 d Jeremiah Lawtons twin daughters born 

15 th in y e Eve. Tho Durfie & Sarah Briggs * married 

19 th Thomas Shearman 5 and Sarah Sisson married 

30 Deliverance Smith of Dartmouth died 


3 d Nathaniel Cotton 6 Bristol minister died 

5 th Ann Kay 7 sister to y e Collector died Sud^ 

1 Amie Akin was the daughter of James Akin of Dartmouth and Amey 
(Fish) Akin of Portsmouth, who were married 31 October, 1728. (Portsmouth 
Records, i. GO.) 

2 In Austin's Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island under Hazard is found 
the birth on 2 November, 1702, of Benjamin, son of Thomas and Susanna 
Hazard; and under Nichols the marriage in 1707 of Jonathan of Newport to 
Elizabeth Lawton, and the birth of their daughter Hannah 21 September, 1709. 

8 Stephen Austin of North Kingstown and Mary Fish of Portsmouth. 
(Portsmouth Records, i. 72.) 

4 See previous note under date of 11 February. 

5 In the Portsmouth Records, i. 233, is found the above marriage, and also 
the marriage on 19 October, 1737, of " Thomas Shearman of Swansey (2 nd 
marriage) and Mary Sanford of Portsmouth," who was a daughter of the writer. 

6 The Rev. Nathaniel Cotton, son of the Rev. Rowland Cotton of Sandwich 
and Elizabeth, daughter of Col. Nathaniel Saltonstall of Haverhill, was born 13 
June, 1097. He graduated from Harvard in 1717, was settled at Bristol in 

1721, and not long after married Grissel Sanford, daughter of Sylvester of 

Shelter Island, New York, and widow of William Sanford of Newport, a first 
cousin of the writer. (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 
i. 165; Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. 326; Munro, History of Bristol, p. 220; 
Bristol Records, i. 10.) 

7 Ann Kay was the sister of Nathaniel Kay, who was appointed Collector 
of Her Majesty's Customs for Rhode Island at the accession of Queen Anne, 
and took up his residence and lived at Newport until his death in 1731. He 
was a public spirited citizen and a generous benefactor to Trinity Church, of 
which he was a member. (G. C. Mason, Reminiscences of Newport, p. 314, 




31 st Margaret x daughter of John Sanford died 


1 st John Taylors Son died, & 

4 th young Adam Lawtons first Son born a 

4 th Hezekiah Hoar 3 died 

9 W^ Cooks Son Enoch 4 died 

9 in the evening Peleg Socums 5 [ FSlocum's] first child 


10 Abigail Smith died daughter of Deliverance 


1 my wife went to Groton & had a hard fit of 

sickness upon Return 

and Annals of Trinity Church, Newport; Rhode Island Colonial Records, iv. 
246, 422.) 

1 Margaret Sanford, daughter of John and Ann (Weeden) Sanford, who 
were married 15 December, 1713, was born 15 July, 1727. John Sanford, the 
birth of whose son Peleg is noted under date of 1 September, was the nephew 
of William Sanford, the writer of the entries. 

2 Giles Lawton was the son of Adam Lawton, Jr., of Portsmouth and Mar- 
tha Slocum of Newport, who were married 24 October, 1727. (Portsmouth 
Records, i. 110.) 

3 Hezekiah Hoar, the son of Hezekiah and Rebecca Hoar, was born 10 No- 
vember, 1678. He was for many years a resident of Newport and married 
Sarah, daughter of Henry and Joan Brightman of Portsmouth, Newport, and 
Freetown. Hezekiah the father was for a short time in Scituate. In 1659 he 
was an inhabitant of Taunton, and in 1675 lived on Dean Street in that town, 
and his name appears in the list of purchasers of both the North Purchase and 
the South Purchase (1672). On 11 October, 1708, he signed a petition to the 
Governor and General Court as one of the inhabitants of the Taunton South 
Purchase to be set off into a separate town (Dighton). (Deane, History of 
Scituate, p. 285; S. H. Emery, History of Taunton, pp. 93, 119, 121, 130, 150; 
Emery, Ministry of Taunton, i. 61 ; Taunton Proprietors Records, iv. 232; Aus- 
tin, Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, p. 26.) 

4 Enoch Cook, born 25 July, 1726, was the son of William Cook and Susannah 
Briggs (daughter of Enoch and Hannah Briggs), who were married 9 April, 
1724. William Cook was the son of Joseph and Susannah Cook. (Portsmouth 
Records, i. 92, 93.) 

5 Peleg Slocum' s identity is not known with certainty, but he was perhaps 
the son of Giles Slocum, who was born at Newport in 1707 and married 14 
November, 1728, Avis, daughter of Benjamin and Martha Stanton of Newport. 
(C. E. Slocum, History of the Slocum Family in America.) 



1 John Sanfords Son was born 1 

8 th in the Evening William Burnet 2 Gov^ of the 

Massachusets Bay died 
20 Anne Goddard died 


13 Joseph Card 3 died about 80 years 

Mr. Edes also exhibited a copy of James Otis's Rudiments 
of Latin Prosody, printed at Boston in 1760 by Franklin's 
nephew, Benjamin Mecom. 

Mr. Ford spoke, extemporaneously, at some length of the 
checkered career of Mecom and of his eccentricities, among 
which was the habit of setting type in white gloves. He 
quarrelled with his uncle, and gradually lost the art of good 
printing, degenerating to such a degree that his bad work 
lost him his customers, and he was compelled to petition the 
Philadelphia authorities for a license to sell liquor to gain a 

President Kittredge communicated from the Bourne 
Papers in the Harvard College Library some letters written 
from Boston and Cambridge in 1775, during the Siege of 
Boston, to Meletiah Bourne at Barnstable by his son, Syl- 
vanus Bourne (H. C. 1779), his servant Cato, and Isaac 
Mansfield, Jr. (H. C. 1767). Mansfield gives an amusing 
account of the self-sufficiency of Caleb Gannett, long the 
College Steward, and compares it with the kindly bearing 
and courtesy of President Langdon. 

The President asked for information concerning the word 
" martinet," — a word not to be found in Johnson's Diction- 

1 See previous note under date of 31 July. 

2 On 12 July, 1728, a public reception was given at Newport to Burnet, who 
passed through Rhode Island on his way from New York to Massachusetts. 

8 Joseph Card of Newport, born 1648, was the son of Richard Card, an 
early settler. He was a member of the Sandwich Baptist Church. (Austin, 
Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, p. 270, and One Hundred and Sixty 
Allied Families, p. 56.) 

1901.] WILLIAM SANFORD. 203 

ary. He remarked that in 1785 it was in the category of 
slang, and that in 1820 it had passed into good use. 

Ephraim Emerton, Ph.D., of Cambridge, was elected a 
Kesident Member, and General Joseph Wheeler, U. S. A., 
of Alabama, a Corresponding Member. 

By Henry W. Cunningham. 

John Sanford arrived in Boston in 1631, was there disarmed in 1637 as a 
supporter of Wheelwright, and in the following year went with Coddington, 
Hutchinson and others to Rhode Island, where he was one of the original pro- 
prietors. He held various offices, including that of President of the Colony in 
1653, the year in which he died. 1 His first wife was Elizabeth, sister of Henry 
Webb of Boston. Henry Webb died in 1660, leaving legacies to his nephews, 
John and Samuel Sanford, and benefactions to Harvard College, the chief of 
which was his estate in the present Washington Street, Boston, now occupied 
by Little, Brown and Company, and still owned by the College. 2 John Sanford 
had two sons by his first wife, and after her death married Bridget, daughter of 
William and Anne Hutchinson, by whom he had nine children. 

Samuel Sanford, second son of John, was born in Boston 21 June, 1635. He 
lived at Portsmouth, Rhode Island, where he married in October, 1662, Sarah, 
daughter of William Waddell, by whom he had six children, and there he died 
in 1712-13. 

William Sanford, the writer of the entries in the almanac exhibited by Mr. 
Edes, was the fifth child of Samuel and Sarah (Waddell) Sanford, and was born 
at Portsmouth 21 May, 1676. In 1729, as well as for many years before and after, 
he was Town Clerk of Portsmouth, Rhode Island. He removed to Dartmouth, 
Massachusetts, after 1750, and from the Bristol County Deeds it would seem that 
he was a schoolmaster. He was a Quaker and notes the quarterly meeting at 
Portsmouth 11 April. As a Justice he solemnized several of the marriages of 
which he speaks, and nearly all the persons whose names he mentions were 
either his relatives or his neighbors. 

William Sanford married at Portsmouth 26 January, 1699-1700, Hope, 
daughter of George and Sarah Sisson of that town, and had the following 
children: (i) Richard, born 17 March, 1700-01; (ii) Sarah, born 1702; (iii) Mary, 
born 1703, died 6 February, 1739, who married Thomas Shearman; (iv) Ruth, 
born 1706, died 1709; (v) Elizabeth, born 1707; (vi) William, born 1709; 
(vii) George, born 1711, died 1734; (viii) Joseph, born 1715. 3 In the first 
volume of the Portsmouth Records is found, under " earmarks " of cattle, the 

1 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 14 ; Rhode Island Historical Magazine, vii. 293 ; 
Vital Records of Portsmouth, Rhode Island. 

2 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, x. 179. 
8 Portsmouth Records, i. 84, 85. 


name of William Sanford as Town Clerk in 1718, 1721, 1722, 1726-28, 1731, 
1734, 1736-39, 1741, 1742, 1747-49, 1750. The annual town election was held 
in June, and on 24 June, 1751, another man was Town Clerk. Shortly after 
this he must have removed to Dartmouth, for in the Bristol County Probate 
Records, xvii. 120, is found the will of William Sanford of Dartmouth, dated 
11 February, 1752, and proved 4 November, 1760. In it he speaks of his 
daughters Sarah Smith and Elizabeth Smith, of his granddaughters Alice and 
Mary Shearman, children of his deceased daughter Mary, and of his sons Joseph, 
Richard, and William. He also mentions his real estate and his burying 
ground in Portsmouth. 



\ Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
**- Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 28 March, 1901, 
at three o'clock in the afternoon, the President in the chair. 

After the minutes of the last meeting had been read and 
approved, the Corresponding Secretary reported that 
letters had been received from Dr. Ephraim Emerton 
accepting Resident Membership, and from General Joseph 
Wheeler accepting Corresponding Membership. 

The President announced the death on the fifth of 
March of Henry Williams, a Resident Member, and paid 
a tribute to his memory. 

Mr. John Noble, having been called upon, said : 

Our oldest Resident Member, in point of years, has gone from 
us at the age of more than fourscore. Seldom failing in attend- 
ance, until his health gave way, on the eve of our last Annual 
Meeting, he has always been one of the most interested and devoted 
members of the Society. No one marking his erect and vigorous 
'form, his strong personality, his alert and energetic mind, would 
have set him down as a graduate of over sixty years' standing and 
one of the few survivors of the Harvard Class of '37, two only of 
whom survive. 

Mr. Williams's life was marked by no very striking events. 
He never held public office, though many private trusts and re- 
sponsibilities were devolved upon him, as a man of business habits, 
exact and methodical ways, and of unswerving integrity. Kind, 
sympathetic and helpful, he was ever ready to do his part when- 
ever duty or occasion called. 

There were few dull lines in the features of his make-up. In- 
dependent, keen, aggressive, there was seldom a question as to 
where he stood on any issue. In his opinions he was always sure 
and decided, and vigorous in his way of expressing them. He 


knew what he thought, and he stood by it. He was a warm and 
steadfast friend, where he gave his friendship ; and in his dislikes 
he was no less determined and persistent. 

Mr. Williams's life was spent mainly in teaching, and he was 
most generally and widely known as a teacher; — first, and for 
many years, as the head-master of one of the Grammar Schools 
of Boston, and later as the head of a successful and famous pri- 
vate school for girls. He was singularly fortunate, or rather it 
should be said, singularly and deservedly happy, in gaining and 
holding the love and respect of the long line of pupils that, through 
forty years or more, were under his charge, — a regard evidenced 
often and in many ways in their after life. A touching tribute to 
his memor}' was the bunch of lilies laid upon his coffin by some of 
the very earliest of his scholars, — the few surviving boys of sixty 
years ago. 

The later years of Mr. Williams's life were quiet and were spent 
in leisure among his books and his friends. His habits and 
tastes were scholarly. He read much, and the best authors. 
Here too he had his intimates. Scott was an especial favorite ; 
the Waverley Novels he knew almost by heart, and he had read the 
whole series ten or a dozen times, each new reading coming as a 
fresh delight. He had gathered from every available source what 
might illustrate the scenery, character, incident or history of 
Scott's works ; and the author's life was almost as real and 
near to him as his own. 

From the early days of this Society Mr. Williams was upon its 
Committee of Publication, and one of the most efficient and valu- 
able members. His judgment was good, his perception sharp, his 
taste delicate, his view conservative. Bred under the training of 
Professor Channing, who set and sustained so long the standard 
for the English of Harvard, he was a discriminating and severe 
critic. A faithful and single-hearted lover of " English undefiled," 
it was rarely that an infelicity or obscurity or impropriety of word 
or phrase escaped his quick and delicate intelligence, while on the 
merits of any article, his estimate was usually sound and judicious. 
His services here were valuable and important, and his place will 
be hard to fill. 

In every way a valued member of the Society, Mr. Williams 
had, by birth, a somewhat unusual claim to its fellowship. Of one 


of the oldest families of Boston, coeval almost with the Colony, he 
was also a lineal descendant of two Colonial Governors, — Thomas 
Dudley and Simon Bradstreet; was connected with a third, by 
his descent from Lucy Winthrop ; counted as another ancestor 
the Reverend John Cotton ; and, through still another, was allied 
with the founder of Williams College. Knowing our associate as 
I have through a friendship of more than half a century his death 
comes to me as a personal grief. 

Mr. Lindsay Swift paid the following tribute to the 
memory of his venerable friend : 

My acquaintance or, as I may truly say, my friendship with Mr. 
Williams does not run further back than ten or twelve years, when 
I used to see him occasionally at the Public Library, then in its old 
and cozier home on Boylston Street opposite the Common. After 
we had moved into our new palace on Copley Square, he did not 
come to see me so often, perhaps because of the infirmity of 
years. I have always fancied, however, that he was not comfort- 
able in the changed surroundings, though he never expressed his 
feeling to me in the matter. It was always a pleasure to aid him 
in his quests for books, for he was not one of those vague people 
who merely are looking for " something to read." His object was 
always definite, and he usually brought a list of desiderata ready 
for his own and my convenience. Soon he would go away satis- 
fied, and as I found out afterwards, through deeds and not words, 
very grateful for my slight attention. Gradually we came to 
know each other better, and then almost intimately ; as we met, we 
would talk of books for which we had a mutual sympathy, or of 
public events, in his judgments of which he held lofty and exacting 
standards. Now and then I had the pleasure of dining at his 
quiet home in Concord Square. Those of you who knew Mr. 
Williams at his own table, will recall what an honest joy he took 
in making his guest happy in every way, yet even his choice taste 
in these matters could not give such pleasure as did his spirit of 
unaffected hospitality. He was indeed an ideal host. After din- 
ner we would go to his " den " at the very top of the house, 
and then would follow an hour or so over his excellently-chosen 
cigars, and I would go away refreshed by the companionship of an 


elderly man's wisdom, and by his keen, positive opinions. He was 
so unfeignedly glad to see me whenever it was possible for me to 
break through routine, and call on him, that I now make it a 
reproach to myself that I did not force these occasions far oftener, 
and enjoy more frequently the entire modesty and simplicity of 
that delightful home. 

With the active beginning of the life of The Colonial Society 
it was my good fortune to see considerably more of our colleague. 
It has always seemed to me that Mr. Williams's membership stood 
for more with him than could easily be guessed. Such things are 
often a matter of course to men of affairs, but his connection with 
the Society was of importance in his eyes ; his interest in its affairs 
was incessant ; and it appeared to stimulate enthusiasm, usually 
so inert in mature life. Owing to his friendliness, I became ac- 
quainted with Mr. Edes, and with others of the Society, and 
ultimately had the honor of an election as a fellow-member. It 
was he who persuaded me to undertake the formidable task of 
indexing our first volume, and I may now confess to you that my 
reluctance gave way before his evident belief that I was provi- 
dentially created for just this piece of work. There were hot 
disagreements over that index, but they were the differences of 
honest men, and if war raged it was certainly a civil one. How 
kind and loyal Mr. Williams was all this time, and how anxious to 
be just to all sides ! This was the more notable, because in abstract 
questions he was an opinionated man. This matter would really 
be too unimportant to mention, had it not so fully revealed the 
staunchness and absolute sincerity of my valued friend. As Mr. 
Edes said to me on the day of the funeral services, the keynote 
of Mr. Williams's character was loyalty. Add to this quality his 
ingenuousness and you have the leading traits of his strong per- 
sonality before you. At the least suggestion of possible injury 
coming to a friend whether by implication or by direct attack, he 
would leap to the front like a sword from its scabbard. He cared 
little for his own reputation in such an issue; but on the other 
hand, did he come to see that this very friend, whose cause he had 
espoused, was in any way at fault, he would unflinchingly try to 
set him right. His were the essential courage and directness of a 
man of nice traditions and firm training. 

Our meetings being of necessity infrequent, I used to count 


much on seeing Mr. Williams at the Cambridge Commencement. 
It was his habit to stay in Massachusetts Hall till the procession 
formed and then march with it — this was in his later years — 
until he reached the outer door of Memorial Hall. There he would 
patiently stand until all had passed in to the dinner — a loyal son 
of Harvard, as his careful service in the Secretaryship of the Class 
of 1837 fully attests. The pathos of Commencement Day, increas- 
ing each year, but sweeter and more tender for all that, will be 
deeper when we fail to see in the future our old friend in his 
expectant attitude at the entrance to that solemn vestibule dedi- 
cated to our immortals. 

We shall fail to do justice to the memory of Mr. Williams if we 
neglect to speak at this time of his admirable fund of humor, — 
an integral part of his manliness, and an evidence, I fully believe, 
of the Divine essence in human character. It was so deep, as 
sometimes to be unconscious. With one instance I may fitly bring 
to an end these remarks. In a recent Commencement, I missed 
him from his usual place hard by the voting booths, but after a 
little delay he appeared and said that he had been lunching at 
a private house with the few surviving members of his Class who 
were able to be present. I inquired after the health of this vener- 
able company, no one of whom could have been under eighty years 
of age. He was able to give a good account of them as a whole, 
but admitted that he was deeply concerned for the welfare of one 
classmate who had taken up the habit of smoking cigarettes. 
" And, Swift," said our friend, " if he does n't stop it, he won't live 
out half his days ! " Such was the excellent wit of Henry Williams, 
and now that he is released from an old man's loneliness and pain, 
I like to speak of him naturally, as if he were still alive, enjoying 
life and meeting its joys and sorrows in his own sturdy, well-bred, 
and quaint fashion. 

The Corresponding Secretary announced that the Coun- 
cil had made the following assignments of Memoirs : — That 
of Samuel Johnson, originally assigned to the late Reverend 
Edward G. Porter, to President Tucker of Dartmouth College ; 
that of Roger Wolcott to the Reverend Arthur Lawrence ; 
and that of Henry Williams to President Kittredge. 



Mr. Henry H. Edes exhibited the gold medal given to 
Charles Bulfinch, in 1794, by the Proprietors of the first 
theatre built in Boston, from plans made by him, in recog- 
nition of his interest in the undertaking. The theatre stood 
on the north-westerly corner of Federal and Franklin Streets, 
now occupied by the Jones, McDuffie and Stratton Company. 
It was destroyed by fire on the afternoon of 2 February, 
1798, and was rebuilt on new plans furnished by Mr. Bul- 
finch. The facade of this building was much plainer than 
that of the first building, which is shown, in high relief, on 
the medal. 1 

General Charles G. Loring remarked upon the beauty 
of the medal and mentioned a conversation he once had with 
Reginald Stuart Poole, of the British Museum, in which that 
gentleman inquired who made the design of one of the early 
silver dollars or half-dollars issued by the United States 
mint. Mr. Poole said that he regarded that piece as the 
most beautiful of modern coins. 

Mr. Albert Matthews read a paper on Yankee and 
Yankee Doodle. 2 Mr. "William Watson Goodwin, Presi- 
dent Kittredge, and Dr. William Watson participated in 
the discussion which ensued. 

Edward Charles Pickering, LL.D., and Mr. Arthur 
Richmond Marsh, both of Cambridge, were elected Resi- 
dent Members. 

1 The medal is described and engraved in the Memorial History of Boston, 
iv. 473 ; Mr. Bulfinch's portrait appears in Ibid. iv. 472 ; and a view of the 
theatre may be seen in Ibid. iv. 363. See also Ellen Susan Bulfinch's Life and 
Letters of Charles Bulfinch. 

2 This paper is reserved for publication at a future time. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 25 April, 1901, 
at three o'clock in the afternoon, President Kittredge in 
the chair. 

The Records of the Stated Meeting in March were read 
and approved. 

In anticipation of the Annual Meeting the President 
appointed the following Committees : — 

To nominate candidates for the several offices, — The 
Honorable Jeremiah Smith, and Messrs. Thomas Minns 
and Charles A. Snow. 

To examine the Treasurer's Accounts, — Messrs. Henry 
Lee Higginson and Samuel Wells. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that since the 
last meeting letters had been received from Professor 
Edward Charles Pickering and Mr. Arthur Richmond 
Marsh accepting Resident Membership. 

Mr. Worthington C. Ford communicated three unpub- 
lished letters 1 written from England by Catharine Macaulay, 
William Bollan, then the Agent of the Province in London, 
and Thomas Pownall, in acknowledgment of copies of the 
Short Narrative of the Horrid Massacre, prepared by order 
of the Town of Boston to be sent to its friends in England. 2 

The following is the text of these letters : 

1 The originals are owned by the Boston Public Library. These letters were 
printed by the Library in the Monthly Bulletin for July, 1901, vi. 270-273. 

2 With these letters compare the communication made by Mr. Matthews at 
the meeting in April, 1901, vii. 2-21. 



London May 9 th 1770 

I think my self much honored by the Town of Boston for the 
compliment of transmiting the Narrative relative to the massacre per- 
petrated by the military on the fifth of March 

In condoling with you on that melancholy event your friends find 
a considerable alleviation in the opportunity it has given you of ex- 
hibiting a rare and admirable instance of patriotic resentment tempered 
with forbearance and the warmth of Courage with the coolness of 

Believe me Gentlemen there is not a Bostonian the spectator of the 
bloody scene who feels more sensibly than my self the horrid trans- 

Every service which is in my power to perform the Town of Boston 
may command and may depend upon a faithful and ardent exec[u]tion 
I am Gentlemen 

Your very obed 

And very Humble Servt 
Catharine Macaulat 


Flttdyer street, Westm 1- . May 11 th . 1770 

Your letter relating to the late military massacre at Boston, which 
I had the honour to receive by express, was accompanied with such 
ample proofs, considered in point of number, matter, candour, pro- 
priety & fairness of caption, that I flatter myself they will in time 
prevail, and establish the truth in the minds of all honest men, maugre 
all the attempts made with art & sollicitude to represent the inhabitants 
as the aggressors. I had some hopes of getting the authentic copies 
laid before the house of comons for consideration in this session, with 
the other papers laid before them ; but they are vanish'd and the par- 
liament will rise in a short time. 

From what was openly said not long since, I understood the troops 
wou'd be removed ; but the times abound with uncertainty as well as 


I have the honour to be with great respect, and the sincerest 
wishes for the welfare of the town, 

Your most obedient 

humble servant 

W. Bollan 

P. S. 

Capt n . Gard'ner staid here, by my 

direction, til this day, in order to 

promote the public service by his examination in the house of commons, 

or otherwise, as occasion shou'd require 

W Bollan 

Ja s . Bowdoin Esq r . & others a Com ttee . of the town of Boston 



Albemarle Street 

May 11, 1770. 


I duely rec' d by Cap n Gardiner y r letter dated March 23 :d 1770, 
written & address'd to me in Consequence of an Appointment of y e . 
Town of Boston. — 

I did not want the bloody proofs w :ch y e Narrative you have com- 
municated to me gives, of the danger & destructive consequences that 
must necessarily arise from a Military establishment posted within the 
heart of a Civil Jurisdiction, under such Arrangements of Command as 
were attempted to be fix'd in time of Peace within y e Colonies. 

I had only wonder'd that some thing of this Sort had not happen'd 
sooner, & am now only happy that y e mischief has not gone further — 
I hope it is not only at an end but that Like some of those Momentary 
Shocks of Nature w :ch endanger y e very being of the Region where 
they happen, while in the Convulsion — it may purge away this Mis- 
chief that was y e Component Cause of that Danger. 

It is a Common thing with Bodies of Men as well as Individuals 
standing towards each other in a State of Irreconcilable variance to 
Apprehend from each other mischiefs w :ch neither are Capable of 
Effecting to Impute to each other Evil designs w :ch neither ever har- 
bour'd — This state of Mind leads them by way of Prejudgment, 
Exculpation & Recrimination into representations w :ch take their 
Colour rather from imagin'd than existing Facts — But as on Occa- 


sion of the late shocking events at Boston, there has been I hope, less 
of this than on former occasions, so I do not find People here so much 
dispos'd to enquire who were the Aggressors, What were the Occa- 
sions, what the Mutual provocations in the late Affray, What y e state 
of this particular Eruptions, as attentive to learn what is y e State & 
Cause of y e Fever in general w :ch they see brought to this height of 
Malignancy — & what may be the Remedy. 

I had long ago given notice, without being much attended to, that 
I wou'd lay before Parliament what I thought to be y e unconstitutional 
state of y e Military establishment in America. I took advantage from 
y c impressions made on Mens Minds by y e late Events to bring forward 
y e Consideration at this Time, by Moving that an Humble Address 
be presented to his Majesty, stating the Necessity of some Remedy in 
this Case, & praying that he wou'd be pleas'd to give directions w :h 
the Advice of his privy Council, that these Matters might be revis'd 
& examin'd into, to the End that they may be explained, corrected & 
Amended, where they interfered or Clash'd w :h each other, or contain'd 
any Matters contrary to Law & the Constitution. 

The Ministry mov'd the Question of Adjournment upon my Mo- 
tion, but Allowing that the Ground w :ch I had taken of Doubts in point 
of Law & the Constitution, of Confusion in the Execution & of Danger, 
in the Consequences not only to the Political Liberty of the Com- 
munity, but to the Franchises of the People was good & sufficent, & 
did call for some remedy in the Case, & having declar'd that His Majesty 
had given Directions to have the Question of Law laid before the 
Crown Lawyers, & the Matter to be revis'd & Amended upon that 
Foundation that shou'd appear to be right & legal ; & that in General 
every thing that the Address did or cou'd desire wou'd be done in 
Consequence thereof. Upon this our friends, tho' they did not think 
(it to withdraw the Motion for the Address, yet did not think proper 
to divide, as considering it best to hold the Ministers pledg'd by their 
Declaration & our Acquiescence under it. — & I own I think, as do 
many of your Friends here, w :h whom 1 have communicated upon 
this Occasion, that it wou'd be wise in you in Point of Policy to give 
Credit to this Declaration, & to suspend all Opposition on this Point 
as Considering the Ministry having pledg'd themselves to rectifye it 
according to Law & the Constitution ; especiall}' as you are now free 
from all Danger of any evil Consequence arising from it, as the Minis- 
try have declared that as the Troops are now withdrawn, so they 
shall never be sent back untill the Civil Magistrate, shall call for & 
employ their Aid in Support of the Civil Government w :ch I shou'd 


guess is never likely to happen. As I have said before that there was 
no Disposition Amongst people here to enquire into the particular 
Actions & transaction in the late Catastrophe at Boston So you will 
find that no Notice has been taken either by Ministry or Opposition 
of any of the Events w :ch have arisen on this Occasion, otherwise 
than to look to the Cause in General & the remedy — Yet one Obser- 
vation I think it just to make to you, that One Sentiment has unani- 
mously arisen in the Minds of all express'd in a wish & Hope from all 
Quarters that no Prejudice, Resentment, or party Consideration what- 
soever may Operate in the unhapp}- Case of Cap t Preston & the Sol- 
diers, but on the Contrary it wou'd do more Honor to the Spirit & 
Temper of your People to shew Mercy than to exact Severe Justice. 

I beg you to mark my respects to y e Town & to assure them of my 
readiness in all cases & upon all occasions to engage in their service 

I beg you Gentlemen to accept my particular respects — 
I am Gentlemen 

Y r most Obed 
& most humbly 


To the Hon le James Bowdoin Esq r 
To Sam l Pemberton 

Joseph Warren Esq-- 
Committee of y e Town of Boston. 

Mr. Ford also communicated, by title, a Bibliography 
of the Massachusetts House Journals from 1715 to 1776, 
illustrated by photographs of title-pages and of the Koyal 
Arms. 1 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis remarked upon the 
great value of Mr. Ford's bibliographical contribution to 
the Society's Publications. 

Mr. Henry H. Edes stated that no perfect set of the 
House Journals is to be found in any one library or in any 
one State, and that the Journal of at least one Session — that 
of March, 1721-22 — is to be found only in the unique copy 
owned by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

1 This Bibliography will be printed in volume iy, of the Publications of the 


Mr. Henry W. Cunningham communicated two unpub- 
lished letters, one written by Joshua Bates, the benefactor of 
the Boston Public Library, the other written by President 
Jared Sparks in which reference is made to one of the Hon- 
orary Members of this Society, then a recent graduate of 


London, 1 Oct° 1850. 
My 60 th birth day. 1 
W ,n Ropes Esq 

My dear Sir 

I am very much obliged for your suggestion, contained in 
your valued letter of the 17 th Ult? and have authorised the Petersburg 
House to draw £250. for the investment for M r Sturgis 2 to be kept moving 
under your controul, for his benefit and hope it may be instrumental in 
adding to his happiness. I am very glad to learn of the success that 
has attended your exertions. No one merits it more than yourself. I 
work about as hard as ever and feel that I should be very miserable 
without the excitement. Mrs. Bates has not been very well this year 
but I do not feel any symptoms of age altho' I can remember things 
that happened " a long time ago." 

Ever truly yours 

Joshua Bates. 

private [Filed'] 
Wm. Ropks Esq Rec d per Asia, Octo. 24, Thursday 

U. S. A. 


Cambridge, Julv 20'. h 1850. 

My dear Sir, 

Allow me to introduce to your acquaintance Mr. James C. 
Carter, a graduate of our University at the recent Commencement. Mr. 
Carter is engaged for a time as a teacher in a private family in New 

1 This is a curious instance of a mistake in regard to one's own age. The 
Town Clerk of Weymouth, Massachusetts, certifies that Joshua, the son of 
Joshua and Tirzah Bates, was born 10 October, 1788. Hence Mr. Bates, wheu 
he wrote the above letter, was not sixty but sixty-two. 

2 Mr. John Sturgis, a younger brother of Mrs. Joshua Bates, was a book- 
keeper in the Boston house of William Ropes and Company. 


York, & he proposes afterwards to qualify himself for the profession of 
the Law. As a scholar he has ranked among the very first in his class, 
and throughout his college course he has sustained a character which 
has won the respect, esteem, & confidence of all his instructors. He 
may want the use of books, & I trust it may be in your power to pro- 
cure for him such a privilege from some of the Libraries in the city. 
Permit me to commend him to your kindness ; and believe me, as ever, 
most truly your friend, 

Jared Sparks. 
Joseph G. Cogswell, LL.D. 1 

Care of John A. Haven, Esq. 2 New York. 

Mr. Denison R. Slade exhibited a rare mezzotint of 
Vice-Admiral Edward Vernon, for whom Mount Vernon 
was named. He also exhibited a Receipt-Book of Richard 
Clarke, the father-in-law of Copley, which contains the 
autographs of many prominent Bostonians between 1760 
and 1770. 

Mr. Henry H. Edes communicated and read a letter de- 
scribing an excursion on the Middlesex Canal in the summer 
of 1817. Mr. Edes spoke as follows : 

Two or three years ago, I had the pleasure of hearing read a 
most interesting letter of which I have recently procured a copy 
that I might communicate it to the Society and thus secure its 
preservation in print. The letter describes an all-day excursion 
on the Middlesex Canal in the summer of 1817. The party con- 
sisted of a large gathering of what was best in the society of the 
old town of Boston. The Winthrops, Quincys, Amorys, Sulli- 
vans, Grays, Masons, Tudors, Eliots, Mays, Buckminsters, Cabots, 
Emersons, and Jacksons were all represented; and Daniel Web- 

1 Joseph Green Cogswell (H. C. 1806) was Tutor in 1814-15, Librarian in 
1821-23, and Professor of Mineralogy and Geology in 1821-23. 

2 John Appleton Haven (H. C. 1813) was the son of John Haven of Ports- 
mouth, New Hampshire, and Sarah Sherburne Langdon, granddaughter of the 
Hon. Woodbury Langdon of Portsmouth; and the grandson of the Rev. 
Samuel Haven (H. C. 1740) of Portsmouth and Mehitable Appleton, daughter 
of the Rev. Nathaniel Appleton (H. C. 1712) of Cambridge. Mr. Carter was a 
tutor in Mr. Haven's family. 


ster and his wife were also of the party. Mr. Webster was then 
but thirty-five years of age and had been in Congress only three 
or four years. 1 He had removed his residence to Boston in August 
of the preceding year ; and in the following year (1818) he was to 
establish his fame at the Bar by his argument in the great Dart- 
mouth College Case before the Supreme Court of the United 
States. It is interesting to learn, as we do from this letter, the 
impression made by Webster upon an educated and cultivated 
woman on a purely social occasion before he had entered upon his 
great career in the Senate of the United States, which did not 
begin till ten years later — in 1827. 

The letter was written by Miss Fanny Searle 2 of Brookline, one 
of the children of Mr. George Searle. 3 It is addressed to her 
sister Margaret, 4 the wife of Samuel Curzon, 5 who with her hus- 

1 Stuart's unfinished portrait of Webster, painted at this time, is now owned 
by Mr. Henry Parkman of Boston, who has kindly permitted it to be engraved 
to accompany this communication. 

2 Miss Searle was born in Amesbury or Newbury, Massachusetts, 11 August, 
1783, and died in Brookline 3 May, 1851. 

3 Mr. Searle was born 21 May, 1751, and died in Philadelphia, 10 January, 
1796. He married, 21 March, 1779, Mary Russell Atkins, daughter of Dudley 
Atkins of Newburyport, Massachusetts. See Francis Higginson Atkins's Joseph 
Atkins, The Story of a Family (1891), folding pedigree between pp. 72, 73. 
This volume also contains other folding pedigrees showing the connection of 
the Eliot, Searle, Tyng, and Higginson families. 

4 Margaret (Searle) Curzon was born in Newbury 23 January, 1787, and 
died in Newburyport 28 June, 1877. 

6 Samuel Curzon was born in Baltimore 2 February, 1781. He was the son 
of Samuel Curzon and his wife Elizabeth Burling, daughter of Thomas Burl- 
ing of New York. As the marriage was contracted according to the form of 
the Society of Friends, Mrs. Curzon's brother, Walter Burling, denied its val- 
idity and, on his return to New York, challenged Mr. Curzon, and killed him 
in a duel fought 21 April, 178G, in the rear of the New York Hospital in the 
lower part of New York. 1 The young widow married (2) Richard Whittell of 
London. The child was reared under the name of Burling, and in 1786, imme- 
diately after his father's death, was brought to Boston by Mr. James Perkins, 2 

1 The Hospital occupied a large lot, originally comprising five acres, on the west side of 
Broadway between Duane Street and Worth Street (James William Beekman's Centenary 
Address delivered before The Society of the New York Hospital, 1871, p. 34). " The region 
behind the Hospital was so secluded, that it was chosen as the place for a duel in 1786" 
(The Old New York Hospital, An Historical Sketch, by D. B. St. John Eoosa, New York, 
1900, p. 7). 

2 James Perkins was born in Boston 30 March, 1761, and died at his country seat, Pine 
Bank, on the shore of Jamaica Pond, 1 August, 1822. He was brother of Col. Thomaa 

_/4 WUlson itrCoJUo 'o,i- 



'*///>■ //Uf // , < >.)f/.ti(/r 


band and family was then on her way to Havana, where for a 
time they resided. It was in Mr. Curzon's house that Professor 
Joseph McKean died, the following year, while on a visit to Cuba 
in the hope of regaining his health. 1 Miss Searle was a gov- 
erness in the family of Richard Sullivan of Brookline, and had for 
her charge the young daughters of the house. 

Governor Sullivan was the projector of the Middlesex Canal, 2 

who had been associated in the West India trade with Walter Burling, and 
placed in his mother's family, in which he was tenderly nurtured. Col. Joseph 
May, also, had great interest in the child and brought him up as his own. On 
the twenty-fourth of June, 1816, young Curzon, — as he was known in and after 
the summer of 1808, — was married in King's Chapel to Margaret Searle. 
Later, they visited his Burling kinsfolk in their home in or near Natchez, 
Mississippi. In 1817, as stated in the text, Mr. Curzon went to Havana, and on 
his return made his home at Curzon's Mill, now within the limits of the city of 
Newburyport, -Massachusetts ; but between 1830 and 1840 he resided partly in 
New York City. He died in Somerville, Massachusetts, 12 January, 1847. His 
father, Samuel Curzon, Senior, a New York merchant, born 21 September, 1753, 
was the eldest son of Richard Curzon, Senior, of London, England, and Balti- 
more, Maryland. The family name was formerly in America spelled Curson. 

1 See these Publications, vi. 152. 

2 For an account of this enterprise, see Caleb Eddy's Historical Sketch of 
the Middlesex Canal (1843); Amory's Life of James Sullivan (1859), i. 293, 
362-373, ii. 105, 106 ; and the Medford Historical Register, i. 33-51, 137, vii. 
1-19. There is a valuable Plan of the Canal in the Engineer's office of the 
Boston and Maine Railroad Company and another in the Massachusetts 
Archives, Maps and Plans, Hi. 2. I am much indebted to Mr. Moses Whitcher 
Mann, of West Medford, whose profound knowledge of the history and topog- 
raphy of the Canal enabled him to identify all the localities mentioned in the 

Handasyd Perkins and Samuel Perkins who, to distinguish himself from another, changed his 
name to Samuel G Perkins, — the " G " being a letter only and not an initial. These brothers 
long held high rank among the merchants of Boston. They were sons of James and Elizabeth 
(Peck) Perkins, their father having died during their childhood. Mrs. Perkins's house, whither 
young Curzon was brought, in 1786, stood in Merchants Row, on the easterly side, about mid- 
way between State Street and Chatham Street. The estate is nearly identical with that now 
numbered 9 and 11. In 1751, when Gillam Phillips conveyed this property to Thomas Han- 
dasyd Peck, the father of Elizabeth (Peck) Perkins, it had a frontage of forty feet on Merchants 
Row and of twenty-three and a half feet on Butler's Row (which then extended through to 
Merchants Row), of which it made the southwesterly corner. In 1822 James Perkins gave 
his house in Pearl Street to the Proprietors of the Boston Athenaeum for a library building, 
and it was occupied as such until the erection of the present building in Beacon Street. 
(Suffolk Deeds, lxxx. 132, cclxxiv. 2G5, cccv. 252; Suffolk Probate Files, No. 16,305; A 
Genealogical History of the Descendants of Joseph Peck, Boston, 1868, Appendix, pp. 267-277 ; 
and Memoir of James Perkins in 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 


and for many years was President of the corporation, which two 
if not three of his sons served in other official capacities. 

Mr. Josiah P. Quincy having expressed a wish to read this letter, 
I sent him a copy of it. When he returned it, he sent me a long 
extract from the Diary of his aunt, the late Miss Eliza Susan 
Quincy, describing this canal party, of which she herself was one. 
Her account of the day's frolic corresponds so perfectly with Miss 
Searle's as to leave no doubt of the accuracy of the descriptions. 
As Mr. Quincy was so kind as to give me permission to use the 
extract, I will read it as a supplement to Miss Searle's letter. 


Brookline, July 20th [1817]. 

It requires some courage to write to you, dear Peggy, with that horrid 
Gulf stream present to one's imagination, and not knowing whether it 
has swallowed you up or not. We were glad at last to get your last 
Natchez letters, though we have as yet only the first and last, and there 
is still much to be supplied. We learn from Knight * that you were to 
embark for Havana the 2nd of June, but had not reached there the 
16th, and this passage must, I think, have been very trying, and these 
thoughts so press upon me when I think of writing you that I have not 
spirits to take the pen, or if I do, as you see, give way to them to no 
purpose, for I cannot give coolness to your atmosphere or speed to your 
vessel, and it seems doubly foolish when what we think of as present is 
so long past. Well, then, let me forget you and talk of myself and 
those about me, and that may give you pleasure. 

Since I last wrote you (though I do not recollect the date), I believe 
many pleasant things have happened, to me particularly, and of these 
the most prominent is a day passed on the Canal and the shores of it 
last week ; there was such variety in the amusements of the day, and 
they were of so choice a kind that I felt no fatigue from 9 in the morn- 
ing 'till 10 at night, for I was so long time absent from home, and the 
only alloy to enjoyment was the regret that some of the friends I 
wanted were not there. It was at first intended to be only a party for 

1 George Knight was a young merchant who was associated in business with 
Mr. Samuel Curzon while he was in Havana, and was constantly passing be- 
tween that place and Boston and New York. He married Miss Mary Price of 
Natchez, Mississippi, where, for a time, Mr. Curzon resided. 


children and their parents, — Mrs. Quincy, 1 Mrs. Amory, 2 and the Mrs-s 
Sullivans, 3 but there were many others afterwards added and Mrs. 
[Richard] Sullivan asked us all to be of the party. Mrs. S. had before 
proposed to me to go as one of her family, which I very readily agreed 
to. George 4 thought he could not afford the whole day, and the day 
was too hot for him to ride up and meet us at Woburn, as he thought 
he should, or for either of the girls to go with him, which would have 
decided him to. I was truly grieved for it was just the party he would 
have enjoyed. 

We entered the boat in Charlestown and set off at x / 2 past nine ; the 
water gave coolness to the air and the boat 5 being covered, gave shelter 
from the sun, and the party was too large to have any stiffness ; indeed, 
there was the utmost ease and good humor without sadness through the 
day. The shores of the Canal for most of the distance are beautiful. 
We proceeded at the rate of 3 miles an hour, drawn by 2 horses, to the 
most romantic spot 6 (about 9 miles from Boston) that I ever beheld ; 
you have not, I believe, seen, though I dare say you have had a descrip- 
tion of, this spot. Mr. J. L. Sullivan 7 has erected a little building 8 on 
the banks of a lake most beautifully surrounded by woods and occa- 
sional openings into a fertile country. The lake 9 is about twice the size 

1 Eliza- Susan, daughter of John Morton, married Josiah Quincy (H. C. 
1790), afterward President of Harvard College. 

2 Mehitable, daughter of Gov. James Sullivan, married (1) James Cutler 
and (2) Jonathan Amory (H. C. 1787). 

8 These ladies were, Sarah- Webb, daughter of Col. James Swan, who mar- 
ried William Sullivan (H. C. 1792) ; Sarah, daughter of the Hon. Thomas 
Russell, who married Richard Sullivan (H. C. 1798) ; and Sarah-Bo wdoin, 
daughter of the Hon. Thomas Lindall Winthrop, who married George Sullivan 
(H. C. 1801), — sons of Gov. James Sullivan. 

4 George Searle (1788-185S), brother of the writer of the letter. He married 
(1) Susan Cleveland Perkins, daughter of Samuel G Perkins, and niece and 
namesake of Susan Cleveland Higginson, who married Francis Dana Chan- 
ning. See below, p. 225 note 6. Mr. Searle married (2) Susan-Coffin, widow 
of Stephen Hooper and daughter of Joseph Marquand, all of Newburyport. 

5 There was a " passenger-packet" named the " Governor Sullivan " which, 
probably, was the boat used by this party. See Amory's Life of James Sulli- 
van, li. 105, 106 ; and the Medford Historical Register, i. 44, 45. 

6 Horn Pond. Cf. below, p. 227 and note 2. 

7 John Langdon Sullivan, M.D., civil engineer, inventor, and physician, an- 
other son of the Governor, was agent of the Middlesex Canal Company. 

8 This building was known as the Pavilion and stood between the Canal and 
the Pond. 

9 Horn Pond. 


of Jamaica Pond or larger, and has a small wood-covered island in the 
centre. On this Island a band of music was placed which began playing 
as soon as we landed. It seemed a scene of enchantment. Cousin Kate 1 
who was by my side seemed too much affected to speak. Kate happened 
to be at Mrs. Quincy's on a visit of a week and went as one of her family. 
Olivia Buckminster 2 was with us, her sisters declined. I was truly 
sorry not to have Eliza 8 there. We had Mr. Webster, 4 Savage, 5 Cal- 
ender, 6 Tudor, 7 H. Gray, 8 P. Mason, 9 Russell Sullivan 10 and two of his 
College friends, — Emerson 11 and Sam' May, 12 with whom I was very 
much pleased. Besides the Mr. Sullivans, [were] Mr. Quincy 13 and Mr. 
Amory, 14 making in all a pretty large number. Having so many wits of 
the party, there was no lack of bon mots. The gentlemen played off 
upon each other, to our no small amusement, most of the time. When 
their spirits nagged at all we had the resource of music. Five instru- 
ments, horns, flutes and a violin were extremely well performed on at 
intervals thro' the day, and at times we had vocal music from Mrs. 

1 Catharine Eliot, daughter of Samuel Eliot, married Professor Andrews 

2 Olivia Buckminster was half-sister of the Rev. Joseph Stevens Buckmin- 
ster. She subsequently married George Barrell Emerson (H. C. 1817), who 
was also present on this excursion. Her sister of the full blood, Mary Lyman 
Buckminster, married the Rev. Samuel Kirkland Lothrop. 

3 Eliza Buckminster, afterward the wife of Thomas Lee (H. C. 1798) of 
Brookline, became a well known authoress. She and her elder sister Lucy 
Maria, the first wife of Prof. John Farrar (H. C. 1803), were sisters of the full 
blood of the Rev. Joseph Stevens Buckminster with whom they lived, in 
Boston, after his settlement, in 1805, over the Church in Brattle Square. 

4 Daniel Webster. 

5 James Savage (H. C. 1803), long the President of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society. 

6 John Callender (II. C. 1790), Clerk of the Supreme Judicial Court. See 
Boring's Hundred Boston Orators, pp. 257, 258. 

7 William Tudor (II. C. 179G), the founder and first editor of the North 
American Review, and a founder of the Boston Athenaeum. 

8 Horace Gray (H. C. 1819). 

9 William Powell Mason (H. C. 1811), law-partner of the Hon. William 
Sullivan, and later Reporter of the United States Circuit Court. 

10 Rev. Thomas Russell Sullivan (II. C. 1S17), son of Dr. John Langdon 
Sullivan, was settled (1825-1835) over the Unitarian Church at Keene, N. H. 

11 George Barrell Emerson (H. C. 1817). 

12 Rev. Samuel Joseph May (II. C. 1817). He was a son of Col. Joseph May, 
for more than thirty years a Warden of King's Chapel. 

" Josmh Quincy (H. C. 1790). 
14 Jonathan Amory (II. C. 1787). 


Quincy, Mr. Callender and Mrs. W. Sullivan, and occasionally Mr. 
Webster and young May, who discovered, I thought, true, modest 
assurance with very good sense. Do you know him? 

The ascent of the Canal was altogether new to me and very interest- 
ing ; we passed 3 or 4 locks, and it was all the pleasanter for having so 
many children to whom it was likewise a novelty. After we landed and 
had ranged about a little, the children danced on the green under a tent 
or awning and we had seats round them. I never saw more pretty or 
happy faces than the little group presented. After two or three hours 
passed in looking about us and admiring the various beauties of the 
place, we entered the building I spoke of in which was prepared an ex- 
cellent cold dinner, which we were quite hungry enough to relish. Two 
long tables accommodated the young and old, and there was just room 
for benches on each side. This was the only time I felt the heat, which 
was greater on that day (the 18th July), than it has been any other this 
season. We ladies were therefore glad to leave the gentlemen very 
soon and dispersed where best it pleased us for an hour. We again 
collected and re-entered the boat ; tables were placed the whole length 
of it on which were arranged fruit, wine, ice and glasses, and we had 
very good room on each side of them. Mr. Sullivan made this arrange- 
ment thinking it would delay us too long, if we had the desert in the 
pavilion, for Mrs. Quincy, who had so great a distance to go ; however, 
it seemed to be the general opinion we had set out too soon, therefore 
we landed again at another delightful spot 1 about 2 miles farther down, 
where we stopped an hour. It was a fine grove, sloping down to an- 
other large pond, 2 beyond which was seen in the distance the little 
village and spire of Menotomy, 3 — a pretty termination of the view. 
This was as pleasant an hour as any in the day, and here it was [that] 
I was particularly struck with May. We were standing on the edge of 
the pond and observed some pond lilies a little distance in the water, 
too far to be reached however without going into the water. Some lady 
expressed a w r ish to have one. " Is there no gentleman spirited enough 
to come forward and get them?" said Mr. Webster, " is no one gallant 
enough ! — strange ! 't is very strange ! " May stood it so far and then 
darted forward urged on by Mr. W., who said he was glad the days of 
chivalry were not over, — " very glad to see you have so much courage, 

1 In later years known as Bacon's Grove, near the present Wedgemere sta- 
tion on the old Boston and Lowell Railroad. Near this grove, in 1819, was a 
mill owned by John Langdon Sullivan. 

2 Upper Mystic Pond. 

8 West Cambridge, now Arlington. 


Mr. May." " It would have required more courage not to have done it 
after the challenge I received," said May; " I claim no merit, Sir." 
"A little farther, Sir," said Mr. Webster, "there is another on your 
right; one on the other side," &c. May went on till he was up to his 
middle, and I besought Mr. W. not to urge him farther. "Oh," said 
he, "it does not hurt a young man to wet his feet; I would have gone 
myself if it were not for the ladies." May presently came back with 
his hands full of flowers, which he gave to Mr. Webster, and from him 
the ladies near received each one. Mr. S[ullivan] came up just then 
and asked May what had induced him to it. " Mr. Webster's elo- 
quence, Sir," said he. "It never procured me a lily before," said the 
Orator. " Though it has many laurels," replied May. Mr. W. bowed, 
and thus ended this little affair, which I thought your interest in the 
Col. 1 might lead you to listen to with pleasure. 

I have not done justice to Mr. Webster's words and his look and 
manner, [which] if you have not seen, no words of mine can paint to 
you. It always delights me to see him, and I never was so much 
charmed as this day. To all [the] wit and power of mind of all the 
other gentlemen he super-adds a tenderness and unaffected feeling that 
is seldom seen in his sex and especially at his time of life and in his 
pursuits. I only wish I could see as much of him as Eliza Buckminster 2 
does and feel, as she does, that he is her friend. I have the pleasure of 
his recognizing me whenever I meet him and generally have a little of 
his conversation. This is quite a digression from my story. Well, we 
entered the boat again and gently pursued our course a few miles farther 
when we again stopped near a house 3 where coffee had been prepared 
for us ; we did not, however, enter the house, but the coffee and neces- 
sary apparatus were deposited in the boat. The children then had an- 
other cotillion while the boat was descending one of the locks, which 
was not so pleasant as the ascent. We then walked a short distance 
on the shore, got into the boat again, took coffee, listened again to 
sweet strains, and saw the sun descend and the moon rise in a sky 
beautifully bedecked by light clouds, and reached our place of debarka- 
tion 4 just after the last tints of daylight had faded. 

I had Kate [Eliot] by my side the best part of the time and we ac- 

1 Col. Joseph May, the young man's father. See above, p. 219 note. 

2 See above, p. 222 note 3. 

8 This was the tavern of the Medford River lock, which stood on the 
northerly corner of Boston Avenue and Arlington Street, West Medford. 

4 On the shore of the Mill Pond in Charlestown, near the present Sullivan 
Square, which was named in honor of Governor Sullivan. 


corded in a retrospect of the day as one of the pleasantest we had ever 
past. We had nothing to do but enjoy the beauty and loveliness, the 
wit and harmony around us, and, as Olivia B[uckminster] said, not 
having to talk ourselves was one of our greatest advantages. Mrs. 
S[ullivan] and myself were much pleased with Mr. May, — with his at- 
tentive and pleasant manners, — polite without being obtrusive. I was 
not pleased with Mr Tudor, who thinks, evidently, rather more of him- 
self than I should be disposed to think of him. Mr. Callender was 
vastly amusing ; sometimes it tired me a little. Mr. W[illiam] S[ullivan] 
very comic and entertaining. My friend Richard, 1 delightful as ever by 
his attentive manners and animated, happy face, though he said little. 
I fear, however, I may tire you of the party though I was not myself 
tired, and feel certain you would have felt as much pleasure as I, had 
you been there ; the sight of so many fine children and the parents' de- 
lighted countenances would alone have been enough for you. 

I have passed many pleasant hours with the Buckminsters of late ; 
have seen Eliza Cabot 2 twice; once at her own house and once here. 
She passed a day with us while H. Jackson 8 was passing the week and 
I enjoyed it very much. Every time I see Eliza, I am struck with the 
justness as well as promptness of her thoughts ; she will not I suspect 
go to Havana, nor will you so much want her or any of your friends 
from here now that you have other friends with you. I feel half glad 
and half sorry for this. Shall we hear as much from you in the future? 4 
Shall you come back as soon? Yet you have present comfort, and for 
that I will be thankful, but is it so ? Can you support the heat and 
sickly season? 

Yesterday I spent the day at Mr. Higginson's 5 with Susan 6 and the 
children. Susan seems well and happy ; there were other people there 

1 Richard Sullivan (H. C. 1798), fourth son of Gov. Sullivan. 

2 Elizabeth Lee Cabot, daughter of Samuel Cabot (1759-1819) of Boston, 
who subsequently married Dr. Charles Theodore Christian Follen. 

8 Harriet Jackson, a daughter of the Hon. Jonathan Jackson (H. C. 1761) 
and sister of Mary Jackson, who married Henry Lee (1782-1867), brother of 
Thomas Lee (H. C. 1798). 

4 Mrs. Curzon had been married only the year before. 

6 Stephen Higginson (1743-1828), the author of the Letters of Laco. 

6 Susan Cleveland (Higginson) Channing, a daughter of Stephen Higginson 
and widow of Francis Dana Channing (H. C. 1794). The Rev. William Henry 
Channing (H. C. 1829) was their son. The young widow and her three chil- 
dren made their home with Mr. Higginson and his then wife. See Materials 
for a Genealogy of the Higginson Family in Historical Collections of the Essex 
Institute, v. 33-42. 



and I had not much conversation with her. It was ver} r kind in the old 
lady to send for me. The Cremer Case 1 which was to have been de- 
cided last week, is again postponed till the fall, at the desire of the 
Higginsons party, who wish to get more evidence. Mrs. Perkins 2 has 
been the last week at Nahant with Elizabeth ; 3 I do not know if they 
have returned. 

My eyes plead to be released and the rest of my talk must be deferred 
till another time. Adieu. May you be preserved by a kind Providence, 
prays your 

F — 

We are all well. 


Mrs. Margaret Curzon 

c / Mivella & Co. 


Quinct. 1817, July 18th. Friday. 

Set off early. My mother, Catharine, 5 Abby 6 and myself 
in the carriage, my father, Margaret 7 and Sophia 8 in his gig. We 
drove to a place in Charlestown on the Middlesex Canal. We found a 

1 The Cremer Case was " an action of assumpsit, brought by the plaintiff as 
surviving partner of Thomas Theodore Cremer of Rotterdam, who had carried 
on business there under the firm of Thomas and Adrian Cremer, against 
Stephen Higginson and Samuel G Perkins, surviving partners of George Hig- 
ginson of Boston under the firm of Stephen Higginson and Co., upon a letter 
of guaranty " for $50,000, dated 15 December, 1803. The suit was brought in 
the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Massachusetts, and 
was tried before Mr. Justice Story and the Hon. John Davis, District Judge, 
by eminent counsel, — George Blake, United States District Attorney, and 
Daniel Webster, for the plaintiff, and Samuel Hubbard and William Prescott 
for the defendants. The case was decided in favor of the defendants at the 
October term, 1817 (Mason's Reports, i. 323 ; and Federal Cases, vi. 797, Case 
No. 3383). 

2 Barbara-Cooper Higginson, daughter of Stephen Higginson (1713-182S), 
married Samuel G Perkins of Boston. 

8 Elizabeth Peck Perkins, daughter of Samuel G Perkins. 

4 Miss Quincy was the eldest daughter of President Quincy. 

& Catharine Eliot, daughter of Samuel Eliot, afterward Mrs. Andrews Norton. 

6 Abigail Phillips Quincy. 

T Margaret Morton Quincy married Benjamin D. Greene. 

8 Maria Sophia Quincy. 

1 i I 

|l if 



large party of friends we had been invited to join already in one of the 
canal boats. They were the families of Mr. and Mrs. Richard and 
William Sullivan, Mrs. George Sullivan, two of her younger sisters, 
Jane and Ann Winthrop, 1 Mr. and Mrs. Daniel Webster, Mr. John 
L[angdon] Sullivan, a Superintendent of the Canal, who arranged this 
charming party, Olivia Buckminster, George B. Emerson and S. May, 
two Collegians, and some other young men. 

We proceeded up the Canal, and passed through several locks ; the 
banks were beautiful. We passed through the grounds of Mr. P. C. 
Brooks and along the banks of several beautiful ponds or rather lakes, 
until we arrived on the bank of the largest denominated the Lake of the 
Woods. 2 This was surrounded by hills covered with trees ; and con- 
tained a beautiful wooded Island. Here our party disembarked and as 
we wound our way to a Pavilion situated at the finest point of view, 
strains of music floated over the lake and a boat emerged from the 
island and rowed toward the shore. The musicians landed, and, fol- 
lowed by a long procession of children, advanced to an eminence sit- 
uated between the canal and the lake, and commanding a complete 
view of both. There the grass had been cut, and the ground levelled 
under an awning, and here the whole party assembled, the children 
danced, the band played. The ladies and gentlemen either looked on 
or wandered on the banks of the lake. The scene was diversified by a 
canal boat full of passengers coming down the canal from the Merrimac 
and exchanging salutations as they passed on toward Boston. After 
an hour or two, a march was played and the company walked in pro- 
cession to the Pavilion where a collation was prepared. Walking and 
dancing was resumed, and late in the afternoon we bade a reluctant 
farewell to the lovely scene and again descended the canal and the locks 
we had passed in the morning. The band playing and the gentlemen 
and ladies now and then singing songs. 

We again disembarked in a wood 3 through the shade of which we 
walked to the banks of another lake. 4 Some of the ladies expressed a 
wish for some water lilies. Mr. Webster said, " If I was a young man 
the ladies should not ask for those flowers in vain ! " On which Mr. 
Emerson and Mr. Sam May dashed into the lake and wading about 
gathered a great number of lilies, brought them to shore and distributed 

1 Daughters of the Hon. Thomas Lindall Winthrop. Jane Winthrop died 
unmarried in Boston 21 February, 1819, and her sister Ann married Dr. John 
Collins Warren. 

L 2 Otherwise known as Horn Pond, in Woburn. 
3 Bacon's Grove. See above, p. 223 note 1. 
4 Upper Mystic Pond. 


them, at the great risk of their health as they were obliged to wear 
their wet clothes the rest of the afternoon. Fortunately, they were 
attired in Mack silk or stuff pantaloons which were not injured in ap- 
pearance. Mrs. Quincy thought it was very wrong in Mr. Webster to 
make such a speech aud cause the young men to run such a risk. We 
walked farther up the bank of the lake, [and] my mother seated herself 
on the stump of a tree; C. Eliot and I and some of the gentlemen 
placed ourselves at her feet and she sang several songs. A return to 
the boat was sounded and we marched through the woods to the tune of 
u How sweet through the woodlands." We paused again to take coffee 
and it was delightful, floating down the canal. The sun set, the moon 
rose, the band played and the gentlemen sang songs until we arrived at 
the place of embarkation in Charlestown, where the carriages were in 

After leaving C. Eliot at her father's house in Tremont St., 1 Boston, 
we returned to Quincy. 

Mr. Francis H. Lincoln read two unpublished letters of 
Daniel Webster. 

Mr. Davis exhibited one of the notes emitted in 1741 
by the Ipswich, or Essex County, Land Bank, which has 
recently come into his possession. 

Mr. Davis communicated the following information con- 
cerning the Historical Societies which have been incorpo- 
rated in Massachusetts since the last Report on this subject 
was made to the Society : 2 


Purposes. To collect and preserve manuscripts, printed books, pam- 
phlets, historical facts, biographical and historical relics, and to stimulate 
research into local and natural history. 

Date of Charter. 23 April, 1900. 

1 The house of Samuel Eliot, the great merchant and philanthropist, stood on 
a large estate which made the northerly corner of Beacon and Tremont Streets 
(Gleaner Articles, No. 33, in Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, v., Second 
edition, 9G). The site is now occupied by the department store of Houghton 
and Dutton. 

2 See Publications, vi. 4.15, 4oG. 

3 This society is in the town of Harvard, Worcester County. 



Purposes. The collecting and preserving of historical and genea- 
logical data, documents, books, pamphlets, views of historical places 
and scenery, as well as antique objects connected with the town of 
Palmer and other localities, also the encouragement of the study of nat- 
ural and physical history and the establishment and maintenance of a 
cabinet for its collections and the holding of real or personal estate 
which may come into its possession. 

Date of Charter. 31 May, 1900. 


Purposes. To collect and preserve such relics and antiquities, facts, 
and documents as will throw light on our local history, either by gift or 
loan, and also to promote a knowledge of natural history, by the forma- 
tion of a museum, and in every way advancing the aims of the society 
by such means as are at our command. 

Date of Charter, 1 September, 1900. 


Purposes. The purpose for which the Corporation is constituted is 
to collect and preserve facts and mementos that shall tend to illustrate- 
& perpetuate the History & Memory of the early settlers of this region 
& to lease acquire or erect a suitable building in which such collections 
may be safely & securely deposited. 

Date of Charter. 3 November, 1900. 1 

1 The following quasi-historical societies have also been incorporated : 


Purposes. To collect, preserve and publish the Genealogical records and history 
of the Wales family and to cultivate and strengthen its family ties. 
Date of Charter. 12 April, 1900. 


Purposes. To establish an association of Master Mechanics, Contractors, Builders 
& those persons who are engaged in trades and industries connected with the con- 
struction of buildings, public works, and trades & industries subsidiary thereto, to pro- 
mote a knowledge of literature, history & science as relates to building operations & 
to provide suitable rooms for meetings & discussions of questions relating to the build- 
ing industries & to establish and maintain a library for the use of the members to 
accomplish the purposes aforesaid. 

Date of Charter. 15 June, 1900. 


Mr. John Noble communicated some curious extracts 
from early newspapers. 

The Honorable James Madison Morton, LL.D., of Fall 
River, and Mr. George Vasmer Leyerett of Boston, were 
elected Resident Members. 


Purposes. The prosecution of historical studies, and the establishment and main- 
tenance of a place for social meetings. 
Date of Charter. 2 August, 1900. 


Purposes. To bring together in fraternal union the past active members of the 
Independent Boston Fusiliers, now known as Battery G, First Heavy Artillery, 
M.V.M., its predecessors and successors ; to keep alive interest in the affairs of said 
organization and to cherish and record the past and current history of the same. To 
establish a place for social meetings. 

Date of Charter. 2 August, 1900. 


Purposes. To promote the political education of voters, to teach American politi- 
cal history, to secure a place for lectures, speeches, or debates on political subjects, to 
procure & distribute literature on the same & to maintain a place for social meetings 
to attract members to the rooms of the club. [Fall River.] 

Date of Charter. 24 October, 1900. 


Purposes. The purpose for which the Corporation is constituted is to promote the 
knowledge of natural science and local history and to maintain a general library. 
Date of Charter. 8 February, 1901. 



7 November, 1901. 

A Stated Meeting of the Council was held on Thursday, 7 
November, 1901, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the Presi- 
dent, George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D., in the chair. 

Present, Messrs. Henry Winchester Cunningham, Henry Herbert 
Edes, Frederick Lewis Gay, Edward Hale, George Lyman 
Kittredge, and John Noble. 

The following is an extract from the Records of the Meeting : 

The members of the Council wish to place upon its Records an 
expression of their sorrow at the death of their colleague, Robert 
Noxon Toppan on the tenth of May, and of their appreciation of his 

Born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Mr. Toppan came of a family 
which for more than two centuries and a half has held high social rank 
in Newburyport, Massachusetts. He graduated with honors at Harvard 
in 1858, studied law, and was admitted to the New York Bar. After a 
long residence abroad, he made his home in Cambridge, where for 
nearly a score of years, possessed of an ample fortune, surrounded by 
his family, his friends, and his books, he lived the life of a highly 
cultivated gentleman, scholar, and man of affairs. His knowledge of 
numismatics was extensive, and he was deeply interested in historical 
pursuits. He was the author of several monographs and a contributor 
to the proceedings of those learned societies with which he was in fellow- 
ship. His greatest work, entitled Edward Randolph, was published by 
the Prince Society in five quarto volumes, and is a monument of his 
ability and patience in bringing together the memorials of Randolph's 
life and the public papers of that devoted servant and agent of the 
English Crown. 

Mr. Toppan was elected to membership in this Society in March, 
1893, soon after its incorporation, and during the rest of his life he was 
a most devoted and interested member, and constant in his attendance 
upon its meetings. At the Annual Meeting in 1898 he was elected to 


the Council, of which for two years he was a valued and valuable 

Mr. Toppan attested his loyalty to Harvard College by founding an 
Annual Prize for the best essay, of sufficient merit, on a subject in 
Political Science, and also by his devoted service for many years in the 
Harvard Chapter of Phi Beta Kappa. He was active in go'od works, 
outspoken and courageous, intensely patriotic, a hater of everything 
that was not genuine and true, and a generous giver of time, service 
and money where they were needed in cases and causes which enlisted 
his sympathy. He was a most delightful neighbor and friend. His was 
a charming personality. With a heart overflowing with affection for 
those nearest and dearest to him, and with sympathy for all who needed 
it, gentle and refined in thought and deed, possessing a mind stored 
with interesting reminiscences of foreign travel, which were always at 
the command of his retentive memory, his companionship was prized by 
those who were privileged to enjoy it. 



HPHE Annual Meeting was held at the University Club, 
■*■ No. 270 Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 21 Novem- 
ber, 1901, at six o'clock in the afternoon, the President, 
George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D., in the chair. 

The Records of the last Meeting were read and approved. 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had 
been received from Mr. George Vasmer Leverett, and Mr. 
Justice Morton of the Supreme Judicial Court, accepting 
Resident Membership. 

The Annual Report of the Council was presented and read 
by the Recording Secretary. 


We have now completed nine years of existence as a Society. 
The character of our Publications, and the interest that has been 
manifested in the papers read and in the historical documents ex- 
hibited at our meetings, have shown that there is a wide field for 
work of the kind that we are doing. There are still unpublished 
countless letters, manuscripts, diaries, and other documents which 
would be of deep interest to the student of history, and which 
would throw much light upon the life and actions of many an old 
New England worthy or family. The Council urges every member 
to look carefully through the old papers and letters that he may 
have or that may belong to other members of his family, and when 
he finds one that would be of interest in our work to bring it to a 
meeting of the Society ; or, if he has a portrait or other relic of 
Colonial or Provincial times to exhibit that at a meeting. In that 
way almost every member can do something to show his interest 
in our work. 


There have been added to our Roll six Resident Members, 

Charles Greely Loring, Arthur Richmond Marsh, 

Ephraim Emerton, George Vasmer Leverett, 

Edward Charles Pickering, James Madison Morton; 

and one Corresponding Member, 

General Joseph Wheeler. 

We have lost by death six Resident Members, 

Roger Wolcott, Edward William Hooper, 

Henry Williams, John Chester Inches, 

Robert Noxon Toppan, James Bradstreet Greenough ; 

and two Corresponding Members, 

Moses Coit Tyler, Herbert Baxter Adams. 

Moses Coit Tyler died at Ithaca, New York, on the twenty- 
eighth of December, 1900, at the age of sixty-five. He was born in 
Connecticut, graduated from Yale in 1857, studied for the ministry 
at Andover and preached for a few years ; but the greater part of 
his career was spent as Professor of Literature and of History at 
the University of Michigan and at Cornell. He left as an endur- 
ing monument several fascinating volumes upon the American 
Literature of the Colonial and Revolutionary times. Correct in 
statement, accurate in critical judgment, and with a simplicity of 
style that is delightful, these works will long remain as models of 
their kind. 

Herbert Baxter Adams of Baltimore died on the thirtieth of 
July, 1901. He was born at Amherst, Massachusetts, on the six- 
teenth of April, 1850, graduated from Amherst College in 1872, 
and spent three years in study and residence in Europe. Since 
1876, he had been connected with Johns Hopkins University as 
Instructor and Professor in History, and also as Editor of their 
serial publication known as Studies in Historical and Political 
Science. To these he had contributed many able articles upon 
American history. He was also Secretary of the American His- 
torical Association, a position he had held since the formation of 
that organization in 1884. 


The By-Laws have been changed so that our Stated Meetings 
are now held on the fourth Thursday instead of on the third 
Wednesday of the month. At these meetings many papers and 
communications were read, and rare letters, documents and portraits 

We have received the sum of Ten Thousand Dollars from the 
estate of our late President, being one-half of his bequest to 
the Society and all that is now available. This has been named the 
Edward Wheelwright Fund, the income of which is to be used to 
defray in part the cost of our Publications. In mentioning this 
bequest, the Council cannot refrain from again reminding the 
Society of the debt of gratitude that it owes to the memory of Mr. 
Wheelwright, — that modest, kind-hearted gentleman, himself a 
scholar and a patron of literature. It was fortunate, indeed, when 
our choice fell upon him to be our leader. This Fund together with 
one of like amount raised in memory of our first President, Dr. 
Gould, and a small fund of about nine hundred dollars, made up of 
sundry gifts, are all that are available for our work of publication. 
We have also a General Fund of about thirty-eight hundred dollars, 
the income of which can be used for general purposes. From this 
statement, our members can readily see that our income is still very 
limited. We are, however, prepared to do greater work when 
greater means are at our command. 

One of our needs at the moment is a place of habitation, even 
though it be but temporary, for if we had such a place, we should 
receive many gifts of books, manuscripts, pictures, and other relics 
of Colonial times. 

The Report of the Treasurer was then submitted, as 
follows : 


In compliance with the By-Laws, I have the honor to submit the 
following statement of the financial operations of the Society for 
the past year, and of the amount, character and condition of the 






Balance, 17 November, 1900 $6.45 

Admission Fees $60.00 

Annual Assessments 710.00 

Commutation of the Annual Assessment, from five mem- 
bers 500.00 

Interest 1,184.53 

Sales of the Society's Publications, etc 16.60 

Mortgage (assigned) 350.00 

Withdrawn from Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank 700.00 

Bequest of Edward Wheelwright (in part) 10,000.00 13,521.13 



University Press, printing 

A. W. Elson and Company : photogravure of Mr. 

Wheelwright and plate printing 

John H. Daniels and Son, plate printing 

Suffolk Engraving Company, relief plates 

Hill, Smith and Company, stationery 

Library Bureau, Cabinet and Cards for Indexing . . 
Eva G. Moore, on account of Index of Volume V. 

William H. Hart, auditing 

Clerical service 

Miscellaneous incidentals 

Deposited in Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank . . 
Mortgages on improved Real Estate in Boston, principal 

and interest payable in gold coin 11 

Interest in adjustment 

Balance on deposit in Third National Bank of Boston, 16 

November, 1901 








154.23 1 



The Funds of the Society are invested as follows: 

$24,750.00 in First Mortgages, payable in gold coin, on improved 
property in Boston and Cambridge ; 
30.00 deposited in the Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank. 





Cash $913.13 

Mortgages $24,750.00 

Charlestown Five Cents Savings Bank 30.00 24,780.00 



Income $913.13 

Publication Fund $900.00 

General Fund 3,880.00 

Gonld Memorial Fund 10,000.00 

Edward Wheelwright Fund 10,000.00 24,780.00 


Henry H. Edes, 


Boston, 16 November, 1901. 

The Committee, consisting of Messrs. Henry L. Higginson 
and Samuel Wells, appointed to examine the Treasurer's 
Accounts, reported, through Mr. Wells, that the Accounts 
had been correctly kept and properly vouched, and that 
proper evidence of the Investments and of the balance of 
cash on hand had been exhibited. 

The several Reports were accepted and referred to the 
Committee of Publication. 

Mr. Charles Armstrong Snow, on behalf of the Com- 
mittee to nominate Officers for the ensuing year, made the 
following Report: 
















The Report was accepted ; and, a ballot being taken, these 
gentlemen were unanimously elected. 

After the Annual Meeting had been dissolved, dinner was 
served. The guests of the Society were Winslow Warren, 
President of the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati ; 
Charles Francis Adams, Henry Williamson Haynes and 
Charles Card Smith, representing the Massachusetts Histori- 
cal Society ; the Reverend Samuel Atkins Eliot, President of 
the American Unitarian Association ; Alfred Hem en way, 
representing the Bar Association ; and James Phinney Bax- 
ter, a Corresponding Member. President Kittredge pre- 
sided, and the Reverend Edward Henry Hall invoked the 
Divine Blessing. 

After dinner, speeches were made by the President and 
the guests. 

During the evening Mr. Henry H. Edes, having been 
asked to make a statement in regard to the condition of the 
Publications of the Society, said : 

Mr. President, — I am not so vain as to suppose, for a mo- 
ment, that our members will care to hear my voice — what is 


left of it — when you have such a galaxy of good speakers sitting 
above the salt ; but as we all yield obedience to your commands, I 
am on my feet. Before making the statement which you ask of me, 
I have great pleasure in offering for the acceptance of the Society a 
collection of unpublished manuscripts, about a hundred in number. 
The collection includes Letters, Reports, Petitions, Indentures, 
Commissions, Military Orders and Muster Rolls, covering a period 
of half a century from 1754 to 1804, although the bulk of the 
papers relate to the Revolutionary period. The matters and events 
treated of occurred in Boston, Saratoga, West Point, Valley Forge 
and other places ; while the letters bear the autographs of Wash- 
ington, James Warren, Benjamin Lincoln, Rufus Putnam, John 
Scollay, Samuel Dexter, and others. 

I have brought with me to-night for inspection an interesting 
relic of Washington. It is a miniature of the first President 
painted on glass and long preserved in the Lee family. Until the 
Civil War it was in the possession of Mrs. Caroline (Lee) Macrea, 
a cousin of General Robert E. Lee, and is now owned by one of my 
friends, who married a scion of that house. 

It is sometimes asked, Why cannot our Serials be brought out 
with the same promptness and regularity with which the Serials of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society are brought out by our friend 
Mr. Smith, whom we are all glad to welcome here to-night as one 
of our guests? The answer is not difficult. The Historical 
Society, with its large endowment and its accomplished and industri- 
ous paid Editor, can do much that is not possible to a Society 
a hundred years its junior, with a modest endowment of barely 
$25,000, which is obliged to depend upon the voluntary service of 
a few busy men who can give only a portion of their time to our 
editorial work. With larger funds at our disposal, more work 
could be done on our Publications, but until our income is consid- 
erably increased we shall fail to realize fully our ambitions in this 

Mr. Edes then gave in detail the present condition of the 
Publications, and continuing said : 

Volume II is to contain the Commissions and Instructions of 
the Royal Governors of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, 


and their Commissions as Vice-Admirals, besides the remarkable 
Commission to Gibson, then Bishop of London, authorizing him to 
exercise Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the Colonies, and another to 
Randolph as Collector, Surveyor, and Searcher of the Customs. 
Mr. Goodell's introductory notes to those Instructions which were 
received by the Authorities in Boston between the overthrow of 
Andros and the arrival of Phips with the Province Charter are of 
the greatest interest and value, and present for the first time in 
print a mass of letters and legislative proceedings of the first 
importance which have slumbered in the Massachusetts Archives 
for more than two centuries. 

Since I have referred to the publications of the Historical 
Society, I wish to say, before I sit down, how profoundly I realize 
from year to year the great debt of gratitude which all historical 
students and scholars owe to our elder sister for the magnificent 
w r ork she has done during the past hundred years and is still doing. 
Her representatives who have honored us with their presence 
to-night do not need to be assured of the entire respect in which 
the members of this Society have always held her, or of our will- 
ingness to sit at her feet and learn the lesson which her industry, 
her faithfulness, her wisdom and her scholarship teach. 

1901.] INDIAN SUMMER. 241 


A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
■*■*■ Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 26 December, 
1901, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the President, 
George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D., in the chair. 

The Records of the Annual Meeting in November were 
read and approved. 

The President announced the death of Professor James 
Bradstreet Greenough, a Resident Member, and paid a 
tribute to his memory. 1 

Mr. Albert Matthews read a paper on the term Indian 
Summer, speaking in substance as follows : 2 

However much we Americans may abuse our ever changing 
climate, there is at least one portion of the year upon which we 
unite in lavishing praise. It need scarcely be said that I allude 
to that highly indefinite but always delightful period known as 
the Indian summer. Connected as this season is, both by name 
and in popular belief, with the aborigines, it would seem as if the 
name itself must be of some antiquity ; yet, so far as my observa- 
tion goes, it is not until the year 1794 that the expression Indian 
summer occurs at all, and not until the nineteenth century that 
it became well established. If the term is, in fact, barely more 
than a century old, it would again seem as if we ought to be able 
to trace out its origin with some certainty. Yet such is far from 
being the case. 

In a little more than a century there has grown up a popular 
belief that there occurs in our autumn a spell of peculiar weather, 

1 A sketch of Mr. Greenough, written by President Kittredge, will be found 
in the Harvard Graduates' Magazine for December, 1901, x. 196-201. 

2 Mr. Matthews's paper was printed in full by the United States Weather 
Bureau in the Monthly Weather Review for January and February, 1902, xxx. 
19-28, 69-79, and also in a separate pamphlet. 



and to this has been given the name of the Indian summer. It 
has been stated that this spell appears in September ; that it 
comes in October; that it occurs in November or not at all; that 
it takes place in January ; that it lasts for three or five daj'S only ; 
that it extends over a period of more than four weeks ; that it is 
peculiar to New England ; that it does not occur in New England 
at all ; that it is now more marked than was formerly the case ; 
that in former years it was more pronounced than it is now ; that 
it has at present ceased to occur anywhere. Amid these various 
and conflicting assertions, it is not easy to arrive at any definite 
conclusion ; but, eliminating the points in regard to which there 
is divergence of opinion, it is tolerably clear that this supposed 
spell of peculiar weather is characterized by three special feat- 
ures, — by a warmth greater than that of the few days or weeks 
immediately preceding, by smokiness, and by haziness. It is 
true that some scientific writers have denied the existence of 
the increased warmth and have declared that the alleged smoki- 
ness is an optical illusion. But the popular belief — and it is 
with this only that I am concerned — appears to be such as I have 

The statement already made that the term Indian summer itself 
is unknown until 1794, and the further statement that allusions 
to the Indian-summer season under any name appear to be un- 
known until late in the eighteenth century, will doubtless cause 
surprise and arouse opposition ; for they are in direct conflict with 
popular belief and with many assertions to the contrary. For 
nearly a century people have been asserting that the term Indian 
summer was known to and employed by our early writers. Yet 
this is clearly a mistake. Of the seventeenth century writers, 
some make no allusion at all to climate, while others occasionally 
indulge in an observation about the weather, but cannot be said 
to discuss climate. In general, however, at least some brief re- 
mark about climate — or, as many authors were fond of calling it ? 
the "air" — was thought proper, and the works in which such 
discussions occur are numerous. In the eighteenth century there 
were also some writings from which allusions to climate were 
absent, but as a rule the allusions were frequent. The fact that 
so many writers previous to 1800 neither employed the term nor 
recognized the season, is equally singular and noteworthy. 

1901.] INDIAN SUMMER. 243 

While at Le Bceuf, a few miles from the present city of Erie, 
Pennsylvania, Major Ebenezer Denny made this entry in his 
Journal on 13 October, 1794: 

Pleasant weather. The Indian summer here. Frosty nights. 1 

Mr. Matthews then gave a series of extracts illustrating 
the history of the term from its earliest recorded appearance 
in 1794 to the present time ; and continuing, said : 

From the evidence which has thus far been presented, it is seen 
that the term Indian summer first made its appearance in the last 
decade of the eighteenth century; that during the next decade 
the expression (t second summer " was used, indicating that there 
was no generally accepted designation for the supposed spell of 
peculiar weather in autumn ; that this spell itself was first noted 
shortly before 1800 ; that the term Indian summer became estab- 
lished about twenty years after its earliest appearance ; that it 
was first employed in western Pennsylvania ; that it had spread 
to New England by 1798, to New York by 1809, to Canada by 
1821, and to England by 1830 ; that the term is not merely an 
Americanism, but has become part of the English language in its 
widest sense, having actually supplanted in England expressions 
which had there been in vogue for centuries, and is now heard 
among English speaking people throughout the world ; that it 
has been adopted by the poets ; that it has often been employed 
in a beautiful figurative sense, as applied to the declining years 
of a man's life ; and that it has given rise to much picturesque if 
also to some flamboyant writing. In short, to write in praise of 
the Indian summer is now a literary convention on three conti- 
nents. So varied a history in little more than a century is cer- 
tainly remarkable. 

If, as we have seen, the term Indian summer is popularly 
used in an indefinite way, no less vague and uncertain are most 
of the explanations which have been advanced to account for its 

1 Military Journal, 1859, p. 198. The Journal was also printed, together 
with another work, in 1860, and the passage will be found at page 402 of that 


Mr. Matthews then went on to give these explanations in 
detail and to consider them critically, and in conclusion said : 

There are perhaps no words or phrases which are so difficult to 
trace to their origin as those which are, or may be, or are sup- 
posed to be connected with the Indians. Few Indians before 
1800 could write, of the few who could still fewer did, and of the 
few who did none appear to have written about their own people. 
Consequently our knowledge of the languages, religions, myths, 
legends, traditions, manners, and customs of the Indians come to 
us through the whites ; and among peoples which have no literature 
of their own it is notoriously difficult to arrive at true accounts 
in regard to such matters. There is certainly no lack of variety 
in the theories which have been discussed, but however it may 
appear to others, it does not seem to me that any one of them has 
any substantial basis in fact. It is possible that the name will 
some day be traced to an Indian myth or legend ; but we cannot 
at present say with certainty that the allusions to the Indian 
summer in those tales related by Schoolcraft and by Jones are 
genuine, and the evidence points to the conclusion that these 
allusions have found their way to the Indians from the whites. 
We shall, therefore, be obliged to suspend judgment with respect 
to the origin of the name of the Indian summer until fresh evi- 
dence as to the early history of the term is produced. 

A long discussion followed the reading of this paper, in 
which President Kittredge, the Reverend Edward Hale, 
Mr. Denison R. Slade, Mr. Lindsay Swift and others 

Mr. Henry H.Edes exhibited an original Commission dated 
13 June, 1692, to Thomas Leonard of Taunton as Captain of a 
foot company of militia in that town. The Commission is 
signed by Sir William Phips, Governor, and Isaac Addington, 
Secretary, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay. 

Mr. Edes also exhibited " An ELEGY in Memory of the 
Worshipful Major Thomas Leonard, Esq., Of Taunton in 
New~E)i(jland ; Who departed this Life on the 24th Day 
of November, Anno Domini 1713. In the 73d. Year of his 


Age." The Elegy 1 was written by the Keverend Samuel 
Danforth of the Harvard Class of 1683, long the minister 
of the Taunton Church. 2 . 

Me. Henry W. Cunningham, having been called upon, 
spoke as follows : — 

Mr. President : I wish to communicate to the Society a Jour- 
nal, covering the period from the twenty-sixth of April to the 
second of July, 1776, kept by Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Vose of 
Milton, Massachusetts, on the expedition sent by way of the Hudson 
River and Lake Champlain into Canada to reinforce the troops 
that had been sent there in 1775 under the command of General 
Montgomery and General Thomas. 

This Journal is in the form of a letter written by Colonel Vose 
to his wife at Milton, and evidently is, as its opening sentence de- 
clares, " A Memorandum Drew from y e minutes I took Daily." It 
was probably written in camp some time after the occurrences 
mentioned took place, as, for example, under the date of the 
twenty-third of May, in speaking of the cartel after the affair at 
the Cedars, he says, " the Same cartel was afterwards Carried to 
Congress, but they Comply'd not with it." This, too, may account 
for some slight inaccuracies of dates, — as when he places the death 
of General Thomas 3 on the twenty-eighth of May instead of on the 
second of June, although, even in this case, he may be merely 
noting the information brought to his camp. 

Joseph Vose came of an old New-England family and was born 
on the twenty-sixth of November, 1738, 4 on the farm in Milton 

1 It was printed, from another copy, in the New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register, xxii. 141. For notices of the Leonard family, see Ibid. 
xxii. 140-143; 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iii. 173-175. 

2 For a notice of Danforth, see Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. 243-249. 

8 The date 2 June is given by J. Winsor, Reader's Handbook of the Ameri- 
can Revolution (1899), p. 91, and J. P. Baxter, Journal of Lieut. W. Digby, 
p. 9 note; but W. T. R. Saffell, Records of the Revolutionary War (1858), 
p. 436, gives 30 May, while F. S. Drake, New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Register, xxxiii. 383, gives 5 June. 

4 The Milton Town Records give the date of Colonel Vose's birth as 26 No- 
vember, 1738, and Memorials of the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati 
(1890), p. 493, give it as 7 December, 1739. In the Milton Church Records his 
baptism is found under date of 3 December, 1738. The Milton Town Records 
state that he died 22 May, 1816, aged 76. 


that had belonged to his family for three quarters of a century. At 
the age of twenty-two, he married Sarah, daughter of Josiah Howe. 

Colonel Vose was a farmer both before and after the Revolution, 
and at all times a public-spirited citizen interested in town 
affairs ; and with a deep interest in the military, he played a prom- 
inent part in the army during that stirring period. Previous to 
the outbreak of hostilities, he had been a Colonel of the district 
militia and a Major in Heath's Suffolk Regiment. 1 On the twentieth 
of May, 1775, he had taken a party of sixty men in boats to the 
light-house in Boston Harbor, which they burned, and from which 
they carried off a field-piece, the swivel and the lamps. Early in 
1776, he was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of the 24th Conti- 
nental Infantry of which John Greaton of Roxbury was Colonel, 2 
and after the evacuation of Boston, he went with his regiment to 
New York and thence up the Hudson and into Canada. In 1777, 
he was made Colonel of the 1st Massachusetts Regiment and 
joined the army under Washington in New Jersey, participating 
in the battle of Monmouth. He served with Sullivan in his Rhode 
Island Campaign in 1778, took part in the Siege of Yorktown, and 
at the close of the war was made Brigadier-General by brevet. He 
was one of the original members of the Massachusetts Society of the 
Cincinnati. He died in Milton on the twenty-second of May, 1816. 

The expedition of which this Journal gives a partial sketch, was 
sent from New York in the latter part of April, 1776, and con- 
sisted of four regiments, the 8th, 15th, 24th and 25th Continental 
Infantry, commanded by Colonels Enoch Poor of New Hampshire, 
and John Paterson, John Greaton and William Bond of Massa- 
chusetts, respectively, with General William Thompson of Penn- 
sylvania as Commander of the expedition until its junction with 
the forces already in Canada. 3 The men suffered hardships tramp- 
ing in wet weather through the wilderness, but were in good spirits, 

1 Memorials of the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati, p. 493. 

2 See Ibid. ; also Heitman's Historical Register of Officers of the Continental 
Army during the War of the Revolution. 

3 Under dates of 15, 21, and 26 April, 1776, Heath wrote : 

Four American regiments, viz. Poor's, Patterson's, Greaton's, and Bond's, were 
ordered for Canada ; Gen. Thompson was to command them. Gen. Thomas had been, 
some time before, sent from Boston to command in Canada. . . . The regiments destined 
for Canada, sailed for Albany. . . . Six more regiments were ordered for Canada, viz. 
two from the Pennsylvania line, two from the New-Jersey, and two from the New- 
Ilampshire (Memoirs, 1798, p. 45). 

s ^ 





? £ 


and anxious to join the Army and take part in the storming of 
Quebec. Their ardor received a check upon their arrival, on the 
eighth of May, at Sorel, where they heard of the defeat at Quebec 
and met returning troops, many of them sick with smallpox. 
After camping there for about two weeks, orders were received to 
proceed up the St. Lawrence to Montreal and have the men inocu- 
lated for smallpox. On this march they fell in with the delegates 
from the Continental Congress and heard of the disastrous skir- 
mish at the Cedars. Colonel Vose remained several days in Mon- 
treal, many of his command sick from their inoculation, and for a 
time his men were the only American troops in the hostile city, 
and were daily expecting an uprising of the inhabitants. From 
Montreal they took part in forays towards the Cedars, to Three 
Rivers and to Chambly, and thence, with all the other American 
troops in Canada, began that masterly retreat, with the enemy close 
upon them, up the Richelieu River and Lake Champlain to Crown 
Point and Ticonderoga. Lieutenant-Colonel Vose had an impor- 
tant command in the rear, and in his Journal he gives many details 
of his experiences on land and water. 

At the beginning of this Journal, the writer speaks of a previous 
one giving an account of his trip from Cambridge to New York, 
and he closes it with a promise of another giving more details of 
the movement of our troops in Canada ; but this is the only Diary 
or paper 1 of Joseph Vose that is known to be in existence. If this 
distinguished officer did write other Journals it is unfortunate that 
they have been lost, and it is hoped that the publication of this one 
will induce all who are of the Vose blood to search their old family 
papers for other writings of Joseph Vose. 

1 Under date of 13 December, 1901, the Rev. James Gardiner Yose, D.D., of 
Providence, Rhode Island, the grandson of Col. Joseph Vose and a member of 
the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati, writes : — 

I regret very much to say that there is no portrait of my Grandfather, nor any diary 
or Journal of his in existence. He died in 1816, and no effort seems to have been made 
by any of his children to preserve papers which he must have left. 

The diary now printed is in the possession of a collateral branch of the 
family, which may easily account for the fact that the Rev. Dr. Vose had 
never heard of its existence. It belongs to Mrs. William Brewster of Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts, a great grand-daughter of Elijah Vose of Milton, brother 
of Joseph Vose, and himself an officer in the Re volution ary Army and Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel of the Regiments of which his brother Joseph was in command. 



A Memorandum Drew from y e Minutes I took Daily. 1776. 
To Mrs. Vose. — Mam. from Cambridge to N. York, I sent 
you home a Memorandum. — March 30th, then arriv'd att 
N. York, which time we fortified y e Governor's Isleland & 
th the City. Spent the time very Agreeably, while we was 

April. there ; Set Sail for Albany, with Greaton's Regiment — 

Patterson's, Bond's & poor's, 1 under the Command of Gen! 
Thomson, with our Regiments all Hearty & well & in good 
Spirits, we lived well upon our Passage went on Shore got 
Butter Egg's, & every thing we wanted. I had a fine Cabbin 
to lodge in & the best Voyage I ever went by water. 

25 Arriv'd at Albany the City was much bigger than I expected, 

we got some Necessaries for the Reg* 

26. Set out for half-moon, 2 there fell a Heavy rain in the morn- 

ing, which made it bad Travelling, the Land from Albany to 
half moon is exceeding Good, 

1 The officers mentioned in this Journal may all be identified and the terms of 
their service found by referring to F. B. Heitman's Historical Register of Officers 
of the Continental Army during the War of the Revolution (Washington, 1S93). 

John Greaton, afterwards Brigadier- General, was a resident of Roxbury, 
Massachusetts, where he was born 10 March, 1741, and died 16 December, 
1783. He is buried in the cemetery on the corner of Washington and Eustis 
Streets, Boston. 

John Paterson was a resident of Lenox and was Colonel of the Berkshire 
regiment which started for Boston upon hearing the news of the battle of 
Lexington. He graduated from Yale in 1762 and was by profession a 
lawyer. After the war he removed to Binghamton, New York, and was 
Chief-Justice of the County Court. He died 19 July, 1808 (Memorials of 
the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati, Boston, 1890, p. 381). 

William Bond, born 17 February, 1733-31, was of the Watertown family of 
that name. lie died in camp near Ticonderoga 31 August, 1776 (Bond's 
Genealogies and History of Watertown, i. 66). 

Enoch Poor was a prominent merchant of Exeter, New Hampshire, and 
served with distinction as Colonel and Brigadier-General. He died in camp at 
Hackensack, New Jersey, 8 or 9 September, 1780. 

2 Half Moon is now Waterford on the Hudson, and was undoubtedly named 
for Henry Hudson's ship. There were no bridges over the Hudson or Mohawk 
rivers at that time, but there was a ferry at Half Moon, and another on the 
Mohawk five miles above Cohoes Falls (Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, 
i. 41). 


27. take our baggage out of y e Battoes, as it went from Albany 

to half moon in Battoes, we arrived att Stillwater that Night 
where we took up two Deserters of Col° Poors Reg! & sent 
them back to Albany. Nothing Extrodiary happen'd to Day. 

A f" ! Sunday Morning, Clear & Pleaseant, we then put our baggage 

28- into Battoes, & March'd for Saratoga where we arrived be- 

fore Night, we took our baggage out of the Battoes, & 
carried it across the Carrying-Place about one mild, then 
Carried it about 3 mild by Water to fort Miller the land from 
Still Water to Fort Miller very good, Some part of the 
Regim*. tarry att Saratoga, & some part at fort Miller, 
Col? Greaton & my self tarry with Gel! Schuyler. Gen 11 
Schuyler has got a very Grand farm, & Elegant Buildings, 2 
mild from Saratoga. 

29. Set out for Fort Edward, past fort miller where there was 
grand Saw mills, Arrived att fort Edward Before Night, 
Raind very hard Soon after we got there, Nothing Extraordi- 
nary happened to Day. only that several of our men fired 

att Deer & Did not kill them. we viewed the Old 

fort, & thought it was grand once 

30. Marched for fort George, & Schyenesborough, 1 take our 
baggage out of the Battoes, those men that are the least 
able to Stand fatigue we send with y e Waggons & baggage 
to fort George, or fort W? Henry, the rest with Col"! 
Greaton & my self, with 4 Days. Provision upon our Backs, 
worse travilling men never travailed, this Day we see where 
Gen* Putnam was taken by the Indians, & tied up to a tree, 2 
It now Rains exceeding hard & we have no Shelter, But the 
Woods, this march proceed's from the Neglect of not 
having battoes built. 

th y * We marched for Schyenesborough where our men took Cold 

lying on the Ground, & no Shelter the travailing still re- 
mains exceeding bad, Some Places water is very high, where 

1 Now Whitehall, at the head of the South Bay of Lake Cham plain. 

2 In the skirmish of Abercrombie's troops in August, 1758, with the French 
and Indians, Major Israel Putnam was taken prisoner and tied to a tree, and 
was about to be burned alive when released by a French officer. The spot was 
about a mile west of Fort Anne and just south of Whitehall (Ibid. i. 140; and 
Fiske's New France and New England, 1902, chapter x.). 



we have to wade, we Arrive att Schyenesborough Before Night 
where we had good Shelter. Cap* Bent 1 & myself went to a 
tavern about a Mild from the Reg* where we were grandly 
entertaind the men Still Remain in high Spirits athou Such a 
Fatigue through y e woods, Just before Night 2 of Cap!. 
William's 2 men got into an old Canoe above the falls their 
not minding they were so near the falls they got affrighted, 
& both Jumpt out, one got in again & we could not come att 
them to give 'em any Assistance the Canoe Driving Down 
the falls with one that had hold of the Stearn of y e Canoe, 
it heave him 10 feet high & Broke the Canoe when it passed 
the falls one of them we found hanging to a bush almost 
Dead, but revived, & the other never was Found, though 
there was great Search made from, his Name that was 
Drowned was howe, Brother to James Howe the Baker at 
Roxbury. 3 

M t j?' this Morning Clear & Pleasant, we Set out from Schyenes- 

borough & Sail to Ticonderoga along the South-Bay. &. 
Arrived at 12 o the clock, our Reg* then went into the old 
french Barracks, our baggage is not Come from fort George 
this afternoon we go out, & view the Ground where y e Battle 
was fought 1758 & find the mens bones where the battle was 
fought, my Self & some of y e Officers goes Farther over to 
the Carrying Place where Lord. Howe 4 landed with 20. thou- 

1 William Bent, Captain in the 24th Continental Infantry. 

2 Edward Payson W T illiams, son of Jeremiah Williams of Roxbury, was a 
Captain in the same regiment and died in service, 25 May, 1777 (Drake's The 
Town of Roxbury, 1878, pp. 31, 398). 

8 James Howe kept a bakeshop near the corner of the present Washington 
and Warren Streets and was a prominent man in Roxbury at the time of the 
Revolution (Ibid. pp. 92, 206, 280, 381). He v>as probably the son of James 
Howe (born in 1713) of Poxbury, weaver, and Jane Meroth of Dorchester, who 
were married 31 July, 1740, and had two sons : (i) James, born 2 November, 
1746, died 1798, and (ii) David, born 1 March, 1757. The latter was probably 
the David How, or David Howe, Jr., who was a member of E. P. Williams's 
Company (Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors in the War of the Revolution, 
viii. 331, 384). 

4 George Augustus, Viscount Howe, elder brother of Admiral Richard, Vis- 
count Howe and of General Sir William Howe. He was a soldier of great 
ability and had been sent over by Pitt as second in command to General Aber- 
crombie. He was killed in a battle with the French 6 July, 1758. 


sand men, & had not marched, but a little, way before he 
was Killed, & we saw, the Place, we Still wait for our Bag- 
gage to come over lake George, & Does not arrive to Night 

3. this morning Clear & Pleasent, our Baggage is Just arrived, 

we Cart it over the Carrying Place to our Battoes We Drew 
here 10 days Provisions, for to Carry us to S? Johns ; here I 
bought 2 Barrels of beer to Drink on the lakes. We got 
ready to set off. att 4 o'Clock, & Saild to Crown Point, that 
Night. Where we Landed, & the Soldiers went into y e old 
Barracks, the Officers got into the tavern. 

th this morning we rise by times, went viewed the old fort, 

that was Burnt Down I think it was the Grandest fort that 
ever was built in America, we put our bagg?. e on board the 
Battoes y e men in high Spirits & are afraid Quebec will be 
taken before we get there, we now Pursue our Voyage for 
S*. Johns, we arrive att Split Rock 1 the wind being so Strong 
against us & the Sea. Rough that we are Obliged to go on 
shore, & tarry that Night. 

th Sunday. — the Wind Still Continues Contrary, & look's 

Promissing for a Storm. We order'd the men to Clear a 
Spot of Ground as it was a Wilderness, So that the Rev. M r .. 
Barnum 2 could Preach a Sermon to us. he Preached from 
Proverbs, Chap! 18.— & Vers. 10. — the Wind Still Con- 
tinues Contray & we are Obliged to tarry here this Night. 

th this morning cold, & Snows fast the Wind Contrary, we Still 

tarry, one of our men. brought me 2 Partridges, which I Stew'd 
& had a fine Dinner, the Storm Still Increases, I have got 
good Beer & Brandy, So that we faired very well, though 
our, Situation was bad. Nothing remarkable to Day 

1 Split Rock is about thirty miles north of Crown Point on Lake Champlain. 

2 The Rev. Caleb Barnum was the seventh minister of the First Congrega- 
tional Church at Taunton, Massachusetts, where he was installed 2 February, 
1769. (See Emery's Ministry of Taunton, ii. 1, for a sketch and portrait of 
him.) He graduated from the College of New Jersey in 1757, and re- 
ceived the honorary degree of A.M. from Harvard in 1768. He was Chaplain 
of Col. Greaton's Regiment, and through the fatigue and exposure of this 
expedition he contracted a disease from which he died at Pittsfield, Massachu- 
setts, 23 August, 1776, in the fortieth year of his age. 


7 h this morning Clear & Calm, Snow ankle, High. Set out 

very early on our passage this Day we rowed, 60 miles to 
the Isle of Mott, 1 y e men Still in good Spirits we were 
troubled to Keep the men from rowing beyond their Strength. 
the land very good on each side y e lake as we past it, we 
tarried that Night on the Isle of Mott. 

<* this morning Cloudy the Wind fair, & a fine Gale, we had 

good Sails to the Battoes & they Saild very fast we arrived 
at S* Johns, 2 12 o'Clock, there made a Short Stop & took 
in Pilots to go to ^hambly, 3 we went about 6 miles from 
S* Johns, there all the men got out of the Battoes except 6 
men in each Boat to Go Down the Rapid. I went Down in 
one of the Battoes as being use to handling an oar the 
Rapid exceeding Swift, we arrived att Shambly 4 o Clock & 
there the Rain Came on very fast hindered our Proceeding 
that Night w T e tarry here this Night, Col. Greaton &, myself, 
with Ml Barnum tarried in a french House, the Soldiers went 
into Barraks. 

th This morning I began to think of Some bad conduct. Some- 

where, we Set early for Sorell, fair Wind & very Pleaseant 
river. Setled thick on both sides, had not saild far before 
we saw the women Standing in the water, up to their knees, 
washing, which I thought very odd, but it was y e Custom 
among the People though the weather was very cold for the 
Season, the men Still in good Spirits, & many wagers laid 
Betwen Officers, we should arrive to Quebec Before Saturday 
Night, that Day Met a number of Yorkers from Quebec, 
they said, their times were out Which Still caus'd me to 
Suspect that matters were conducted bad at Quebec, we 
arriv'd att Sorell about Sun Down. & as we came to the 
Shore, we receiv'd the news of our People's Defeat att. 
Quebec. & their retreat towards us. which gave us a great 
Shock Indeed, & orders not to proceed any farther. As our 
Reg 1 Sat out from Albany 1 Day Before the rest, & our men 
being so Resolute to get forward that they gaind one Day 
of the rest of y e Regiments extrodiay att. 12 o Clock that 

1 Isle La Motte, in Lake Champlain. 

2 St. John's is on the west bank of the Richelieu or Sorel River, Canada. 
8 Chambly, Canada. 


Night we heard 2 Swiffles fire, which Alarm'd us, but we 
soon found that it was the Return of Cap*. Stevens * from 
the 3 Rivers. Cap!. Stevens with his Company of Artillery 
went from Cambridge with 2, — 13 inch Mortars, & went 
as far into Canada as 3* Rivers, & their Received orders to 
go back to Sorell. 

th A Battoe Arrived this morning, which Confirms the news 


-' of the Retreat, we hear that Gen! Thomas is bringing up 

the Rear of the Army, & here we be in this Situation, & 
have Strict orders not to go Forward. 

th Battoe comes in, the men bring news that the Army want 

— boats to Retreat with y e Sick, we Immediately sent 10 Boats 

which was all y e boats we had then went 50 men under y e 
Command of Cap. Bent in those boats they went about 30 
miles below 3 th Rivers, then they put themselves into 2 
Battoes, & Delivered the rest to the sick, as they were 
afraid of y e small-Pox. 

u t h T# the battoes Still Keep coming in Load'd with men Sick of 

the Small Pox. Such a Sunday I never saw, for to see the 
french Attend at mass, & very Strict in their Religion, all 
which seem'd to be Superstitious to us 

Jg Gen). Thomas not arrived we cant learn, whether he Deter- 

mines to come to Sorell or Fortify Point d.Shambo. 2 40 
miles this Side of Quebec. 

£ Gen!. Thomson with Gen!. Arnold arrive here from Montreal. 


Nothing extreme to Day. 
H? 2 Vessels come from Montreal loaded with Provisions & 


Artillery Stores. 

JJ We hear this Day that Gen!. Thos. will soon arrive. 

$ Order's to day from Gen!. Arnold for y e Surgeon to Innocu- 

late y e men, to my Great Surprize. 

1 Ebenezer Stevens, of the New York Artillery, was commissioned Captain 
of Artillery 6 December, 1775, and later became Major and Lieutenant-Colonel 
(Saffell's Records of the Revolutionary War, 1894, third edition, p. 155). 

2 Deschambault, about forty miles from Quebec. 


J5 this morning Cloudy, & very Cold for y c Season Our Pro- 

vision is very Short, brought to half an allowance. 

5|j Gen 1 . Thomas arrives, Steady & Calm he tells me he was 

Sorry that he had been so Deceiv'd in the Situation of our 
Army he likewise Informs me that they had a Council of 
War. Before Quebl — & the Result was to Retreat to Point. 
d.Shambo, for they had not 1000 Effective men att. Qiiebl 
their Camps being att Such a Distance from each Other, 
that it was Impossible to Collect any Number of men 

*Jj We have this Day orders to go to Montreal to have the 

Small pox, but as Soon as we Had Orders to have the Small 
pox the Officers & men were so eager to get it, that many 
of them would not wait till we got to Montreal, but Stole 
the Infection, & Innoculated each other. 
we set off this afternoon for Montreal in Battoes, & Saild 
15 miles. 

th Clear & very cold for the Season we set off early for Mon- 

treal. y e wind a Head. Something of a Current, this is 
y e River S! Laurence From Sorell to Montreal which is 
very Pleaseant Setled thick on both Sides, y e women are a 
Washing in this river like the Other we pass Several very 
fine mass, — Houses, we go now Some on the land the rest 
are in the Battoes, we meet two of the Cont!. Congress which 
Inform us of very bad news, that there was a Small Fort 
call'd the Cedars about 30 miles Above Montrl. they tell us 
it is taken by the Enemy, & all the men, & that Major 
Shearbon 1 went out with a party & they were all tak'n they 
likewise said that it was talked of at Montreal that Day at 
12 o Clock, that y e Inhabitants Intended to take arms that 
Night & Conquer our People they advise us to march Into 
town that Night as we were 15 miles off at Sun Down, the 
men are very much Fatigued, but As the case was Repre- 

1 Henry Sherburn, of Rhode Island, was commissioned a Major in General 
Paterson's Regiment (15th Continental Infantry) 1 January, 1776, taken pris- 
oner at The Cedars, 20 May, made Major of the 1st Rhode Island Regiment 
1 January, 1777, and Colonel of one of the additional Continental Regiments 
12 January, 1777 (Ileitman; Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, i. 208; 
T. Egleston, Life of John Paterson, 1898, p. 87.) 


sented to us In such a bad Situation, we exerted ourselves 
& went in, we arrived about 9, o'Clock at Night, very Dry 
& Cold for the season, the ground hard, which lamed some 
of y e men Montreal was a much bigger City than I had any 
Idea of. we Remain'd in Montreal 2 Days, with very few 
men, and as the. Enemy had taken Maj r . Shearbon with his 
party, & got the fort att the Cedars, we expected, an Attack 
every Hour. 

th A party of men arrive from Sorell Intending to go & retake 

the fort at. the Cedars. 


% th the party Set off this Morning, under the Command of CoP. 

D. Haas, 1 & U CoP Williams, they being 600, in N° Went 
as far as Lasheene, 2 6 miles from Montreal, there they tarry 
that Nigt 

th this morning set of with the addition of 300, more, under 

the command of Gen!. Arnold to go to the Cedars, they 
Came up to the enemy About Sun Sett the enemy on one 
Side of the River & they y e Other, with our Prisoners th* 
they took, in y e evening they sent a flagg over to the Gen. 1 
with proposals of exchanging Prisoners, as we took a Num- 
ber of Prisoners att S!. Johns, the Enemy likewise told 
them that if they Pursued their measures, they would De- 
stroy every one of our men that they had Prisoners att y e 
Cedars The Gen!. Would not comply with it. the enemy sent 
another flagg at 12 o'Clock y e Same Night, & Still said that 
they Would Destroy our Prisoners if we pursu'd them, then 
Genj. Arnold setled the Cartel with them to exchange Pris- 
oners & leave 4 Capt 8 . with them, as Hostiges but they soon 
Broke the Cartel in firing upon our men. the same Cartel 
was afterwards Carried to Congress but they Comply'd not 
with it. because the enemy fired upon our men after y e Car- 
tel was made, & broke it. but the Cartel was Astonishing 

1 John Philip De Haas of Pennsylvania had been appointed Colonel of the 
First Battalion of Pennsylvania Regulars 22 January, 1776, and the following 
year was made a Brigadier-General of the Continental Army. He retired to 
Philadelphia in 1779 and rendered no subsequent service. He died 3 June, 
1786 (Heitman; Force's American Archives, Fourth Series, iv. 785, Fifth 
Series, ii. 615). 

2 Lachine. 


to me, & had I have had an own Brother there, I should 
have been for Pursuing them, & taking them it was in the 
Gen 1 . 8 Power to have taken them, & I Dont think that they 
Durst to have killed a Prisoner all to besaid of it is the for- 
tune of War. 


Clear & Pleaseant but very Cold for y e season. Nothing 
Remarkable to Day. 

25 Our Regiment are Still in Montreal In a very Poor Situa- 

tion, our Officers & men are Breaking out with the Small 
Pox, & no other troops in the City but ours, & expecting 
every Night to be Attack'd I went the rounds almost every 
Night for a week, 6 to. 1. of our Number is in y e City almost 
all against us & very Malicious but we Keep good Guard, & 
are Determin'd that if they Do rise, we will give them Good 

t* Nothing extraord^ to Day. 

§jj Gen!. Arnold arrives from the Cedars brings news that there 

is a Cartel Consented to. by both Parties, & have exchang'd 

th this Morning Clear & Pleaseant, a Number of our Troops 

Return from the Cedars, we have this Day Orders to Go to 
St. Johns, to have, & Recruit of the small pox. Col? Greaton 
Marches this Day with part of the Reg*, for S*. Johns. y e 
reason of the Whole Reg 1 . 8 not going to day is for want of 
Battoes. the Gen! sends to me to Night about 11 o'Clock 
that he had had Information by friends that the Inhabitants 
Intended to take us that Night, likewise said to me. to do 
the best I could. I accordingly went & awoke all the Sol- 
diers, & made them Dress themselves & Load their Guns 
Lying on their arms to be ready Instantly. I told them 
further if they Did take us, it should not be for Nothing I 
then went the rounds, & to the Guards Doubled the Ccnti- 
nels, giving them orders to fire upon any Person that Did 
not give a good account of himself. 

th This morning Clear & Pleaseant but Cold, & Dry for the 

season. Col? Stark with Col? Read Arrive here from S*. 
Johns with part of their Regiments the Gen!. Orders that the 


Remainder of Col. Greatons Reg*, go Immediately to S*. 
Johns, & that I must tarry for he could not spare me, I send 
the Reg*, off as soon as I can, an express arrive from Shambly 
to Montreal, & Informs us that Gen!. Thomas Died last 

th The Gen! orders me this morning to go to Shambly, as soon 

"~" as I got to Shambly I met Gen 1 . Sullivan, 1 to my great Joy, 

& as I talked with the Gen 1 , he gave me orders not, to go to 
S*. Johns, to tarry, only to get Col Greaton, with the rest of 
the officers, that were fit for Duty, & push for Sorell as 
Quick as Possible. 

th Our Reg* is now at the worst with y e S. Pox, No more well 

than enough, to tend y e Sick. Col Greaton with my self 
went only with each of us a waiter, we set off for Sorell, go 
to Shambly & overtake Col . Stark, 2 with part of his Reg*. 
we are in Company together on the way to Sorell we lodge 
this Night, about 10 miles below Shambly. 

J t U h e Fair this morning Clear & Pleaseant fair wind, & we set sail 

for Sorell — Arrive at Sorell 3, o' Clock, Just as we arrive, 
Gen 1 . Thomson 3 was in readiness to march, to the 3 Rivers 
with 700 men to meet the enemy, also he was to Join 700 
men more att S!. Fransway's, 4 & Proceed to the 3 Rivers, 
which is about 90 miles this side of Quebec, as they said, 
there was 4. or 500. of Regulars which had there been no 
more our Troops would have taken them with ease. But 
our troops were mislead by a Pilot after they landed, & 
went from their Battoes which much Disappointed them, for 
as they Intended to have took the enemy under Surprise, in 
the Night, they were keep marching in a Swamp till after 
Sun-rise, all very unlucky for us, for y e Night before there 

1 Gen. John Sullivan of New Hampshire, then a Brigadier- General in the 
Continental Army. 

2 Gen. John Stark of New Hampshire was at this time Colonel of the 5th 
Continental Infantry. 

8 William Thompson had been Colonel of the Pennsylvania Rifle Regiment, 
and was made Brigadier-General of the Continental Infantry 1 March, 1776. 
He was taken prisoner 8 June, 1776, and exchanged 25 October, 1780. He died 
3 September, 1781 (Heitman). 

4 The reference is probably to St. Francois. 



came 6, or 8 Vessels up as far as, 3, Rivers, and the Instant 
our People came in Sight, they landed their men from the 
Shipping, which made their Numbers, vastly Superior to ours, 
there was a Shot or two on each Side, & our People Re- 
treated, but the Retreat, was so bad, their, being under Such 
bad Circumstances, that the enemy took Gen! Thomson, 
with about 120 more. 

* This morning fair and Clear, Nothing Remarkable to Day. 

3d. Cold & Dry nothing Remarkable to Day. 

th Clear & Pleaseant, we hear that the Soldiers will be in to 

morrow from 3 Rivrs 

^ the Battoes arrive that went for 3 Rivers the Soldiers march 

by land, N. remark! 6 

g b they arrive about 6 miles from Sorell. Where we send the 

Battoes after them brine: them to sorell. 


this morning clear & Pleasent, we begin to fortify with a 
great Deal of expedition. 

this Day 500 men are ordered upon Fatigue, with the Great- 
est expedition. 

500 men this Day Fortifying at Sorell 
5*5 Still go on fortifying. 

g We have this Day news the enemy are a going to Montreal 

by us & not attack us, the Gen! this Night calls a Council 
of war of all the field Officers there is upon y e Ground, the 
Chief of the Counsil were for Retreating, I among the 
Small Number for Staying. 

& this morning left the Works att Sorell, & Retreated to 


Shambly. Bringing all Stores, & left nothing. 

tf> We move our Stores from Shambly to S'. Johns, as fast as 

Possible, the Rapids exceeding bad to get the Battoes over, 
.& caus'd much work with Difficulty to do it. 


*5 Reported that the Enemy are very nigh us, the Gen!, sends 

me this morning to a Place called Centras, half way, Be- 
tween Shambly, & S!. Johns, with Strict orders that no 
Officer or man should pass, till all the Artillery Store & 
Baggage were got forward 

*J this morning the Rear march from Shambly with all their 

baggage, to Centras. from there I Bring the rear to S* 

t|j this Day we send our Sick & Artillery Stores To the Isle of 


th We have this morning a Council of war the Council Deter- 

17 & 

mines to Retreat to the Isle of Noix 1 with all Stores, & 
from thence to Crown Point as Quick as possible, we tarry 
to the Isle of Noix till we can get our Sick to Crown Point, 
& our Artillery Stores to the Isle of Mott. 

$J our Boats are not Returned from C. Point 

**} Boats not Returnd yet. 

$j Some Part of our boats Return, for more Stores. 

*J Our Boats Do not arrive. 

*£ this Morning Clear & Pleaseant, about 3, o'Clock there set 

off. 7. Officers 4 Privates to go about half a mild across the 
lake to get some Beer, they went without arms, & entered the 
House Close to the lake, but there was Indians, lay In 
Ambush, & rose upon them, Killed 4 & Scalped them they 
also took the rest, the Gen!. Sent a Party over as Quick as 
Possible, but the Indians were gone our People Brought over 
back again, the Dead men that were Scalped 2 officers, & 
2 Privates. Such a Sight I never beheld with my eyes as to 
see men Scalped. 

|* this Day it is Reported that there was 2 boats coming from 

the Isle of Mott to the Isle of Noix, they went on shore 
about 9 miles from the Isle of Noix after Some Necessaries, 

1 Isle Aux Noix, in the Sorel. 


the Indians came upon them out of the -woods, killed & 
took, about one half of them, the rest got. Into a boat & 
pushed for the Isle of Mott the other Boat Floated alone, 
& came Down to the Isle of Noix, with one Dead man in it. 

tii the talk this morning is that we shall not get off. to Day. 

our boats are not come, & the enemy on both sides of us. 

th We Still Remain, & the Boats do not Return. 


th We remain under the same Circumstances. 


th Our Boats appear in sight, & come, we Load our baggage & 

their is not boats Enough to take us all in. 12 Hundred of 
us, are Obliged to march by land. We set off. att 12, 
o'Clock, under the Commd. of Col" Wayn, 1 Col° Greaton in 
front Maj* Morgan in the Center, Col . Porter & myself, 
brought up the Rear, We all expect, that the enemy have 
laid in wait for us, we have 1200 the best of Troops, & are 
Determined if we meet with them, to cut them off. Root, & 
Branch, we crost the river in Battoes & marched about 5 
miles then we come to where the men was killed a Day or 
two before, we there burn, 2 Dwelling Houses, 1 Saw mill, & 
one Grist Mill. Which belonged to a torey, where the men 
were Killed, & Scalpt, as I wish every torey's house was 
burn'd upon y e Continent he being gone off to the enemy we 
could not catch him, we had orders to take y e Cattle with us, 
my bringing up the Rear Guard, we Drove the Cattle on 
side of the lake, I went in among the Cattle with a Hatchet 
& Knocked Down 10 of them, & Stuck them, in less than 
10, Minutes the men hove them into the Battoes. — 2 Cows, 
& calves, I put on board alive. We then Pursued our 
march, with our front flank, & Rear Guards, about 6 miles 
farther, worse travilling men never travailled, it rains ex- 
ceeding hard, & Night comes on, which makes it very Dark, 
we are Alarm'd about 11, o'Clock att Night, but soon find it 
is only some of our flank guard, that had got lost, in the 

J| We rise very early this morning, & go Down to our Battoes. 

Dress the Beef that we had Killed y e Day before — Cooked 

1 (ion. Anthony Wayne, at this time Colonel of the 4th Pennsylvania 



some of it, & eat. it is the first fresh beef that we have eat 
this 2. Months Our Boats arrives from the Isle of Mott to 
us about 11, o Clock, then we went into y e Battoes & set off 
for Point, aufare, about 8 miles from the Isle of mott, we 
came to Point Aufare, burned a large torey House took in 
a number of our troops, & went to the Isle of mott. 

29. We load all our Battoes, with Artillery Stores & Provisions, 

sett out about 3, o Clock with 100 battoes, in 4 Divisions, 
went about 12 miles that afternoon we past the vessels that 
had the Artillery Stores Provisions &c. before Night. 

gjj We set off again early this morning for Crownt-Point, & 

go abot 20 miles where there is a number of families lives. 
Friends to us we there tarry for the Vessels to come up. but 
they Do not heave in Sight, orders, from the Gen! Just be- 
fore Night, for me with Col M c Field to take 500, men. go 
Down & bring up the Vessels, we go Down in the Night, & 
Come up with one of them, but it was very Dark, & she had 
like to fired upon us thinking it was her enemy. We went 
on Shore upon one of the Islands & tarry all Night. 


*Jj Gen! Sullivan with the army set off for Crown Point from 

Gilliland's Creeck. we tarried with the Vessels, & came that 
Night up to Split Rock where there were a Number of the 
Inhabitants. Durst not tarry for fear of Indians, & came 
with us to C. Point, we make a tarry here this Night below 
Split rock 

2d. this morning we rise by times, & put 70 Head of Cattle on 

board of the battoes & Vessels, we then set out for Crown. 
Point being a Calm we have to toe the Vessels which makes 
it late before we get to Crown Point. I have now arrived 
att Crown Point, there never was a grander Retreat made, 
than what we made from Sorell, to Crown Point, all the way, 
for I brought up the rear myself all the way, & know very 
well, therefore you may hear what Stories you will it is the 
truth what I tell you. 

but Canada has been a very unfortunate Place for Generals. 
Gen* Thomas Died with the small Pox, Gen! Thomson Taken 
Prisoner, Gen! Sullivan has Resign'd & Gone from us, which 
I am very sorry for. Our troops are now Chiefly at Ticon- 


deroga, fortifying that, & on an Hill Close by. A very Good 
Place, some part of our Troops are att Crown Point we have 
4. arm'd Vessels upon the lake, we have 4 Gundeloes built, 
& 4 more building for which I think we shall Command the 
lake without any Difficulty, each Gundelow, Carries 4 Guns, 
our Army Is now about 4000. Strong our Sick are moved to 
fort George. I understand there is a large Numbr. of troops 
a Coming, but I am Sorry there is any troops a Coming before 
our times are out. that they might take our Places. I shall 
send you the Remainder of the Journal as soon as I have 
opportunity, the Particulars, concerning the retreat from 
Quebec, to Sorell, I will send you in the next Journal, so 
that you may know it is not so bad as you have heard 

ojtofe^ c^ 


The Hon. Marcus Perrin Knowlton, LL.D., of Spring- 
field and Mr. James Atkins Noyes of Cambridge were 
elected Resident Members, and Benjamin Franklin Stev- 
ens, L.H.D., of London, England, a Corresponding Member. 

In the absence of Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis, Mr. 
Edes communicated a Memoir of Robert Noxon Toppan, 
which Mr. Davis had been requested to prepare for publica- 
tion in the Transactions. 

'o-yso-i^ c/d/^yc 







At the third Stated Meeting of this Society, in March, 1893, 
Robert Noxon Toppan was elected a Resident Member. He had 
at that time already laid the foundation for the reputation which 
he afterward acquired for thorough and scholarly historical work, 
so that he was welcomed to our fellowship as a desirable addi- 
tion. During the period of his membership his fame as an inves- 
tigator and as a careful and diligent student of historical facts 
steadily grew, and to this was finally added full recognition as a dis- 
criminating and conscientious editor through the publication, in 
1898 and 1899, by the Prince Society, of his Edward Randolph. His 
contribution to our proceedings of two brief but learned papers, — 
The Right to Coin under the Colonial Charters, read at the Feb- 
ruary Meeting in 1894, and The Failure to Establish an Hereditary 
Political Aristocracy in the Colonies, communicated in March, 
1897 — aided materially in establishing his name as an historical 
student. With the growth of knowledge of his capacity on our 
part, came the desire that the Society should profit by it, not only 
through communications at our meetings, but also through service 
in the body of officers to whom is intrusted the management of 
our affairs. Conservative in temperament, prudent, cautious and 
conscientious in all his actions, he was eminently fitted to act as 
an adviser in such a body, and the selection of his name as a 
candidate for member of our Council was endorsed by the Society 


with cordial recognition of the fitness of the nomination. His 
unexpected death on the tenth of May, 1901, came as a shock 
to the community. Those who knew him best and who were 
most familiar with the work which he had performed, best know 
what we had a right to expect from him in the future, and can 
best appreciate our loss. 

Mr. Toppan was born in Philadelphia on the seventeenth of 
October, 1836. It seems almost a pity that one can not substitute 
Newburyport for Philadelphia, and thus be able to say that he was 
the sixth Toppan in the direct line of male descent from Abraham 
Toppan to be born in Newbury or Newburyport. Charles Toppan, 
his father, who was born there in 1796, had not, however, the 
same mental characteristics as his four predecessors of the name of 
Toppan. He was gifted with a natural capacity for sketching and 
was fond of art and of travel. Life in Newburyport under these 
circumstances was not congenial to his disposition and he moved to 
Philadelphia, where, at the early age of eighteen years, he formed 
a connection with a firm of bank-note engravers, thus laying the 
foundation for a prosperous career which culminated in his being 
selected as President of the American Bank Note Company in 
1858, at which time the more prominent of the bank-note en- 
gravers of the country consolidated their forces by the organization 
of this company. 

In 1826, Charles Toppan married Laura Ann Noxon, a daughter 
of Doctor Robert Noxon of Poughkeepsie, New York, after whom 
their son Robert Noxon Toppan was named. In 1852, the family 
went abroad and remained until 1854. They then moved to New 
York, where they established a home which they occupied until 
Mr. Charles Toppan resigned the presidency of the American 
Bank Note Company in 1860, and again went abroad, where he 
remained until his death, at Florence, Italy, in 1874. 

Robert's early education was begun in private schools in Phila- 
delphia. When he reached the point of preparing for college, he 
studied under a private tutor with a view to entering Yale Col- 
lege. His course of study was, however, interrupted by his join- 
ing the family in their migration to Europe in 1852. During this 
trip he was for a brief space of time at a boarding school in Paris. 
On his return to this country, in 1854, Robert renewed his studies 
under a tutor, but this time with a view to entering Harvard Col- 


lege, which he accomplished in 1855, gaining admission to the 
Sophomore Class. In 1858, he graduated with rank high enough 
to secure his election to the <l>. B. K., and then joined his family in 
New York. It was his desire at that time to follow in the foot- 
steps of his father. Whether the next move that he made was in 
the line of that desire, or indicates an abandonment of the purpose, 
it is difficult to say, but as a matter of fact, instead of entering the 
service of the American Bank Note Company, he enrolled himself 
at the Columbia Law School and simultaneously entered a down- 
town law office as a student. This Law School was then in its 
infancy and the methods of instruction permitted — perhaps it may 
be said that for a time they encouraged — this course. Robert was 
not alone in it; many of his fellow students did the same. He 
took his LL.B. from Columbia College in May, 1861, and on the 
fourth of June of the same year was admitted to the New York 
Bar. It can hardly be said that he ever entered upon active 
practice in New York, but for a short time he had a desk in the 
office of his relative Mr. Samuel B. Ruggles. 

In 1862, Mr. Toppan published a translation of certain selec- 
tions from Jouffroy's Melanges Philosophiques and Cours de 
Droit Naturel under the title of Moral Philosophy: Extracts from 
Jouffroy. These extracts taken together, says the translator 
in his Preface, — 

" form a complete whole. The first lays down the problem of human 
destiny, and shows that the problem can only be solved philosophically 
by a study of the facts of human nature. The second gives a descrip- 
tion of the moral facts of human nature. The moral facts of human 
nature being ascertained, the third gives us the moral law that we ought 
to obey, in order to accomplish as fully as possible our destiny in this 

Jouffroy was a pupil of Cousin and it is said that being uncertain 
about the enigma of our destiny, yet detesting incredulity, he was 
" resolute to solve the question by the light of reason, since he had 
lost that of faith." The moral problem which is laid down in 
these extracts is given by the translator as follows : — 

"What I ought to do, is to go toward my end; what every intelligent 
and free being ought to do is to proceed toward his end ; in advancing 
toward it this intelligent and free being and myself not only do what we 


ought to do, go toward our good, but we contribute also to the realiza- 
tion of absolute good, which appears to be made up of the accomplish- 
ment of all the particular ends of all the beings composing the 

" This, gentlemen, is my solution of the moral problem. I said, that 
not only is this solution manifest, but that a method results from it to 
determine for all beings known to us in what good consists, and conse- 
quently what we ought to do ; and therefore the rule of our conduct in 
all possible cases." 

It happens that the copy of Moral Philosophy : Extracts from 
Jouffroy on the shelves of the Library of Harvard University is 
the one which was presented by the translator to Dr. James 
Walker. The generation of Harvard students which came under 
the influence of that remarkable teacher is now passing away, but 
the tradition of his great personal ascendancy and of the sway that 
he exerted over the lives of his pupils is still fresh. It is perhaps 
too much to assert that this recent graduate, in thus sending to his 
former preceptor these extracts from Jouffroy, desired to show him 
that escape from personal contact had not released him from the 
beneficent influences exerted by his presence; but at least we 
can say that the rule of his life was to be found in the moral law 
laid down by Jouffroy, and that he always did his part toward 
contributing to the realization of absolute good. 

The same year that the translation from Jouffroy was pub- 
lished, Robert closed his desk in Mr. Ruggles's law office and 
joined the family in Europe. For many years he remained 
there, journeying from city to city, a spectator here of some great 
festival or pageant, a participant there in some great historical 
event. His mind was stored with reminiscences connected with 
current affairs in Eastern Europe, covering the gamut from coups 
d'etat in Paris, to the peaceful election of a Pope in Rome ; from 
the glittering and gorgeous display of the Empire in the days of 
its supreme power in the capital city of France, to the havoc 
and distress upon the battle-field of Sedan, where the Empire 
breathed its last, which he visited while yet the dead were un- 
buried and many of the wounded uncared for. He became, of 
course, a proficient linguist and when in Madrid was tendered the 
position of Secretary of Legation by the Hon. John P. Hale, then 
our Minister at the Spanish Court. This office seemed to him to 


open up a career for which his contact with the European world 
appeared eminently to have fitted him, and he gladly accepted it. 
An unfortunate attack of illness prevented him from entering 
upon his duties, however, and to his great disappointment, he 
was obliged to give up the place. If we bear in mind the in- 
fluence of his father's artistic temperament upon his tastes, and 
take into consideration the extraordinary opportunities which he 
had enjoyed for travel and for acquiring different languages, we 
can realize that a diplomatic career must have seemed tempting 
to him and can appreciate how great the blow which closed what 
seemed to offer an opening to enter upon such a career. 

During his entire stay in Europe, Mr. Toppan maintained close 
touch with his native land, through the necessity for frequent visits 
upon matters of business. He always had a fondness for Newbury- 
port, and when, a few years after the death of his father, he re- 
turned to this country, he made his headquarters at that place. 
On the sixth of October, 1880, he was married there to Sarah 
Moody Cushing, the daughter of the Hon. William Cushing of 
Newbury port. The marriage was followed by another trip to 
Europe, after which Mr. and Mrs. Toppan lived for about a year 
in Newburyport. In 1882, they moved to Cambridge, where he 
afterward built a house for his family, in which they now reside. 

Mr. Toppan's interest in Newburyport was, of course, based upon 
the fact that his ancestors had lived there. He was much con- 
cerned in the history of his own family and incidentally in the his- 
tory of the town. He was proud of the record of the town and 
welcomed the efforts of its people to keep alive a knowledge of 
their past. These efforts were at that time fairly represented by 
the work of the Historical Society of Old Newbury, an organiza- 
tion having a membership of representative men of the place, all 
of whom felt kindly towards the purposes of the organization, 
but none of whom had interest enough in the subject to enter 
actively upon the work of the Society, or to spur others on to 
do what he himself did not care to undertake. The spasm 
of energy which had led to the establishment of the Society was 
followed by a period of torpor after the enthusiasm of the found- 
ers had subsided. Mr. Toppan deliberately set himself to work to 
revive the interest of Newburyport people in historical work and to 
stimulate the Society into some sort of activity. Largely through 


his personal influence, a room for the use of the Society was 
secured in the Public Library building. He cast about for some 
means of interesting his fellow-members in active work, and it 
occurred to him that it would be a good idea to secure from each 
person whose family was entitled to a coat of arms, a shield upon 
which those arms should be emblazoned. The act of looking up 
the question would set each member of the Society at work and 
the shields, when obtained, could be used to decorate the hall in 
which they met. This ingenious idea was actually carried out and 
fully realized the hopes of its originator. 

Mr. Toppan's position in political affairs was one of sympathy 
with every movement which tended to elevate the morals of the 
country or to reform recognized evils existing in our form of gov- 
ernment. Being absolutely without political ambition, he held a 
position of indifference to partisan questions and ever stood ready 
to co-operate, with personal service or with purse, in the strife for 
determining, upon broad grounds of principle, the various political 
questions which arose during his period of manhood. He believed 
that political science was worthy of study and that the world 
would be benefited if educated men should turn their attention 
towards the solution of its problems. With the purpose of carry- 
ing out these views, he consulted with Professor Torrey and, in 
1880, forwarded to the Treasurer of Harvard College one hun- 
dred and fifty dollars, " to be used as a prize or prizes, to be 
awarded in 1881, on Political Science, in the graduate department 
of the University. " From year to year thereafter he repeated 
this gift, until 1894, when he deposited three thousand dollars with 
the Treasurer of the College, as a fund for the annual offer of a 
prize for essays on Political Science, and the Toppan Prize then 
became one of the annual prizes of the University. Owing to 
occasional lapses in the bestowal of the prize, the fund has increased 
to nearly thirty-five hundred dollars. This serves as a compensa- 
tion for the reduction of interest carried by the general fund and 
practically guarantees the accomplishment in the future of the 
wish of the founder, — that the amount offered annually for the 
Toppan Prize shall be one hundred and fifty dollars. 

Mr. Toppan's publications, if we exclude the translation of 
Jouffroy and a single paper on Bank Note Engraving, may be 
divided into two classes: those dealing with the subject of money, 


and those which treat of topics connected with our local history. 
All, however, are distinctly historical in character. In dealing 
with them it will perhaps be more in consonance with the 
methods employed herein to classify them under these headings 
than to describe them in chronological succession. In treating 
of money, we should naturally expect that one whose material 
interests were so closely associated with bank note engraving, 
would have selected for study that branch of the subject which 
deals with paper-money. Such, however, was not the case. Cir- 
cumstances turned his attention toward the questions of what 
would be the best metal for use in a uniform international coin- 
age and what would be the best unit for such a coinage. The 
various papers which he published on these questions were put forth 
while the struggle between gold and silver was in progress in this 
country, and his participation in this controversy furnishes illus- 
tration of what I have already said concerning his readiness to 
co-operate in the determination of political questions upon the 
basis of principle. His views upon the questions under discussion 
were clear and well defined and would, perhaps, through their own 
force have led him to take up his pen in their advocacy, but if he 
needed stimulation he found it in the sympathetic attitude of 
his friend and relative, Mr. Ruggles, in whose office he at one 
time had a desk, who was then Chairman of the Committee of 
the New York Chamber of Commerce on International Coinage, 
and who as a delegate had already advocated the twenty-five franc 
piece as a unit for such a coinage, at the International Statistical 
Congress at Berlin in 1863, and again at the Monetary Congress at 
Paris in 1867. Mr. Toppan's first publication on the subject of 
Money was in the form of a letter, in 1877, addressed to Mr. 
Ruggles as Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce Committee on 
International Coinage. It was published by the Chamber of Com- 
merce under the title of The Historical Succession of Monetary 
Metallic Standards. 

In 1878, Mr. Toppan was a delegate to the International Con- 
gress for the Unification of Weights and Measures and Money. 
We have no record of any communication from him to that body, 
but in December of that year he submitted to the American Social 
Science Association a communication in advocacy of the adoption 
of a unit previously proposed by himself for an International Coin- 


age. This paper was published in 1879, under the title of A Unit 
of Eight Grammes, proposed by Robert Noxon Toppan. He re- 
verted to the subject in April, 1880, when he read a paper before 
the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, which 
was published by that Society, under the title of Some Modern 
Monetary Questions viewed by the Light of Antiquity. 

In 1884, he took up the subject again and published a little book 
entitled Historical Summary of Metallic Money. In this he gives 
the names of the several authors upon whom he had relied for in- 
formation concerning both ancient and modern monetary systems. 
This volume may be said to be the most complete and the most 
ambitious of his several publications on Money. 

In 1888, he read a paper before the American Antiquarian 
Society at its April meeting in Boston, which was published in 
the Proceedings of that Society, and was also separately printed 
under the title of Monetary Unification. 

In all these papers he was the advocate of a single standard, 
which, in his opinion, could be only gold. He believed that there 
was a tendency towards unification, but that on account of national 
prejudices and jealousies no existing coin could be adopted as the 
International Unit. In the coinage of all nations which had made 
use of gold, he found some coin which approximated closely to our 
five-dollar piece. Inasmuch as it was not probable that either the 
sovereign, the twenty-five franc piece, the twenty-mark piece, or 
the five-dollar gold piece could be adopted, by reason of national 
jealousies, he proposed a compromise unit which should weigh eight 
even grammes and which should be nine-tenths fine. While this 
would not agree with any existing coin, it would closely approxi- 
mate one of the coins in use in each of the prominent monetary 
systems of the world, and its adoption would cause but little distur- 
bance to values, and would entirely eliminate the question of 
national prejudices. The discussion of the subject carried on 
in these various publications, indicates extensive research and 
scholarly attainments. I have already stated that all were histori- 
cal in their treatment of the subject. Without undertaking to 
go into detail upon this point, it will be sufficient to recall the 
titles of these papers to show the extent of the work of this nature 
necessarily performed in some of them, by the writer. 

Mr. Toppan's first contribution towards our local history was 


a set of biographical sketches of the natives and residents of Old 
Newbury, Massachusetts, prepared for the celebration of the two 
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the settlement of the town, in 
response to a resolution of the Historical Society of Old Newbury. 
He was restrained to brevity by the words of the resolution, and, 
in some cases, still further by the meagreness of the details which 
could be found concerning some of the characters ; but he suc- 
ceeded in getting together a series of sketches of great value as 
a contribution toward the local history of Newbury ; and they 
were creditable to the writer. They were published by the 
Society under the title of Brief Biographical Sketches. For 
some reason, the volume does not contain any sketch of the 
life of Edward Rawson, one of the early settlers of the town and 
one of the proprietors of 1642. Mr. Toppan left a manuscript 
sketch of the life of Rawson, which was read at a subsequent 
meeting of the Society. 

The two papers read by Mr. Toppan before this Society in 1894 
and 1897 have already been mentioned. Their titles sufficiently 
indicate the interesting character of their contents, and it only re- 
mains to say, that although both are brief, they are representative 
in the thorough and systematic character of the researches upon 
which they are based. 

During the years 1898 and 1899, the Prince Society issued the 
five volumes comprising the work entitled by the Society in its 
calendar, Edward Randolph, and more specifically described upon 
the title-pages in the volumes as "Edward Randolph : Including his 
Letters and Official Papers from the New England, Middle, and 
Southern Colonies in America, with other Documents relating 
chiefly to the vacating of the Royal Charter of the Colony of 
Massachusetts Ba} r , 1676-1703. With Historical Illustrations and 
a Memoir." The Memoir, which is comprised in the first volume 
and in the first half of the second, is the most extensive and most 
elaborate historical production from Mr. Toppan's pen. It is 
based largely upon the documents and letters contained in the 
volumes which succeed it, and is worthy of its place at the front 
of this work. Like the Randolph papers, it is profusely annotated 
with helpful cross-references, explanatory notes, and notes con- 
taining additional information. The whole work bears evidence 
of patient labor, diligent research, and scholarly knowledge of the 


subject. For several years, while engaged in preparing these 
papers for publication, Mr. Toppan was occupied in the study of 
the papers themselves and of the contemporary literature on both 
sides of the Atlantic which could throw light upon the subject, or 
upon the lives of the men mentioned in the papers. The student 
of these volumes has the benefit of this protracted study, the re- 
sult of which is one of the best edited series of papers to be found 
among the many which treat of the history of the Colony of the 
Massachusetts Bay. Mr. Toppan himself might well have been 
content to rest his reputation as an historical student and an editor 
upon this publication alone, and he had every reason to be proud 
of its reception by students of American history. 

Mr. Toppan rounded out his work in this line by communicating 
to the American Antiquarian Society in October, 1899, a copy of 
a fragment of the Records of the Andros Council, which is in 
Randolph's handwriting and is now in that Society's possession ; 
and by communicating to the following April meeting a copy of 
the official transcript of the Andros Records in the form in which 
they were transmitted to London. Both of these documents were 
published in the Society's Proceedings. He also communicated to 
the Massachusetts Historical Society, at its meeting in November, 
1899, a copy of the Records of the Council meetings under Presi- 
dent Joseph Dudley ; and these "were in turn published in the 
Proceedings of that Society. The importance of this work will 
be realized if it be remembered that the published Records of the 
Massachusetts Colony end in 1686. The Records of the Province 
have never been published, but the edition of the Province Laws, 
edited by our associate Mr. Abner C. Goodell, partially covers this 
defect. These laws do not begin, however, until 1692. In the 
progress of his work, Mr. Toppan's attention was called to this 
lamentable gap in our State publications, and in this easy manner 
he rendered a service of great importance to students of American 

There still remains one publication of Mr. Toppan which I have 
hitherto mentioned only casually. In 1896, he read before the 
Trustees of the American Bank Note Company, a paper which was 
published under the title of A Hundred Years of Bank Note En- 
graving. His scholarly methods of research were so much a part 
of his every effort, that even in this paper, which was not prepared 


for a learned Society, one can recognize their effect upon him. In 
it he touches briefly upon what was then known of the early banks 
of New England and afterward gives an account of the different 
bank note engravers of America and of the several inventions 
which have modified the process of engraving and printing. 

At the time of his death, Mr. Toppan was a member of the Nu- 
mismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, the American 
Historical Association, the American Antiquarian Society, the 
American Philosophical Society, the Colonial Society of Massa- 
chusetts, the Massachusetts Historical Society, the New England 
Historic Genealogical Society, the Bunker Hill Monument Asso- 
ciation, of which he was a Director, and the Prince Society, of 
which he was Corresponding Secretary. 

I have failed in what I have written, if my account of Mr. Top- 
pan's life and work does not bring before the reader the picture of 
one who was faithful in the performance of every trust which he 
assumed. Modest and unpretentious in his deportment, simple 
and manly in his ways, he trod the path of life with an ever 
enlarging circle of friends whose respect and esteem for him 
increased with their intimacy and their knowledge of his doings. 




A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
•^*~ Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 23 January, 1902, 
at three o'clock in the afternoon, the President, George 
Lyman Kittredge, LL.D., in the chair. 

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had 
been received from Mr. Justice Knowlton of Springfield and 
Mr. James Atkins Noyes of Cambridge accepting Resident 
Membership, and from Benjamin Franklin Stevens, L.H.D., 
of London, England, accepting Corresponding Membership. 

Mr. William C. Lane exhibited two large water-color 
views by D. Bell, one of Cambridge Common from Christ 
Church, the other of the College Buildings, Christ Church, 
and the First Church when it stood between the Dane Law 
School and Wads worth House. These pictures, which have 
recently been given to Harvard University, must have been 
drawn between 1805 and 1810. 1 

Mr. Lane also exhibited the original Journal of Captain 
Henry Hamilton, covering the period from 6 August, 1778, 
to 16 June, 1779, kept during an expedition from Detroit to 
Vincennes, and read extracts from it. Mr. Lane illustrated 
the progress of Hamilton's march by a valuable map of the 
Northwestern part of the United States drawn and engraved 
about 1787 by John Fitch, the inventor. The Journal has 
recently been given to the Library of Harvard University by 

1 See an article by Mr. Lane in the Harvard Graduates' Magazine for 
March, 1904, xii. 349-358. Photographic plates of Bell's views will be found 
facing pp. 341, 355. 


a collateral descendant of Captain Hamilton, residing in 
Ireland. 1 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis expressed the opinion 
that the Journal was of great value and hoped that it would 
be printed. 2 

Mr. Albert Matthews said that he had listened with 
interest to Mr. Lane's remarks about the charges of cruelty 
against Hamilton brought by the Americans, and observed : 

Similar charges against the British occur again and again in 
American documents of the day, and, usually accompanied by 
opprobrious epithets, have been repeated by American writers and 
historians. The evidence offered, however, is far from conclu- 
sive. 3 On the other hand, acts of barbarity unquestionably com- 
mitted by the Americans are unknown to many of our historians, 
or if known have generally been passed over without comment. 
Yet it is unfortunately only too true that cruel practices were 
indulged in by the Americans. 

For several generations before the outbreak of the Revolutionary 
War, the Legislatures of different Colonies had offered bounties 
for Indian scalps. Indeed, so common were these bounties that 
they popularly acquired the gruesome but eminently appropriate 
designation of "scalp-money." Whether the British authorities 
did or did not offer money rewards for American scalps, it is cer- 
tain that the Americans themselves did give bounties for Indian 
scalps during the Revolution. On 27 September, 1776, a Com- 
mittee recommended to the South Carolina Assembly the following 
rewards : 

For every Indian man killed, upon certificate thereupon given by the 
Commanding Officer, and the scalp produced as evidence thereof in 
Chaiiestown by the forces in the pay of the State, seventy-five pounds 

1 See Mr. Lane's remarks at the March meeting, pp. 331-336, below. 

2 It is to be printed by Harvard University. 

8 For a note on bounties for scalps, containing an interesting and judicial 
investigation into the charges against Hamilton, see the Narrative and Critical 
History of America, vi. 681-684. This note was written by our associate Mr. 
Andrew McF. Davis. 


currency ; For every Indian man prisoner one hundred pounds like 
money. 1 

I do not know whether these recommendations were acted upon 
in South Carolina, but it is certain that similar recommendations 
were made and carried out in Pennsylvania. President Joseph 
Reed was earnestly in favor of giving bounties for scalps, but 
feared that the plan might be deemed improper. In April, 1779, 
he sounded Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Lochry on the subject, 
who thus replied May first: 

You desire, sir, in your letter, if the Inhabitants on the Frontiers 
would desire a reward on Indian scalps. — I have consulted with a 
number on this head, who all seem of opinion that a reward for scalps 
would be of excellent use at this time, and would give spirit and 
alacrity to our young men, and make it their Interest to be constantly 
on the scout. 2 

In the succeeding July Reed wrote Colonel Daniel Brodhead as 
follows : 

We have sounded Congress & the General about giving a Reward for 
Scalps, but there is so evident a reluctance on the Subject, & an Appre- 
hension that it may be improved by our Enemies to a national Reproach, 
that at present we cannot venture to make any authoritative Offers ; but 
as we have great Confidence in your Judgment & Discretion, must leave 
it to you to act therein as they shall direct. 3 

These objections proved ineffectual and on 8 April, 1780, the 
Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania took action: 

1 Quoted by Mr. Davis (Ibid. vi. 682) from the American Archives, Fifth 
Series, iii. 32. Mr. Davis does not quote the extracts given in the text. 

2 Pennsylvania Archives, vii. 362. Compare with Lochry's statement the 
following extract from the Boston News-Letter of 22-29 April, 1729, No. 1109 : 

James Cochran the Youth that came into Brunswick Fort with the Two Scalps, 
came to Town on Monday last, and on Tuesday produced the said Scalps before the 
Honourable the Lieutenant Governor and Council, for which he Received a Reward of 
Two Hundred Pounds : And for a further Encouragement to Young Men & others to 
perform Bold & Hardy Actions in this Indian War, His Honour the Lieut. Governor 
has been pleased to make him a Serjeant in the Forces (p. 2/1). 

In some of the Colonies there was a regular scale of prices, — so much for 
a man's seal}-), so much for a woman's scalp, so much for a child's scalp. 

3 Pennsylvania Archives, vii. 569, 570. 


The Board took into consideration the state of the frontiers, and 
particularly the propriety of offering a reward for Prisoners & Scalps. 
Whereupon, it was agreed to authorize the Lieutenant of Northumber- 
land to offer fifteen hundred dollars for every white or Indian prisoner, 
if the former is acting with the latter, and for every Indian Scalp, one 
thousand dollars. 1 

On the eleventh of April a letter was written Colonel Peter 
Kachlein, Lieutenant of Northumberland County, authorizing him 
"to offer fifteen hundred dollars for every Indian or Tory Prisoner, 
and one thousand dollars for every Indian scalp ; " 3 and on the 
twenty-second of April it was — 

Ordered, That a reward of three thousand dollars for every Indian 
Prisoner or Tory acting in arms with them, and a reward of two thou- 
sand five hundred dollars for every Indian scalp, to be paid on an Order 
of the President or Vice President in Council, to be paid on certificate 
signed by the Lieutenant or any two Sub-Lieutenants of the county, in 
conjunction with any two freeholders, of the service performed, such 
reward to be in lieu of all other rewards or emoluments to be claimed 
from the State. 3 

These bounties were slow in bringing about the desired result, 
and in July Reed wrote Colonel Samuel Hunter: 

We are sorry to hear the Attempts which have been made to get 
Scalps & Prisoners have been so unsuccessful, & hope Perseverance 
will, in Time, produce better Effects — We cannot help thinking it the 
only effectual Mode to carry on an Indian War, and that a mere defen- 
sive System is not only attended with an enormous Expence, but to very 
little adequate Purpose. 4 

The ill success complained of by Reed did not long continue, 
and on September twenty-first Colonel Hunter was able to say : 

Our Volunteers has had some success in the Scalping way on the 28th 
ult. Lieu. Jacob Creamer, William Campbell and two the name of Grove, 
took two Scalps about one hundred and fifty miles from here on ye west 
branch of Susquahana as you will see by ye Certificate. 5 

1 Pennsylvania Colonial Records, xii. 311. 2 Ibid. xii. 312. 
8 Ibid. xii. 328. 4 Pennsylvania Archives, viii. 393. 

5 Ibid. viii. 568. Other rewards were claimed and paid in 1781 and 1782 : see 
Pennsylvania Colonial Records, xii. 632, xiii. 201. 


In addition to money rewards for scalps, barbarities perpetrated 
by the Americans — as, for instance, the making of "boot-legs" 
by the skinning of Indians — show a wanton cruelty unpleasant to 
contemplate. It is not to the credit of certain American historians 
that, while rhetorically dwelling on the unproved charges against 
the British, they have passed over in silence instances of acts of 
cruelty committed by American officers and soldiers, the authen- 
ticity of which rests on only too firm a basis — namely, the letters, 
diaries, and journals of the officers and soldiers themselves. 1 

Mr. Henry W. Cunningham exhibited some reproductions 
by the Pelham Club of Peter Pelham's portraits of Thomas 
Hollis, the Reverend Charles Brockwell, and the Reverend 
Timothy Cutler. 

A Table of Silver Rates from 1706 to 1750 was submitted 
by Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis, who said : 

This Table was found among the papers of the late Benjamin 
Marston Watson of Plymouth. The copy submitted is in every 
respect like the original and bears no heading to indicate its origin. 
Although the paper, the ink, and the chirography of the original 
indicate that it was clearly contemporaneous with the latest dates 
upon the document, it nevertheless bears within itself evidence 
that it was a copy. It will be observed that from the winter of 
1743 up to the fall of 1747, Silver, according to the rates given 
in the Table, steadily rose in price, with the exception that the 
quotation in the summer of 1746 shows the extraordinary advance 
of One Pound and Two Shillings an ounce, while the quotation in 
the fall of the same year shows a decline of Eighteen Shillings an 
ounce, thereby restoring the price to a position on the silver curve 
which we might plot from these figures, which would seem to be 
normal. Comparison with other tables confirms the evidence 
furnished by the Table itself, and enables us to say that without 
doubt whoever made out this Table put the rate per ounce for the 
summer of 1746 just One Pound too high. This is a mistake 

1 Many revolting details will be found scattered through the Journals of the 
Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan against the Six Nations of 
Indians in 1779, published by the State of New York. 




which could not readily occur in an original tabulation, but is a 
natural error for a copyist. 

Although we are left entirely to conjecture as to the purpose for 
which the original Table was compiled, still it may be regarded as 
a valuable contribution to the general subject upon which it bears, 
and is worthy of publication in our Transactions. 






£ s d 

£ a d 


0. 8.6 


1. 8.0 


0. 8.6 


1. 7.6 


0. 9.2 


1. 8.0 




1. 9.6 




1. 9.4 






















1. 1.0 




1. 4.0 




1. 5.0 


2. 0.0 


1. 7.0 


2. 2.0 


1. 6.6 




1. 7.0 


3. 0.0 


1. 8.0 








1. 8.6 




1. 8.0 




1. 9.0 




1. 9.0 



Mr. Davis also requested that another Table, to which his 
attention had been called by Mr. Henry H. Edes, might be 
inserted in our Transactions. Although it has been published, 
he said, in a work which insures its preservation and brings 




it within the reach of students who may chance to see it, still 
the place of publication is not one where economists would 
naturally look for quotations, and its insertion in our 
Transactions would be of great advantage to that class of 

The following is the Table. It is constructed from the 
Rates of Silver collated by the Reverend Henry W. Foote 
from the Ledger Records of King's Chapel, Boston. 1 


Approximate Price of 

Silver per Ounce, 
New England Money 

Exchange with 














Shillings and Pence 



28.6 to 29 


29.4 to 30 
32 to 33 

38 to 40 

Per Cent 


On behalf of the widow of Mr. Robert Noxon Toppan, 
Mr. Davis communicated the following sketch of Edward 
Rawson written by Mr. Toppan, among whose papers it was 


Whoever has occasion to examine the original documents called 
the Massachusetts Archives, preserved in the State House at 

i Annals of King's Chapel, i. 522, 523. 

2 Read before the Historical Society of Old Newbury, Newburyport, 27 Octo- 
ber, 1892. 

1902.] EDWARD RAWSON. 281 

Boston, must be surprised at the vast amount of clerical labor 
performed by Edward Rawson, who was Secretary of the Colony 
from 1650 to 1686. As his name appears in the list of the orig- 
inal proprietors of the town of Newbury, a slight sketch of his 
life, gathered from the sources at my command, will not be 

Edward Rawson was born in Gillingham, Dorsetshire, England, 
16 April, 1615,' of a highly respectable family, belonging to what 
has been called the upper middle class of society, — a class to 
which belonged very many of the early colonists of New England. 
His mother was a sister of the Reverend John Wilson, the first 
minister of the First Church in Boston, and sister of Dr. Edmund 
Wilson, who made a most liberal gift to the infant colony of 
£1000 which was expended in purchasing artillery and ammuni- 
tion. The wife of the Reverend John Wilson was the daughter 
of Lady Mansfield. 1 

Before leaving England Rawson married Miss Rachel Perne, 
whose grandmother was a sister of the Right-Reverend Edmund 
Grindal, Archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of Queen Eliza- 
beth, and whose grandfather Hooker was the uncle of the Reverend 
Thomas Hooker, the well-known clergyman, who after remaining 
a short time in Cambridge founded the town of Hartford in Con- 
necticut. From his family connections Mr. Rawson could hardly 
help belonging to the reforming part of the Church of England, 
for even Archbishop Grindal leaned strongly to the Puritan ele- 
ment of the Established Church. Macaulay says of him, that the 
"archbishop hesitated long before accepting a mitre from his dis- 
like of what he regarded as the mummery of consecration." For 
this ancestor Mr. Rawson named, presumably, the youngest of his 
twelve children, — Grindal. What induced Rawson to establish 
himself in Newbury instead of Boston, where his uncle was the 
prominent minister, is not known, but Mr. Ellery B. Crane, the 
compiler of the Rawson Memorial, thinks it very probable that 
some of the planters here knew Rawson personally in England. 
This is very likely, for he was immediately raised to a public 
trust, which would hardly have been the case had he been a total 

The first mention of Rawson in the Newbury records, according 

1 A. Young, Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 326 note. 


to Mr. William Little, is on 21 February, 1637, Old Style. I 
quote from Mr. Little's letter: "The first mention of land granted 
to Mr. Rawson that I find is of date 24 February, 1637, Old Style, 
and I think this is the first mention of him in the records of the 
town. I think the next month he was chosen with Mr. John 
Woodbridge to prepare some by-laws for the town." During 
March, 1638, Rawson was made a freeman of the Colony, but the 
Colony Records do not state the day of the month. On the 
second of May we find him, when only twenty-three years of age, 
a Deputy to the General Court. From that time forward until 
1650, with the exception of 1641 and 1643, he represented New- 
bury continuously, evidently to the satisfaction of his constituents. 
On the eighth of June, 1638, he was fined for being absent from 
his post, the records containing the following entry: 

These 4 gentlemen after named, M r John Humfrey, M r John Win- 
thrope, Iunior, M r Atherton Hoffe, & M r Edw d Rawson, were fined 
5 sh s a peece for their absence when the Court was called. 1 

On the fifteenth of June, as one of the Selectmen of Newbury, 
with Edward Woodman, John Woodbridge, William Moody, 
James Browne, John Knight and Abraham Toppan, he signed an 
order appointing four officers who were to see that sentinels 
properly armed were posted at the doors of the meeting house 
during service for protection. On the sixth of September he was 
appointed by the Court one of the commissioners to try small 
causes at Newbury. Under the same date he was chosen with 
Mr. Bradstreet and Mr. Winthrop, Junior, "to assist in setting 
out the places of the towne [Winnacunnet] & apportioning the 
severall quantity of land to each man." 2 At Rawson's request or 
suggestion the place was called Hampton. He was, under the 
same date, placed upon a committee to examine accounts of the 
Treasurer of the Colony and see that warrants for taxes were sent 

I shall not attempt to give a detailed account of the various 
offices of trust and the many committees and commissions on 
which he served during his long and busy life, but will select out 
of the notes I have taken from the printed records and the unpub- 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 230. 2 Ibid. i. 236, 239, 271. 

1902.] EDWARD RAWSON. 283 

lished archives those that will most interest us. On 19 November, 

1688, — 

It is ordered that Edward Rawson shall supply the place of Mr. 
Woodbridge and be the publick notary and register for the towne of 
Newbury and whilst he so remains, to be allowed by the towne after the 
rate of five pounds per annum for his paynes. 1 

On June sixth, 1639, he was put by the Deputies on the com- 
mittee to levy a tax of £1000 on the Colony, and subsequently 
he was repeatedly placed upon financial committees. In the same 
year Rawson made an attempt to manufacture gunpowder, which 
was an article of extreme importance to the planters. This was 
the first attempt made in the Colony. The Court granted him five 
hundred acres at Pecoit (Pequot) " so as hee go on wi th the busi- 
ness of powder, if the salt peter come. " 2 The effort was unsuccess- 
ful, but he was recompensed by the Court for his trouble and 
expenses, as we shall later see. 

In 1640 Rawson was made one of the assessors to estimate the 
value of the horses, mares, oxen, cows and hogs in Newbury, the 
Colony tax levy being that year £1200. 

In 1641 he was again appointed one of the commissioners to try 
small causes in Newbury. 

On 23 February, 1642, at a general town meeting he with others 
was selected to stint the commons " according to their best judg- 
ments and discretion." He was also placed on the committee to 
make arrangements for moving the inhabitants of Newbury from 
the lower green, which led to much trouble and contention. The 
trouble was not settled until 1646, when it was decided to set 
up the meeting-house upon "a knowle of upland by Abrahams 
Toppan's barne within a sixe or sixteen rodd of this side of the 
gate posts, that are sett up in the highway by the said Abraham 
Toppan's barne." 3 To this order Rawson objected, but it was 
carried by a majority vote. On May twentieth he was made one 
of the committee to put the country "in a posture of warre." On 
June fourteenth came the order of the General Court to all the 
towns to manufacture saltpetre. 4 

1 J. Coffin, History of Newbury, p. 28. 

2 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 263. 

3 Coffin, History of Newbury, pp. 36, 44. 

4 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 17. 


In 1644 we read that in consideration of Rawson's — 

keeping the towne book it is ordered by us according to our power 
from the towne and courte granted to us, that he shall be freed and 
exempted from all towne rates for one whole yeare from the twenty- 
ninth of September last to the twenty-ninth of September next 1644. 1 

The Colony Records for the same year, November thirteenth, 
contain this entry: "M Edward Rauson ha th hired to farme y e rent 
due for wine drawen in y e countre} T , for 107* 10 s for a yeare." 2 
This venture did not turn out well for him. 

On June eighteenth, 1645, he was appointed to the important 
position of Clerk of the Deputies, — a position he continued to fill, 
with the exception of one year, until he was promoted to the 
higher position of Secretary of the Colony. In 1648 there was 
apparently no clerk chosen and the records for that year are in the 
handwriting of William Torrey, who subsequently became Clerk. 

The entry for 18 June, 1645, is as follows: 

Edward Rawson is chosen & appointed cla r ke to the Howse of 
Depu ts for one whole yeere, to enter all votes past in both howses, & 
those also y* passe only by them, into their booke of reco r ds. 3 

On October eighteenth of the same year it was voted to pay 
him "twenty markes, for the se r vice he hath donne in keeping & 
transcribing the reco r ds of the Howse of Depu tB for the time past." 4 
A mark was worth thirteen shillings and four pence. 

As already stated, Rawson did not succeed in collecting as much 
revenue from wine as he had expected, so that in 1646 the Deputies 
voted that he should receive " one fourth part of what is due to 
y e countrey on that order in satisfaction to his charge and expense 
of time." 

On May sixth, 1646, he was one of the committee to lay out the 
bounds of Exeter. Under the same date he with Richard Dummer 
and Mr. Carleton were appointed a committee to "search & ex- 
amine things at Salsberry, & make returne of their thoughts 
thereabouts, (concerning y e petition of some of y m to be a distinct 
church)." 5 Later in the year, 4 November, the Court granted 

1 Coffin, History of Newbury, p. 40. 

2 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 87. 

8 Ibid. iii. 28. * Ibid. iii. 61. 6 Ibid. ii. 147, 148. 

1902.] EDWARD RAWSON. 285 

him a commission "to see people joyne in marriage in Newberry, 
during the pleasure of y e Courte." 1 It will be remembered that 
our ancestors did not allow a marriage service to be performed by 
a clergyman, considering matrimony a civil act only. 2 

As Rawson did not succeed in manufacturing gunpowder, there- 
fore, on 26 October, 1648, the — 

Co r te, haveing taken into their serious consid r tion [his] great forward- 
nes & readines ... to advance so hopefull a designe as the makeing 
of salt peter w th in this iuridiction, who for that end & purpose hath 
disbursed certein monyes, to his great losse & damage, 

granted him five hundred acres at Pequot and five pounds in 
money. The next year he relinquished the land, receiving instead 
thirty pounds, of which the five previously granted were a part. 3 

In 1649 "Mr. Edward Rawson, Mr. John Spencer and Mr. 
Woodman was chosen by the towne to joyne with those men of 
Ipswich and Rowley, that was appointed to bee a committee about 
Plum island." Newbury petitioned the General Court for the 
whole of the island, but the Court decided to grant two-fifths to 
Newbury, two-fifths to Ipswich and one-fifth to Rowley. 4 

We have now reached a point in Mr. Rawson 's career when, 
upon his elevation to the Secretaryship on 22 May, 1650, be began 
to be an important actor in the political affairs of the Colony. It 
was a dramatic period of the Colonial history of Massachusetts. 
The intrusion of the Quakers, the rise of the Baptists and the 
demands of the English government made his position an arduous 
one. In 1651 we find him as Secretary ordered, May twenty-third, 
to send a letter to Roger Williams, who had levied a tax upon 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 166. 

2 In 1646 it was ordered, " That no person whatsoever in this Jurisdiction, 
shall joyne any persons together in Marriage, but the Magistrate, or such other 
as the General Court, or Court of Assistants shall Authorize in such place, 
where no Magistrate is neer " (Colonial Laws of Massachusetts, Whitmore's 
edition, 1889, p. 172). Referring to Charlestown, Mr. Edes writes that the 
Rev. Charles Morton " was the first clergyman in this place to solemnize mar- 
riages, which previously to 1686 were performed only by civil magistrates " 
(Memorial History of Boston, ii. 315). This last fact was noted by Randolph 
in 1676 {Ibid. i. 196). 

3 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 261, 283, 284. 

4 Ibid. ii. 283; Coffin, History of Newbury, pp. 50, 51. 


certain individuals who claimed to be within the jurisdiction of 
Massachusetts. The letter declared to Williams that — 

if himself e, or the sergeant, or officer of Providence shall proceed to 
molest any of the aforesajd English vnder our jurisdiccon . . . this 
Courte intends to seeke sattisfaction for the same ... in such manner 
as God shall putt oppertunitjes into their hands. 1 

This same year, on October fourteenth, he was made Recorder of 
Suffolk County, retaining that position until 1670. Five books 
of recorded deeds and mortgages attest the activity of his pen. 
Previously, in the month of September, he had been chosen by the 
Commissioners of the United Colonies to be steward "for the re- 
ceiving and disposing of such goods and commodities as shall be 
sent hither by the Corporation in England for the Propogating the 
Gospel amongst the Indians in New England." 2 

In 1652, May twenty-sixth, he was placed on the committee to 
fix upon a suitable place for a mint in Boston. 3 The coining of 
money, which began this year, was considered, upon the restora- 
tion of Charles the Second in 1660, as a usurpation of sovereign 
rights, but at the time there was no protest that I can find made 
by the Parliamentary Government. On October nineteenth he 
was appointed one of the Guardians of Adam Winthrop, five years 
of age, the grandson of Governor John Winthrop. 4 

The next year there was some trouble with the Dutch Govern- 
ment at Manhattan, which led to considerable correspondence. 
We therefore read the following order, 2 June, 1653: 

The secretary and his man having for this months tjme and more binn 
very much implojed to write for our comissioners, both theire acts and 
transcribing the letters and artickles to the Dutch, &c, the Court doth 
judge it meete, and orders, that the secretary be sattisfied out of the 
next country rate, eight pence p page, as the lawe provides in another 
case. 6 

On June seventh, 1653, he was made a commissioner with others 
to receive the submission of the inhabitants of Wells, Saco and 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 46. 

2 See the Plymouth Colony Records, ix. 195, 198. 
8 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 85. 

4 Ibid. iv. (i.) 116. 

5 Ibid. iv. (i.) 146. 

1902.] EDWARD RAWSON. 287 

Cape Porpoise to the Government of Massachusetts. On account 
of this journey to the eastward he received the next year a grant 
of land. 1 

During this year there was also trouble between the Colonies 
forming the Confederacy of 1643, in regard to some of the Articles 
of the Union. Massachusetts was not satisfied with the views 
taken, so Mr. Rawson was authorized to write: 

To the comissioners of the Vnited Colonjes. Gentlemen : Wee see not 
reason to protract tjme in fruitelesse and needles returnes; wee shall 
acquiesce in o r last paper, and comitt the successe to God. By y e Court, 
9 September, 1653. Edw : Rawson, Secrt. 2 

In 1656 there was what has been called the first "intrusion " of 
the Quakers which led to severe laws against them. Rawson has 
been called a "Persecutor" of the Quakers. A writer in 1849 
says that Rawson "was hurried along by the torrent of popular 
fanaticism ; and his name too frequently occurs upon the records 
of that gloomy period as the Persecutor." 3 I have not been able 
to find any evidence that he was more of a persecutor than any of 
the magistrates. The laws against the Quakers, copied mainly 
from English Statutes, were passed by a small majority, and 
Rawson, as Secretary, had to publish them. The very year in 
which the Quakers first made their appearance, Rawson undoubt- 
edly made an attempt to save the life of Ann Hibbins, who had 
been condemned and was executed as a witch. 4 In the codicil to 
her will she speaks of Rawson as being " among her loving friends 
and intrusts to his care her chests and desk." 

There is an entry the same year, under date of 14 October, 
which will interest us as showing the value of Indian corn at that 

The secretary, as agent for the colonjes two yeares past, was pajd by 
the Treasurer forty two pounds odd money, in Indian corn, at three 
shillings p bush, which, for y e most pt, he could make but two shillings. 
Itt is ordered, that the Treasurer pay to him tenn pounds for such his 
losse. 5 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 157, 211. 

2 Ibid. iv. (i.) 173. 

3 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, iii. 201-208, 297-330. 

4 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 1S6. 

5 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 282. 


Rawson having become a resident of Boston was chosen, 19 
October, 1658, by the freemen one of the commissioners of the 
town and also in subsequent years. The Court passed the follow- 
ing vote 18 October, 1659: 

The Court, considering that the secretary hath served the countrje for 
many yeeres in that place, whose tjme hath altogether binn taken vp 
w th the weighty occasions of the countrje, which haue beene & are 
incumbent on him, (the neglect whereof would be an ineuitable & great 
prejudice to the publique) and himselfe oft times forced to hire a clarke 
to helpe him, which hath cost him some yeares twenty pounds p annti, 
and every yeere spending of his oune estate a considerable some beyond 
what his estate will beare, nor is it for the honnor of the countiw that 
such an officer, so necessary, who hath also binn found faithfull & able 
in the discharge of the trust comitted to him, should want due encourage- 
ment, doe therefore order, that the present secretary shall have from the 
eleventh of May last, the some of sixty pounds d annti for his sallery, 
to continew yearly vntill this Court shal order & provide some other 
meete recompence. 1 ' 

Several times the Court made him gifts of money for the faithful 
discharge of his duties. 

I have omitted to state in chronological order the different 
grants of land made to Rawson, thinking it better to group them 
together. Mr. Coffin says that Newbury granted him five hundred 
and eighty-one acres. Miss Emily A. Getchell kindly sent me the 
following extract from the Newbury records : 

In consideration of Mr. Edward Rawson his resigning up into the 
Town's hands his house lott and forty acres on merrimack next Abraham 
Toppan's they granted him forty acres next Mr. Woodman's and a house 
lott in high street to enjoy to him and his hey res forever. 

In 1648, July tenth, the Court granted to the Reverend Mr. 
Wilson and Edward Rawson fifteen hundred acres in the Pequot 
Country, next to Mr. John Winthrop's fifteen hundred acres, and 
in case Winthrop did not perform a certain condition, the whole 
three thousand acres were to go to Wilson and Rawson. October 
twenty-seventh of the same year, five hundred more acres were 
granted. In 1654, October nineteenth, two hundred acres above 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 391. 

11)02.] EDWARD EAWSON. 289 

Dover bound were given him on account of his journey to the 
eastward. In 1657, May sixth, one hundred and ten acres were 
granted beyond Exeter River, and two hundred acres additional 
for his services at the eastward. In 1658, May twenty-sixth, four 
hundred acres were laid out to Rawson on "Panquatuke " river in 
the Pequot country. In 1660, October sixteenth, two hundred 
and fifty acres were granted for drawing up the book of laws, in 
any place not disposed of. In 1662, May seventh, two hundred 
and fifty acres were laid out four miles beyond Medfield. In 1683, 
October tenth, five hundred acres were granted in any free place. 
In 1685, April twenty-first, Rawson bought of the Indian proprietor 
for £14 New England money, two thousand acres between Ded- 
ham, Sherborn, and Medfield, to which he added on June fourth 
a small tract in Dedham, also bought from the Indians. In 1686, 
May thirteenth, five hundred acres were laid out to Rawson 
between Worcester and Lancaster. After Rawson 'a removal from 
Newbury to Boston he bought, 30 January, 1654, the estate of 
the old notary public and clerk, William Aspinwall, containing 
about two and one-half acres and extending on both sides of what 
was then called Rawson's Lane, now Bromfield Street. 1 Some of 
the plans of these grants are still preserved among the Massa- 
chusetts Archives. 

We now approach a crisis in the history of the Colony in which 
Rawson bore a conspicuous part and for which he was well trained. 
He was probably better versed than any one else in the Colonial 
laws and in the provisions of the Royal Charter. As early as 
1645 he had been placed on a committee " to draw certeine bills 
for positive lawes, as agt lying, Sabaoth breaking, swearing, 
drunkeness etc. & to present them to this house." This was 
after the Body of Liberties had been written out and discussed, 
but before the first collection of laws was published in 1649. 
After that date (1645) he was placed constantly on the committee 
on laws, to see that they were properly arranged for printing and 
tabulating, and as Secretary he published them. Mr. Whitmore, 

1 The estate extended from Washington Street to Tremont Street, and 
through its entire length Rawson opened the way now known as Bromfield 
Street. Rawson's mansion house, which he sold in 1670 to John Pynchon of 
Springfield, stood on the lots, comprising "neere one Acree," now making the 
northerly corner of Bromfield and Washington Streets (Suffolk Deeds, vi. 238). 



in his Colonial Laws of Massachusetts, gives all the dates of Raw- 
son's services, which it is not necessary to enumerate here. 

The American Antiquarian Society has in its possession one of 
the law books of the period. It belonged to Rawson, and bears 
on the title-page the words written by his own hand "Edward 
Rawson his book.' 1 The title is as follows: "The Book of the 
General Laws and Liberties concerning the Inhabitants of the 
Massachusetts, collected out of the Records of the General Court, 
for the several years wherein they were made and established and 
now revised by the same Court and disposed into an Alphabitical 
order, and published by the same authority in the General Court 
holden at Boston in May 1649. Cambridge 1660." The preface 
was probably written by Rawson. It contains the supplementary 
laws of 1661, 1662, 1663, 1664, 1665, 1666 and 1668. 

After the restoration of Charles the Second in 1660 and the re- 
establishment of the principles of monarchy and the supremacy of 
the Anglican Church, in which the laity have no voice, it was not 
difficult to foresee that those principles, and the principles under- 
lying the Government of the Massachusetts Bay of popular self 
administration and democracy in the Church, must sooner or later 
come into conflict. In 1664 Royal Commissioners were sent out 
from England to conquer Manhattan from the Dutch, and also to 
make an effort to reduce the New England Colonies from their 
semi-independence to a state of dependence upon the mother 
country. Massachusetts was willing to do her share in the reduc- 
tion of Manhattan, but her troops were not required. The 
Colonies of New Haven, Connecticut, Rhode Island and Plymouth 
yielded to the demands of the Commissioners, but Massachusetts 
had determined to maintain what she considered as her legal rights 
under the Charter. 

The limits of my paper will not allow me to give in detail the 
voluminous correspondence between Secretary Rawson and the four 
Royal Commissioners. It fills many pages of the printed records. 
Rawson maintained, by the order of the Court, that their Charter 
gave them absolute power of government, according to which they 
could restrict the right of suffrage, which they had done, to church 
members, and also that there was no appeal to England from their 
courts of law. I will quote from only two of Rawson's letters, 
written May ninth and eleventh, 1665, respectively: 

1902.] EDWARD EAWSON. 291 

Vpon pervsall of the papers yow haue deliuered vs, as also of a copie 
of a warrant to John Porter, sajd to be signed by three of you r selues, 
wee apprehend our patent, & his majestjes authority therein coinitted 
vnto vs, to be greatly infringed. Your answer, for help to a right vnder- 
standing thereof, will be very acceptable to vs, & greatly facilitate our re- 
turne to what yow have already presented vnto vs. . . . wee conceive 
our charter vnder the great seale of England giveth full power vnto the 
authority here established according thereto, to gouerne all the people 
of this place, whither inhabitants or straingers; & for all legall acts & 
administration of gouermnt it giues vs a sufflcjent royall warrant & 
discharge. 1 

The Ro} T al Commissioners determined to hold a court of judica- 
ture in Boston, notwithstanding the hostile feeling displayed, but 
they were prevented by beat of drum and sound of trumpet. This 
action reminds one of what happened nearly thirty years before. 
The English government brought an action of quo warranto against 
the Charter and demanded that the Charter should be sent back to 
England. Massachusetts answered by ordering that the fortifica- 
tions should be put in order for defence. The Royal Commis- 
sioners were baffled and went back to England. 

Eleven years later the English government, being somewhat 
freed from domestic troubles, decided to make another attempt. 
Edward Randolph, who subsequently was the successor of Rawson 
as Secretary by Royal appointment, came to Boston in 1676 to see 
how matters stood. His report stirred up the enemies of the 
Colony in England, and the Royal government determined that 
the laws of trade and navigation, which had been repeatedly vio- 
lated in New England, should be executed there. 

In order to curb the power of the Puritan clergy, whose doc- 
trines were almost republican, and whose friends in England had 
fought against monarchy, Randolph begged that an Episcopal 
Church should be established in Boston, whose members would 
believe (as the doctrines of the Anglican Church then were) in 
passive obedience and in non-resistance to the Royal authority, 
and he also strove to have the right of suffrage transferred from 
church membership to a money qualification, which would also 
strengthen the royal authority. The struggle was a long and 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (ii) 195, 199. 


bitter one. Rawson's pen was active in defending the rights of 
the Colony, as understood by the Colonists, in helping to compose 
addresses of supplication to the King and in writing letters of 
instructions, by order of the General Court, to their counsel in 
London who was to defend their Charter in Court. 

In reading the original documents one cannot but feel the popu- 
lar pulse beating in those days of anxiety and tribulation. To 
show the state of feeling I quote from only two of Rawson's 
letters, written September twelfth and October fifteenth, 1684, 
respectively : 

By a private letter to Joseph Dudley Esq we are' informed of new 
measures taken at Court in our case, at w ch wee are amased, & haue called 
a Gennerall Court seriously to consider & weigh what is further to be 
donne by vs who are mett, and haue matters vnder debate ; of what will 
be concluded, yow will receive by the first good oppertunitye. . . . 
Wee hope wee haue not forfeited the privileclge of Englishmen, that wee 
should be condemned vnheerd, much less without being sumoned to 
appeare, which yow know was impossible in the time prefixed. 1 

The Massachusetts Charter fell, as the corporations in England 
fell, before the Royal prerogative in what Cotton Mather called 
"the general shipwreck of charters." The Court of Chancery 
declared the Charter forfeited and vacated. A copy of the decree 
of the Court was placed in Secretary Rawson's hands on 2 July, 
1685. The old government under which the colonists had elected 
their own officers and had greatly prospered was overthrown, and 
the future looked ominous under the rule of a despotic prince. 

Joseph Dudley was appointed President of the Colony by the 
King until the arrival of a Royal Governor. The last official act 
of Secretary Rawson is dated 20 May, 1686: 

Wee haue pervsed what yow left wi th us as a true coppy of his maj tjes 
commission, shewed to us the 17 th instant, impowring yow for the 
gouerning of his maj'jes subjects inhabiting this colony, and other 
places therein mentioned. 

Yow then applyed yourselues to vs, not as a Govirno r & Company, but 
(as yow were pleased to terme us) some of the principall gentlemen and 
cheife of the inhabitants of the seuerall tounes of the Massachusetts, 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 451, 458. 

1902.] EDWARD RAWSON. 293 

amongst other discourse saying it concerned us to consider what there 
might be thought hard & vneasy. 

1. Vpon pervsall whereof wee finde, as we conceiue, first, that there 
is no certejne determinate rule for your administration of justice, & that 
which is seemes to be too arbitrary. 

2 Iy . That the subjects are abridged of their liberty as Englishmen, 
both in the matter of legislation and in the laying of taxes, and indeed, 
the whole unquestioned priviledge of the subject transferred vpon your- 
selues, there being not the least mention of an assembly in the coihission. 

And therefore wee thinke it highly concernes yow to consider whither 
such a comission be safe, either for yow or us ; but if yow are so satis- 
fied therein as that you hold yourselues oblejdged thereby, and do take 
vpon you the government of this people, although wee cannot give our 
assent thereto, yet hope shall demeane ourselves as true & loyall subjects 
to his maj ty , and humbly make our addresses vnto God, &, in due time, 
to our gracious prince, for our releife. 1 

A committee was appointed to receive from Secretary Rawson 
certain papers in his possession and place them in security: then 
the Court adjourned. 2 

After this we catch an occasional glimpse of Rawson in the 
Diary of Samuel Sewall. One short and pathetic entry, under 
date of 31 August, 1686, will show the feeling of despondency 
prevailing: "Mr. Nowell, Moodey and Rawson visit me and com- 
fort me." 3 Sewall was strongly opposed to the new government 
and had resigned his commission as Captain. 

After Rawson lost his public employments he seems to have 
been straightened financially. Randolph had written to the Bishop 
of London that Rawson had retained £200 belonging to the Society 
for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians, but as the accusa- 
tion was not followed by legal proceedings, probably Rawson was 
only temporarily embarrassed. On 15 February, 1688, he peti- 
tioned Sir Edmund Andros, the Royal Governor, that he might 
be compensated for his work in indexing and arranging the public 
papers, detailing his arduous services. The petition is divided 
into seven clauses. On March second he sent in another petition. 
We read the following entry in the Archives: 

1 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 515, 516. 

2 On 21 May, 1686 (Publications of this Society, vi. 81, 82). 
». Diary, i. 150. 


At a Councill held at y e Councill Chamber 5 in Boston on Thursday 
y e 6th day of March 1688. Present his Excellency the Governor etc. 
The petition of Edward Rawson being this day read praying to be con- 
sidered for his trouble & time spent & imployed ... in making an 
account of y e publique Records of y e late Massachusetts Collony, ordered 
that y c sume of ten pounds be payd him by y e Treasurer out of his 
Maj ties Treasury as a Gratuity for y e said service. 

Under date of 21 November, 1690, Sewall says that several 
gentlemen having met at his house, "Mr. Edward Rawson in 
regard of his Age, and dwelling out of Town " delivered the 
papers relating to the South Church, including Mrs. Judith Win- 
throp's deed of the Meeting House land, etc., into the hands of a 
committee for safe keeping. 1 

After the Revolution of 1689, when Andros was sent back to 
England after being imprisoned in Boston for several months, 
Rawson in conjunction Avith Sewall published in 1691 a pamphlet 
signed "E. R. : S. S." entitled, "The Revolution in New England 
justified, and the People there Vindicated from the Aspersions 
cast upon them by Mr. John Palmer, in his Pretended Answer to 
the Declaration, published by the Inhabitants of Boston, and the 
Country adjacent, on the day when they secured their late Op- 
pressors, who acted by an Illegal and Arbitrary Commission from 
the late King James." 2 Palmer had an official position under the 
Andros government. 

In 1692 Rawson suffered the loss of his daughter Rebecca, 
whose tragic fate is graphically told by Whittier in his Leaves 
from Margaret Smith's Journal. She had been deceived in her 
marriage with Thomas Rumsey, who claimed to be a son of " Lady 
Haile," according to an affidavit still preserved in the State House, 
and who deserted her immediately upon their arrival in England. 
While on her voyage home to rejoin her father, after living some 
years in England, the vessel in which she was a passenger was 
wrecked by an earthquake in Jamaica and all on board perished. 
Her father survived her but a short time, passing away in his 
seventy- ninth year on August twenty-seventh, 1693, probably at 
the house of his son William, who then lived in Dorchester. 

1 Diary, i. 334, 335. 

2 It will be found in the Andros Tracts (Prince Society), i. 63-132. 

1902.] EDWARD RAWSON. 295 

The portrait of Rawson in the possession of the New England 
Historic Genealogical Society shows a man evidently of middle 
size, his face rather broad, nose aquiline, hazel eyes, long dark 
brown hair parted in the middle, moustache and imperial, wearing 
a broad white collar over a heavy black cloak, and long embroid- 
ered gloves. The portrait was painted when he was fifty-five years 
of age. Such he appeared when, on horseback, before the as- 
sembled members of the government, the troop of horse and eight 
companies of foot soldiers, he proclaimed the accession of James 
the Second, with the same ceremony with which he had proclaimed 
that Charles the Second was King, after his restoration. 1 

The Reverend Morton Dexter of Boston and the Rever- 
end James Hardy Ropes of Cambridge were elected Resident 


1 For notices of Rawson, see Sullivan S. Rawson, Memoir of Edward Raw- 
son (1849) ; E. B. Crane, Revised Memoir of Edward Rawson (1875) ; E. B. 
Crane, Ancestry of Edward Rawson (1887); J. J. Currier, Ould Newbury 
(1896), pp. 43-54. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
£*■ Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 27 February, 
1902, at three o'clock in the afternoon. 

In the absence from the Commonwealth of both President 
Kittredge and Vice-President William Watson Goodwin, 
Mr. John Noble was called to the chair. 

After the Minutes of the last meeting had been read and 
approved, the Corresponding Secretary announced that 
letters had been received from the Reverend Morton 
Dexter and the Reverend James Hardy Ropes accepting 
Resident Membership. 

Mr. Francis Apthorp Foster, of Cambridge, was elected 
a Resident Member. 

Mr. Frederick Lewis Gay called attention to an entry 
in the Boston Selectmen's Records, 1 under date of 25 August, 
1701, which notes the request of "Lawrence Brown, a 
Limner, ... to be an Inhabitant of this Towne w ch . is 
granted On condition that he give Security to Save the 
Town harmless," and stated that he hoped to submit, at a 
subsequent meeting of the Society, a communication on the 
subject of Portrait Painters in Boston before 1725. 

The Chairman then addressed the Society in the follow- 
ing language : — 

In the absence of President Kittredge, it has devolved on me to 
announce to the Society the death of our associate, Professor 
Thayer, one of the oldest and most honored of our Resident 
Members. On the fourteenth of this month, at his home in Cam- 

1 Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xi. 8. 

AM.'Elson & Co.,£o 


Jt&nis/a/rt'^tbA^n^/inf- d^w^^tiw^ 


bridge, death came to him in his seventy-second year, suddenly 
and painlessly, in the full maturity and undiminished vigor of 
his splendid powers. 

I shall not speak of him in his more public career, — of that 
early promise so fully and brilliantly fulfilled; of his standing 
while at the Bar as a counsellor of strength and sagacity, and 
as a learned and profound lawyer ; or of the many preferments 
offered, and declined ; or of his share, as a member of its Faculty, 
in putting the Harvard Law School in the foremost place it holds 
to-day ; of his numerous writings in so many fields ; of his legal 
monographs, — the final statement of the existing law, or the 
prophetic enunciation of those principles upon which must rest 
the law of the coming time ; of his longer and more elaborate 
works, — monuments of legal learning and research; or of his 
position as an expounder of Constitutional Law, — second to none 
in this Republic, and his reputation not confined to it, but inter- 
national ; or of that abiding fame as a jurist which outlives the 
fleeting memory of the lawyer. 

I need not speak of his connection with this Society, — one of 
its Council, a Vice-President, a valued contributor to our Transac- 
tions, and a member keenly alive to all its interests, loyal and faith- 
ful in any and every service. 

I will not try to recall his engaging qualities, — the warm- 
heartedness under that outward reserve, the delicate and irre- 
sistible humor, the clean-cut repartee, the pertinent reply, the 
attractiveness of his conversation, the charm of manner, and that 
indefinable something which made all who met him feel that here 
was a man whom it was worth while to know. 

I will not speak of him as a citizen, — public-spirited, interested 
and alert on every question of the day ; of his high sense of per- 
sonal and professional and public honor, his purity and elevation 
and force of character, or of all that characterized him as a man 
among men. All this, and more, I leave to others ; but to some 
of us, the older men, his death comes rather as a personal bereave- 
ment. We think not so much of what he has done as of what 
he was, — more than all, of what he was to us. It is the friend, — 
the true, loved, life-long friend, who is first in our thoughts and 
in our memory to-day. Fewer and fewer, as the years go by, are 
those whom we held as friends fifty years ago, and have held as 


such to the days when we begin to reckon by scores as much as 
by years. 

Fewer and fewer are those who knew with us the College of the 
fifties, who shared in the simple, fresh college life of that time, 
now almost forgotten, or, in fact, unknown in the stress and dis- 
traction of the University of to-day; those who felt the tradi- 
tions and the spirit of that elder day, which made Harvard what 
it was then, and gave it the capacity to be what it is now ; those 
whom the old College Clubs bound together in a peculiar closeness, 
and where the associations of those early years have not yet been 
outlived. Fewer and fewer are left of those who have so long kept 
step together in the march of life, closing up the ranks, and push- 
ing on to the mustering out. So, as one link after another drops 
out from the ever shortening chain, as each old friend goes, the 
first thoughts that come to us, and any words we may speak of 
them, take a personal turn, which we cannot escape, if we would, 
and we leave it to others to tell the story of the life that has 

The Chairman then said : — 

Naturally, to-day, by common consent and one impulse of feel- 
ing, our meeting takes on the character of a memorial meeting. 
At the request of the President, on behalf of the Council, Mr. 
Davis has prepared a Minute for the Records which I will ask him 
now to read. 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis presented and read the 
following Minute : — 

On the fourteenth of February, 1902, James Bradley Thayer, 
the Junior Vice-President of this Society, died suddenly at his 
home in Cambridge. He was one of the Founders of the Society 
and was a member of its first Council, his terra of service at that 
time being for two years. In view of the great and continued 
interest which he manifested in our welfare, and of his many ser- 
vices in our behalf, for which the Society has already on one 
occasion expressed its sense of obligation by a formal vote of 
thanks, it has been thought best by the Council to submit to the 
members of the Society the following expression of our estimate 


of the man, of our gratitude for his services, and of our grief for 
his loss, in order that it may find a permanent place upon the 
Records of the Society. 

At the time of his death, Mr. Thayer was actively engaged in what 
may properly be regarded as the great work of his life. Whatever 
reputation he may have gained earlier as a practitioner at the bar 
is subordinate to the greater renown which attaches to his name as 
one of the leaders in the corps of lecturers at the Harvard Law 
School which has made that institution the foremost of its kind in 
the world. It was in the prosecution of his daily labor as a teacher 
of Constitutional Law that he earned for himself a reputation which 
has found its measure in the statement made by one of his eulogists 
that he was the leading constitutional lawyer in the country. The 
comparatively narrow field in which he thus laid the foundation 
for the well-deserved renown which attached to his name, was 
enlarged through his contributions to the legal literature of the 
day, and in addition thereto he became widely known among the 
friends of the Indians scattered throughout the country and 
received from them grateful recognition for his many efforts to 
ameliorate the condition of these victims of oppression, and for his 
attempts to improve the laws under which the wrongs worked 
upon them had been accomplished. To have done all this means 
that he was a man of untiring industry. The science of the law 
is not of such a nature that he who would expound it can ever 
cease his studies. The demands for constant research and unre- 
mitting effort made upon a teacher in such a school are persistent 
and continuous. An earned reputation brings with it no release 
from toil. When, therefore, we say that Professor Thayer was 
actively engaged in teaching at the time of his death, it necessarily 
follows that he was a busy man ; that he had no period of rest or 
relaxation ; that up to the very end the demands upon his time 
and his intellect were such as might well deter a younger man 
from undertaking similar work. 

It was while engaged in this way, with every moment of each 
day apparently occupied with some pressing duty, that he came to 
us, bringing with him a breezy enthusiasm and a cordial sympathy 
hardly to have been expected from one whose time was so fully 
taken up and yet by no means surprising to those who knew the 
man. Nearly all of his life had been spent in the immediate vicin- 


ity of Boston, either at Milton or Cambridge, and his knowledge of 
the men who were eligible to this Society was of very great assist- 
ance to us. When elected to the Council, he said that his stated 
engagements were such that he could not be relied upon to attend 
meetings, but that he would gladly do what he could to help the 
Society along. Those of us who had occasion to consult him 
during the period of his service as a member of the Council will 
remember how cordial was his welcome, how cheerfully he set 
aside the work which was interrupted by the visitor, with what 
alacrity he would clear a pathway through the books scattered 
round the floor of his study, and remove those piled in the chair 
which he wished his guest to occupy. There are degrees of cordi- 
ality with which busy men welcome intruders. No man who has 
appealed to a Cambridge professor for assistance but has come 
away with a feeling of wonder that these diligent workers are so 
willing to share with amateurs their hard-earned professional 
knowledge. Yet in a place where men are accustomed to be 
generous, the reception by Professor Thayer of one seeking aid 
was conspicuously cordial. He made it evident that he was not 
only willing to give help but that he took actual pleasure in doing 
so. Under these circumstances, welcomed with a cheery smile 
as we always were, freely helped in the solution of the point 
under discussion, and even urged to stay longer when we rose to 
go, those of us who consulted him in behalf of the Society were 
deeply impressed with the benefits that we derived from these 
visits, and for that reason submitted the vote of thanks for his 
services which was passed at the Annual Meeting in 189-i. 

It has been said that the suggestion of the name of Edward 
Wheelwright for President was an inspiration. That suggestion 
came from Mr. Thayer at one of these consultations. Thus, while 
we are called upon with others to mourn the loss of the genial 
companion, the much beloved friend, the learned teacher and the 
prominent citizen, we have special cause for honoring the memory 
of this trusted and willing adviser. 

He had nearly reached the grand climacteric in his life when he 
joined this Society, and yet there was nothing in his appearance 
when, at the age of seventy-one, he died, to indicate any waning of 
his powers. Conscious that he had some trouble in the region of 
his heart, he had, by the advice of his physician, for a few years 


before his death avoided exercise of a certain character, but, except 
for this slight change in his habits, there was no outward indica- 
tion, either in his personal appearance or in his manner, that he 
was the victim of incurable disease. He might have been relied 
upon, to the last, to make a witty speech at a dinner, or to take 
upon his shoulders the burden of conversation at a gathering of 
friends. Always bright, always cheerful, always resourceful, 
always sympathetic, his kindly spirit made for him friends at 
every turn, and when, in the midst of a blinding snowstorm, the 
funeral services were performed over his body, Appleton Chapel 
was crowded with an audience whose presence at such a time bore 
testimony to the affection with which his memory was cherished. 
Not only were the students who were under his special instruction 
there, but nearly every member of the Law School joined the 
procession which braved the elements on that inclement day, thus 
indicating in a remarkable way their respect for their teacher. 

In person, he was a conspicuously fine looking man, and his 
gentle voice and engaging manners always made a favorable im- 
pression. His affectionate disposition, fortunately, found outlet in 
the happiest of domestic circumstances. He had lived to see his 
two sons successfully established in life, and his two daughters, the 
one with a profession which furnished her with the means of com- 
plete independence, the other the mistress of a happy home near 
his own. If he himself had controlled events, he would probably 
not have asked that it should be otherwise ordered, except for the 
separation from his devoted wife, towards whom our sympathy 
goes forth in her solitary march to the grave. 

Mrs. Thayer was a daughter of the Rev. Samuel Ripley, for 
many years the pastor of the church at Waltham. The Rev. Ezra 
Ripley, her grandfather, acquired title to the spacious residence 
at Concord which Hawthorne has made famous as the Old Manse. 
Thither, in 1846, Samuel Ripley moved with his family, and thus 
the intimacy which existed between the Hoars, the Emersons and 
the Ripley s became cemented. It was natural that when Mr. 
Thayer was admitted into the Ripley family circle, he, too, should 
become the friend of Ralph Waldo Emerson and of Rockwood Hoar. 
To these circumstances we are indebted for two publications en- 
tirely outside the volumes devoted to professional labor and the 
occasional pamphlets containing articles from reviews or addresses 


to societies. One of these contains an acconnt of an overland trip 
with Emerson to California. It was originally prepared simply to 
be read at one of the clubs to which the author belonged, but 
through persuasion he was induced to publish it. Although the 
account of the trip is not based upon any daily journal entries, it is 
faithful in its record of the sayings of the great philosopher to an 
extent that would have made Boswell envious if he had seen it, 
while it has the additional advantage of descriptive narrative of a 
high order of merit, the whole being flavored with a delicate sense 
of humor which shows that the writer was keenly alive to senti- 
ments of that nature. The reader will turn the last page of this 
little volume with sorrow that there is not more of it, and regret 
that the author did not go farther afield in that region of literature. 
The other was a biographical sketch of the life of the Rev. Samuel 
Ripley, written at the request of Judge Hoar while stretched upon 
his dying bed. Such a request, Mr. Thayer says, could have but 
one answer. As there was no personal acquaintance between the 
author and his subject, the life is mainly portrayed through ex- 
tracts from letters. In the text, however, we can from time to 
time see gleams of the author's ever-present sense of humor ; never 
provokingly apparent, never ostentatiously displayed, but subtly 
indicated for those whose sympathies can lift the veil. In his 
summing up of the characteristics of Samuel Ripley, he comes so 
near describing himself that, with but slight alteration, we can 
adopt his words for our conclusion : — 

What stands out in all the accounts of him which I have ever heard, 
is the image of an . . . affectionate, generous man, devoted to the 
duties of his calliug, and singularly disinterested, making no personal 
claims, unsparing in his acts of personal kindness and generosity ; yet 
prudent in managing his affairs, firm in his moral principles and rigidly 
conforming to them in his own practice ; fond of society, full of sym- 
pathy and heartily enjoying the companionship of his friends ; liberal 
minded, of sound sense, a clear and quick intellect, and a hearty appre- 
ciation for what is best in literature and personal character. 

The Minute was unanimously adopted by a rising vote. 
The Chairman : — 

I will first call upon Mr. Thorndike, a classmate and one of the 
oldest and closest friends of Professor Thayer. 


Mr. S. Lothrop Thorndike's tribute was in these words : — 

On one of Thayer's latest appearances at our monthly meetings — 
perhaps it was his very last — he came to say a few words in memory 
of a classmate and life-long friend. What he said was not a eulogy, 
but it was so tender, so appreciative, and at the same time so impar- 
tial, so heedful not to claim anything for his friend that was not his 
due, that when the meeting was over we gathered round him to 
say, " Please outlive us, if you will only speak like that of us." It 
was with the recollection of that occasion in my mind, that when I 
got the request to say something to-day, I forgot for the instant, as 
I have twenty times since his death, that it was himself lying dead, 
and the thought came to me, — " Why, Thayer would be the man 
for that." 

I am at a loss what now to say that would seem to him or to 
you the fitting word. If I only spoke what has lain uppermost, 
or rather deepest, in my mind since the event that has made 
such difference in the lives of some of us, it might seem too per- 
sonal for printed record, even in a fraternity as intimate as ours. 
It would be the mere recalling of a half century of heart-felt regard, 
of a quarter century of familiar companionship, of neighborhood in 
Cambridge, of the clubs in which we met, of hours in the woods or 
on the shore of Mt. Desert, of talks in one or the other of his pleas- 
ant habitations, of books read together, of books received as gifts, 
always somehow significant of the giver, and always inscribed, — 
44 In affectionate remembrance," to which, perhaps, would latterly 
be added, — " consenescenti consenescens." Only one of us is now grow- 
ing old. The other has become forever young. 

I should not venture even thus far to allude to personal relations, 
were it not that in a way they indicate Thayer's capacity for loving 
and being loved. I can think of no one — and I say this not as a 
phrase — with whom, in this respect, to compare him. He had 
hundreds of friends and not a single enemy. It would be easy to 
catalogue the qualities that made him so attractive ; the sweetness 
of disposition that permeated his whole being; the nobility of 
character that commanded the respect and esteem of all ; the cor- 
diality of manner, not, as with some, a varnish, but the outward 
and visible sign of an inward and spiritual grace ; the beauty of his 
presence ; the thoughtful kindness of a thousand daily acts. To 


all this must be added another indefinable something, that drew men 
and women to him. It is the fashion to talk of personal magnetism ; 
but that much-abused word may safely be left for the great beings 
who can bring down the house by public speech or ride at the head 
of popular followings. It would be a pity to use it on Thayer. If 
he were a woman, one might find a word. We sometimes credit 
attractive women with a quality quite apart from grace of feature 
or mind or disposition, a quality as incapable of definition as abstract 
beauty. It is charm. If one were to say that Thayer was a charm- 
ing man, the adjective might provoke a smile. But the substantive 
is safe, and there was so much of the feminine in him, that one may 
well say that what most impressed people was his invariable charm. 
It must not be supposed that his sweetness of temper prevented 
him, on occasion, from speaking very plainly. If he fell upon any- 
thing paltry or vulgar or pretentious or discourteous, he was very 
outspoken ; and paltriness had for him a pretty broad significance. 
The line of the life worth living was for him very closely drawn. 
In a certain way, he was more exclusive than most persons who have 
to deal with the world as it is. He associated freely and kindly 
with all sorts and conditions of men, but the people whom he liked 
to have about him were those whose standards of life and cultiva- 
tion and taste were the same as his, — men who liked the same 
books and thought the same thoughts with himself. For a man 
successful in business or politics or general affairs he cared little, 
unless the man was something beside this, and a great deal beside. 
Such men, for him, were cheap, — a favorite expression, — and he 
was clairvoyant in detecting a cheap man at a glance. 

The tranquil, almost eventless, always happy course of Thayer's 
life I will not try to follow in detail. It must be left for what 
Memoir we may hereafter place upon our record. Of his boyhood 
in Northampton we get pleasant glimpses in his delightful sketch 
of Chauncey Wright, the earliest and perhaps the dearest friend of 
his childhood and youth. This sketch, by the way, furnishes one 
of the best examples of what I have said of Thayer's unwillingness 
to indulge in over-praise or to conceal the shortcomings even of 
those most dear to him. Nil nisi bonum was never a maxim of his, 
either of the living or of the dead, and I have sometimes thought 
that his sensitive conscience leaned too far the other way. 

In college he made his mark at once, not merely by scholarship, 


but by the ready wit which was through life one of his happy traits 
which linger in our memory. His rank at graduation was not 
especially high, as he was obliged to eke out his straitened means 
by months of teaching. But he was of course a Phi Beta, he was 
Class Orator and he was the best beloved man of the class. 

Then came some years in which the study of the law had still to 
be provided for by intervals of teaching, and then, upon his admis- 
sion to the bar in 1856, followed seventeen years of routine practice 
of the law in various offices and professional connections. He was 
an able and successful advocate and counsellor, but the scholarship 
of the law, as distinguished from its practice, had already laid hold 
of him. He became so well known as a brilliant and learned writer 
for the law Reviews and as a valuable coadjutor in editions of im- 
portant legal works, that in 1873 Harvard College appointed him 
Roy all Professor and the great work of his life began. I must leave 
to others, more competent than I, to set forth the importance of 
this work. The happy effect of his devotion to his great task upon 
the minds of his students, the position which it gave him among 
the great jurists of America, the companionship into which it brought 
him with the learned jurists of other nations, — all this I, in no 
sense a legal scholar, know rather by what has been said of him 
by others, than by my own too scanty reading of what he himself 
has written. One thing I may be permitted to remark upon, though 
it must be obvious even to the most unlearned and cursory reader. 
It is the high plane from which he always speaks. It is not only 
what the law is, but what it ought to be, not only what judges are, 
but what they ought to be, that he tells us. He has no undue re- 
spect for persons, even if they be judges and contemporaries. He 
speaks ex cathedra, as the critic and instructor of courts as well as 
of students, and comments not merely upon judgments but upon 
the men who make them. And where he disapproves it is in very 
plain words. Such phrases as "An opportunity sadly misimproved," 
" An opinion singularly wanting in judicial quality," " An opinion 
marked by very loose thinking," "An opinion credited with an 
amount of learning and research to which it can lay no claim," are 
common. But all this I must leave to others. 

I must also not stop to remark upon his friendships with the best, 
and best known, men of the day in other spheres than the law, — 
Emerson, Lowell, Norton, Forbes, — or upon his own literary work 



outside of the law, set forth with such grace and mastery of 

Let me only come back for a moment to his home life, not, indeed, 
to the lovely companionship of his own domestic circle, — into that 
I must not even here intrude, — but to the simplicity and dignity 
of his hospitality, whether at Cambridge or Bar Harbor. It was 
at Mt. Desert, of course, that this was most marked, because there 
the attractiveness of the region was added to that of himself and 
his household, to bring him welcome guests. And it was there 
that I best knew it. His house was as simple and unpretentious 
as himself. In later years it stood in its modesty with the houses 
of rich men in sight in all directions, and he used to tell with 
amusement of hearing a professional guide, who was displaying the 
show-places of the neighborhood to a tourist part}^, say as he passed, 
" Now here is the place of a man of moderate means." Yes, but 
the means, though moderate, were sufficient to bring into that 
charmed circle, for a week or a day or a meal, many people worth 
knowing and listening to, and the table-talk over a joint and a 
pudding was higher and finer than I fancy it sometimes is at the 
table of millionaires. 

Here let me stop. I have said little of the purity, the truthful- 
ness, the moral elevation which made the man what he was. That 
was summed up in all that was said at his impressive funeral ser- 
vice, from the words Integer vitae scelerisque purus, with which it 
began, to the words — 

Lord of himself, though not of lands, 
And having nothing, yet hath all, 

with which it ended. 

The Chairman : — 

Next, I will call upon Mr. Williamson, another member of 
the Class of '52, which will round out its fiftieth year next 

Mr. William C. Williamson then read the following 
Sonnet : — 



17 February, 1902. 

The college elms were white with falling snow 

When through their aisles we bore him, friend and friend, 

With lingering steps, attending to the end 

A life which glorified this life below. 

Rank upon rank his pupils came, to show 

The honors which on Learning's courts attend, 

And now, at last, the triumphs : which transcend 

All tears of sorrow, and all voice of woe. 

With keen, bright blade this knight could meet and dare 

The subtle masks of sophistry ; his art 

Was truth ; unfaltering, dauntless, void of wrong ; 

Sunshine was on his lips and in his heart ; 

Pure, valiant, modest, helpful, wise and strong — 

Such was thy path through life, beloved Thayer. 

The Chairman : — 

I will now ask Mr. Hall to speak, — Professor Thayer's some- 
time minister, and one of that little group of college contemporaries 
who have met together regularly for many years till only half the 
original number are left. 

The Reverend Edward H. Hall paid this tribute to the 
memory of Mr. Thayer : — 

I have no other claim to speak for Mr. Thayer than that of 
a friend ; though that alone will entitle me, I trust, to add a few 
words of personal reminiscence. Our acquaintance goes back to 
college days. We were not classmates, but being in successive 
classes we met not infrequently on the common ground of college 
gatherings, where I remember him chiefly as one of a little circle 
which even in those days seemed an unusual one, and which 
now, in view of the high distinction attained by so many of its 
members, has become noteworthy indeed. His classmates are best 
qualified to speak of his college career, and it is not for me to 
dwell upon it. If there were any contribution which I should be 
inclined to add to these youthful memories, it would be one which 
may seem too trivial for the occasion, yet which to my mind is 


sufficiently characteristic of the man to be rescued from oblivion. 
At one of our social societies where, as in other college gatherings, 
fun was wont to run riot, a certain part of the literary proceedings 
had been allowed for some years to fall into that sort of grossness 
which young men are apt to mistake for wit. When the Class of 
'52 came into control, it was resolved to cleanse the Augean stables, 
and that service was left to Mr. Thayer. It is pleasant to remem- 
ber how thoroughly he did the work entrusted to him, and how the 
tone of the paper was freed at once from all suggestion of inde- 
cency, while a vein of such inimitable humor was imparted to it as 
to satisfy the most exacting demands. It was one of those little 
college triumphs which are quite as important as the more conspic- 
uous successes known to the world. 

His friendships, as I have intimated, were of a kind to test his 
intellectual qualities, lying as they did among companions eminent 
in various callings, some of them specialists in history, philosophy 
or literature, yet who found in Mr. Thayer an altogether worthy 
comrade. I think hardly any man has gone out of Cambridge 
bearing more thoroughly the old-time stamp of Harvard College. 
He had marked literary culture, though not following a distinct- 
ively literary career. The list of his books is not numerous ; yet 
at almost every period of his life, quite apart from his professional 
productions, has appeared some important contribution to the field 
of letters, bearing always the same fine quality. These began as 
early as 1854, within two years of his graduation, with a biographi- 
cal essay on Fisher Ames, contributed to one of the collections of 
that day published by the Putnams, entitled Homes of American 
Statesmen, — an appreciative estimate of a distinguished life, and 
an admirable characterization of it. About 1884, appeared the 
pamphlet already alluded to, A Western Journey with Mr. Emerson, 
followed soon after by brief but delightful sketches of two of his 
kindred by marriage, Mrs. Samuel Ripley, and the Rev. Samuel 
Ripley of Waltham, — sketches drawn with great delicacy of touch 
and much appreciation of the type of character produced by our 
earlier New England life. In all these writings one is struck with 
a noteworthy literary grace. So marked indeed was this tendency 
towards what was formerly called belles-lettres, that twenty years 
after his graduation, during which time he had been immersed in 
the practice of a profession which often takes its votaries far away 


from literature, Mr. Thayer was offered a professorship in the 
English Department of Harvard College ; an appointment which he 
declined, to accept soon after his final position in the Harvard Law 

My own more intimate acquaintance with him began when I went 
to Cambridge, in 1882, as pastor of the First Church, where he had 
long been an attendant. I found him then in the midst of his 
professional work. He seemed to me the busiest man — the most 
persistently busy — that I had ever met. Go into his study, finding 
your way as you could among the volumes which were piled in 
every corner and crowded every space, as if the multitude of his 
books could not be too near to his hand, and there were no time to 
arrange them, and you felt yourself in a studious presence which it 
was unkind to disturb. You hesitated always to intrude upon such 
a sanctuary, yet nowhere were you surer of a cordial welcome, and 
no memories are more precious than of the stolen conversations held 
in those narrow quarters, on which Emerson and many legal 
worthies looked so benignantly down. However one might protest 
against this seclusion within his study walls, it seemed to interfere 
but little, after all, with his participation in social gatherings, where 
he was so prized and honored a guest. No more did it prevent his 
interest in public affairs. He was in many respects the ideal citi- 
zen, bringing to public problems not merely the sentimental concern 
which creates so many enthusiasts, nor grand ideals alone of the 
ends at which the Government should aim, but also the intelligent 
insight which discerned the crying need of the hour, and was ready 
with fruitful counsel. 

I might be expected to speak a word of Mr. Thayer's religious 
life, though it is hardly the place to dwell upon that at length. It 
is enough to say, that in those high themes which concern us all, 
but which are not always approached understandingly by the 
devoutest laymen, one found in Mr. Thayer a profound and thor- 
oughly appreciative interest, and an intelligent acquaintance with 
whatever progress was being made in the world of religious thought. 
While humorously alive to the shallowness or grotesqueness which 
sometimes finds its way into sacred places, no one was ever more 
loyal than he to all that religion or the church stands for in the 
community. % 

Of his personal qualities I need not speak, they have already 


been touched upon so well. Those who have known Mr. Thayer 
will not soon forget the simplicity of character, the refinement, the 
social tact or the conversational charm which illustrated his life, 
and made him so widely beloved. 

The Chairman : — 

Two of Mr. Thayer's associates in the Harvard Law School 
Faculty are here, — Judge Smith and Professor Ames. Shall I 
call upon you first, Judge Smith? 

The Honorable Jeremiah Smith spoke as follows : — 

The work by which Professor Thayer will be best known to the 
next generation of lawyers is his Preliminary Treatise on Evi- 
dence at the Common Law. What is the impression which that 
book would make upon a legal reader who is an entire stranger to 
the author? 

One of the first impressions would relate to the character of 
the writer. The reader will undoubtedly say that the man who 
stands behind this book must have been a person of singular 
modesty and remarkable candor. Here is a man who puts forward 
original ideas and important views without flourish of trumpets or 
claiming the merit of discovery ; a man who never overstates the 
case in support of his own theories, and is always careful to give 
full space and due weight to the argument opposed to his own 
views. Every page bears evidence of the quality which Martineau 
calls u intellectual conscientiousness." 

But the competent lawyer who reads this book in the next gen- 
eration will not stop with the conclusion that it was the work of 
an honest man. He will say that it proceeds from an intellect 
which is both profound and patient. He will praise not only the 
substance, but also the arrangement of the topics. Every brick in 
the edifice is laid in its proper place, and every brick was carefully 
rung before it was laid. There was first a careful investigation of 
authorities ; and then a re-examination of the subject as if it were 
a new matter. 

Professor Thayer goes straight to the fundamentals of the topic. 
He does not content himself with repeating stereotyped formulas, 
nor is he satisfied with half solutions of difficulties. On the con- 
trary, he gets behind the ordinary explanations. He does not fall 


into the mistake, alluded to by Fitzjames Stephen, of supposing 
that the rules of evidence "had an existence of their own apart 
from the will of those who made them." Instead, he takes us 
back to the very birth of these rules, and shows when, why, and 
how each of them came to be. Nothing can exceed his thorough- 
ness in this respect. I know of nothing which has ever been 
written on the subject which lets in such a flood of light, nothing 
which so well brings the student to the right point of view, as 
some passages in this treatise. Take, for instance, the statement 
(page 264) that the " excluding function is the characteristic one 
in our law of evidence ; " or, as he puts it in other words (page 
266), the rejection, on practical grounds, " of what is really proba- 
tive " is " the characteristic thing in the law of evidence ; " which, 
as he felicitously adds, stamps it "as the child of the jury sys- 
tem." Or, again, take his comment on the familiar Latin maxim 
which briefly tells us that questions of law are for the judge and 
questions of fact for the jury. Professor Thayer says that this 
maxim " was never true, if taken absolutely " (page 185). No 
doubt it is only fact which the jury are to decide (page 187), but 
there never was any such thing as " an allotting of all questions of 
fact to the jury. The jury simply decides some questions of fact " 
(page 185). 

Nor would the reader stop with admiring the thought displayed 
in the treatise, or with the conviction that the book was the work 
of an honest man and a profound intellect. He would also admire 
the style, the words and phrases in which the thoughts are. ex- 
pressed. The writings of Professor Thayer have, in that respect, 
a charm which finds its closest recent parallels in the judicial 
opinions of Lord Bowen and the legal discussions of Sir Frederick 
Pollock. Just here let me add that the character of a man has 
a great effect upon his style as an author. We say of Professor 
Thayer, as has been said of Chief -Justice Marshall, that his most 
marked and distinguished personal trait was simplicity, using that 
term in its highest and best sense. Dean Swift tells us that faults 
in style are, nine times out of ten, owing to affectation rather 
than to want of understanding. When men depart from the rule 
of using the proper word in the proper place, it is usually done in 
order " to show their learning, their oratory, their politeness, or 
their knowledge of the world." " In short," says the Dean, " that 


simplicity, without which no human performance can arrive to any 
great perfection, is nowhere more eminently useful than in this." 
No motives of vanity or display could ever be attributed to Pro- 
fessor Thayer. 

But why did we have from Professor Thayer only a Preliminary 
Treatise ? Why did he spend his strength on that, instead of at 
once putting forth a practical treatise on the Law of Evidence as 
now administered by the courts ? The answer is to be found in 
the Introduction to the published work ; and it marks both the 
honesty and the thoroughness of the man. Many years ago he 
began to write a practical treatise ; but after he had made a 
beginning, he found the need of going largely into the history of 
the subject, and also of making a critical study of certain related 
topics which overlie and perplex the main subject. He went into 
those examinations, he spent an immense amount of time upon 
them ; and these tasks occupied all the spare moments of his 
remaining years. The results are gathered in the published 
volume, — a work of infinite value, which, if he had shrunk from 
undertaking it, would not have been achieved at all during the 
present generation. At the conclusion of the Introduction, he 
said : " I have a good hope of supplementing this volume by 
another of a more practical character, . . . giving a concise state- 
ment of the existing Law of Evidence." But this hope remains 
unrealized. " The ploughshare is left in the furrow." The dream 
of his later years is unfulfilled. 

While the profession is grateful for what our friend has given 
us in the way of legal authorship, yet lawyers will ask each other : 
Why was not more work completed in all these years and given 
to the world ; why were not his wider plans of book-making fully 
carried out? To these questions more than one answer can be 
given. First: Professor Thayer had an absolute horror of what 
some one calls " immature authorship and premature publication." 
We may well apply to him some of the words which Stuart Mill 
uses in reference to John Austin: "He had so high a standard of 
what ought to be done, so exaggerated a sense of deficiencies in 
his own performances," that he accomplished less in the way of 
authorship than he seemed capable of; "but what he did produce 
is held in the very highest estimation by the most competent 
judges." Professor Thayer is fully entitled to the encomium 


which the officiating clergyman, at the funeral of Dr. Bishop, pro- 
nounced upon that distinguished jurist: "No page, no line, no 
word ever left this man's hand for the printer, until it was as 
perfect as he had power to make it." 

Another reason for the failure of Professor Thayer to accom- 
plish more in the line of legal authorship is one that is most 
creditable to his kindly and helpful nature. He repeatedly, we 
might almost say daily, turned aside from his own work to render 
assistance to other writers, often to those whose subjects were 
entirely outside of law. His services as a critic and reviser were 
frequently sought by friends, and were always cheerfully given. 
When a manuscript had received the benefit of his revision, it was 
reasonably certain to be in good taste and in good English. A 
list of the works whose authors are indebted in this way to Pro- 
fessor Thayer would show why he had not more time for his own 
books. Instead of concentrating his energies on attaining fame 
and fortune for himself, he preferred to pause by the wayside in 
order to render unpaid service to his friends. Those who are 
familiar with a certain memorial poem of Whittier's cannot but 
think of the lines — 

All hearts grew warmer in the presence 

Of one who, seeking not his own, 
Gave freely for the love of giving, 

Nor reaped for self the harvest sown. 

Professor Thayer's services as a teacher of law can be best de- 
scribed' by those who have been his pupils ; and one of them will 
speak of him in the Harvard Law Review ; but a few words may be 
said here. He made teaching his first object. No matter what other 
work he had on hand, no matter how many previous classes had 
been carried by him over the same ground, he always made care- 
ful preparation for each new meeting of the class. In one respect 
our friend's innate modesty may have been a disadvantage to him 
as a teacher. I suspect that it sometimes led him to refrain from 
putting due emphasis on his own original views ; and this may 
have prevented the poorer part of the class from fully appreciating 
the intrinsic importance of those views. But he kept steadily in 
sight the salient points and fundamental distinctions, and these 
were generally grasped and retained by the better men. In this 


connection I might cite the testimony given to me before Pro- 
fessor Thayer's death by one of his former pupils, who had been 
out of the Law School seven years. " When we were in the Law 
School," said he, " we sometimes complained of lack of definite- 
ness on Professor Thayer's part ; but now that we have been in 
practice all this time, we find that what he said stands by us better 
than what was said by anybody else." 

The fear has often been expressed that, with the great increase 
in the number of law students, the personal relation between 
teacher and pupil would cease to exist; but on the day of Pro- 
fessor Thayer's funeral, convincing proof was afforded of the 
regard in which he was held by his pupils. In the midst of the 
severest storm of the winter, five hundred students came out to 
escort the procession from the house to Appleton Chapel. 

As a conversationalist, I have known only three men whom I 
should put in the same class with Professor Thayer. There was 
always the right word and the right turn given to each phrase, 
with no appearance of effort, no display of learning, and never 
the remotest suspicion of talking for momentary effect. He was 
with his pen equal to what he was in speech. He was the one, to 
whom we all turned when memorials and epitaphs were to be 
written. We all feel to-day that the lips are silent which alone 
could pay a worthy tribute to such a man. 

A welcome guest in all social circles, Professor Thayer was, 
nevertheless, entitled to the high praise which was bestowed on 
another eminent Massachusetts lawyer, " That the best wine of 
his companionship was kept for his own home." And I cannot 
refrain from adding that it was an ideal home. 

Until within a twelvemonth, Professor Thayer was a remarkably 
vigorous man for his years, but he began lately to be conscious of 
some diminution of physical strength. In July he wrote to me 
from Bar Harbor that, if he could complete a second volume on 
Evidence during the next college year, he should be tempted to 
drop that part of his school work and keep only Constitutional 
Law, adding, " If, indeed, by that time, I be not ripe for going on 
the shelf entirely." " The head," he said, " seems all right yet, — 
so far as I can judge, — but in other regions time is telling. Fast 
walking and mountain climbing are for others now." 

The end came suddenly, but now that the first shock is over, 


his friends can hardly regret that he was spared the alternative of 

a long and painful season of ill health. Rather would we say of 

him: Felix non tantum claritate vitae, sed etiam opportunitate 


The Chairman : — 

The Dean of the Law School Faculty, I am sure, will not fail 
to respond to my call. 

Mr. James Barr Ames said : — 

It was my privilege to be a colleague of Professor Thayer 
throughout the twenty-eight years of his service in the Harvard 
Law School. Before his return to the School, he had declined the 
offer of a professorship in the English Department of the College. 
Although his rare gift for thoughtful, graceful, and effective writing 
could not have failed to make him highly successful as a teacher 
of English, his decision not to give up his chosen profession was 
doubtless a wise one. Certainly, it was a fortunate one for the 
Law School and for the law. 

During the early years of his service, he lectured on a variety of 
legal topics, but Evidence and Constitutional Law were especially 
congenial to him, and in the end he devoted himself exclusively to 
these two subjects, in each of which he had prepared for the use 
of his classes an excellent Collection of Cases. Evidence was an 
admirable field for his powers of historical research and analytical 
judgment. He recognized that our artificial rules of evidence 
were the natural outgrowth of trial by jury, and could only be ex- 
plained by tracing carefully the development of that institution in 
England. The results of his work appeared in his Preliminary 
Treatise on the Law of Evidence, a worthy companion of the 
masterly Origin of the Jury, by the distinguished German, Pro- 
fessor Brunner. His book gave him an immediate reputation, not 
only in this country, but in England, as a legal historian and 
jurist of the first rank. An eminent English lawyer, in review- 
ing it, described it as " a book which goes to the root of the subject 
more thoroughly than any other text-book in existence." 

Only a few days before his death, Professor Thayer talked with 
me about his plans for the future, saying that he expected to com- 
plete his new book on Evidence in the summer of 1903, when he 


meant to relinquish that subject and devote the rest of his life to 
Constitutional Law, with a view to publication. 

It is, indeed, a misfortune that these plans were not to be car- 
ried out. But although he has published no treatise upon Con- 
stitutional Law, he has achieved by his essays, by his Collection 
of Cases, and by his teaching, a reputation in that subject hardly 
second to his rank in Evidence. To the few who knew of it, 
President McKinley's wish to make Professor Thayer a member 
of the present Philippine Commission seemed a natural and most 
fitting recognition of his eminence as a constitutional lawyer, and, 
if he had deemed it wise to accept the position offered to him, 
no one can doubt that the appointment would have commanded 
universal approval. 

Wherever the Harvard Law School is known, he has been recog- 
nized for many years as one of its chief ornaments. When, in 1900, 
the Association of American Law Schools was formed, it was taken 
for granted by all the delegates that Professor Thayer was to be its 
first president. No one can measure his great influence upon the 
thousands of his pupils. While at the School, they had a profound 
respect for his character and ability, and they realized that they 
were sitting at the feet of a master of his subjects. In their after 
life, his precept and example have been, and will continue to be, 
a constant stimulus to genuine, thorough, and finished work, and a 
constant safeguard against hasty generalization or dogmatic asser- 
tion. His quick sympathy, his unfailing readiness to assist the 
learner, out of the class-room as well as in it, and his attractive 
personality, gave him an exceptionally strong hold upon the affec- 
tions of the young men. Their attitude towards him is well 
expressed in a letter that came to me this morning from a recent 
graduate of the School, who describes him as " one of the best 
known, best liked, and strongest of the law professors." 

The relations of the law professors are probably closer than 
those of any other department of the University. No one who 
has not known, as his colleagues have known, the charm of his 
daily presence and conversation, and the delightful quality of his 
vacation letters, can appreciate the deep and abiding sense of 
the irreparable loss they have suffered in the death of Professor 

In our great grief, we find our chief comfort in the thought of 


his simple and beautiful life, greatly blessed in his home and 
family, rich in choice friendships, crowned with the distinction 
that comes only to the possessor of great natural gifts nobly used, 
full of happiness to himself, and giving in abundant measure 
happiness and inspiration to others. 

The Chairman : — 

Mr. Edes has been associated here with Professor Thayer from 
the earliest days of the Society. I will ask him to add a word. 

Mr. Henry H. Edes responded as follows : — 

Mr. Chairman, — After the affectionate and discriminating 
tributes which have been paid this afternoon to the memory of 
our friend and associate, I should not attempt to add to them 
had not the President, before leaving Cambridge, urged me to say 
something of Mr. Thayer's connection with this Society and of his 
loyalty and devoted service to it ; but, Sir, your own remarks in 
announcing the passing of Mr. Thayer and the admirable Minute 
which Mr. Davis has presented for our consideration, have left 
little for me to say. 

When, in the summer and autumn of 1892, I was noting the 
names of the persons who should be asked to attend, in December, 
the preliminary conference which resulted in the organization of 
this Society, Mr. Thayer's was one of the first to be placed on 
the list. I well remember the cordiality with which he consented 
to append his signature to the Articles of Association ; and from 
that moment he was constant in his devotion to the best interests 
of the new organization. None who heard them, I am sure, will 
ever forget his beautiful tributes to Dr. Gould and to his class- 
mate Ware at the meetings which followed their deaths ; neither 
shall we forget the charm and brilliancy and wit of his after-dinner 
speeches, nor the dignity and grace and felicity with which he pre- 
sided at our Annual Dinner in 1896, when Dr. Gould's failing health 
precluded him from exercising that function. It is pleasant, too, to 
remember that it was at a Stated Meeting of this Society that Mr. 
Thayer made the first public announcement of the fact that the Cor- 
poration of Harvard College had reestablished the Lady Mowlson 
Scholarship, founded in 1643. 


As we go on in life, and the circle of our older friends grows 
smaller, there are few things which a man craves more than the 
respect and love of those younger than himself. Mr. Thayer had 
a remarkable faculty of attracting and holding the affection of 
younger men. He believed in them, and was always ready, when 
opportunity offered, to use his powerful influence to secure for 
them, according to their deserts, that recognition and some of 
those honors and preferments which his own splendid scholarship 
and attainments had won for himself. 

The simplicity of Mr. Thayer's home life was most beautiful, and 
those who were admitted to its privileges will never forget the gen- 
uine New England hospitality which had there its consummate 
flower or the gracious presence and loveliness of character of her 
who shared with him the joys and sorrows of that ideal home. 


6 March, 1902. 

A Stated Meeting of the Council was held on Thursday, 
6 March, 1902, at three o'clock in the afternoon. 
Present, Messrs. Henry Winchester Cunningham, Henry Herbert 
Edes, Frederick Lewis Gay, Albert Matthews, and S. Lothrop 
Mr. S. Lothrop Thorndike occupied the chair. 
The following is an extract from the Records of the Meeting : 

Fisher Avenue, 

Bbookline, Massachusetts, 

March 6, 1902. 

To the President and Members of the Council, ' 
Colonial Society of Massachusetts. 

Dear Sirs, — 

In the Report of the Council read at the Annual Meet- 
ing, November, 1894, Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis called attention 
to the fact that the early Records of Harvard College had not been 
printed, and that it was not probable that the College would publish 
them. He pointed out that by doing such a work we could demonstrate 
the usefulness of our Society. Hoping that you will see fit to carry 
out his suggestion, and knowing the mass of material there awaiting the 
student's digestion, I make this proposition : 

I will pay the cost of transcribing for the printer Volumes I, III, IV, 
V. I will also give up to $2,000 towards the cost of publishing one 
volume of our Publications containing the same (or as much as one 
volume will cover), the size of the edition to be the same as that of 
our Volume III, and no larger. 

Respectfully yours, 

Fred'k L. Gay. 

Voted, That in gratefully accepting the munificent gift which Mr. 
Gay has offered to the Society, the Council wishes to place upon its 


Records an expression of its appreciation of Mr. Gay's deep and con- 
stant and generous interest in the Society and its work, of which he has 
given in the past so many tangible proofs. 

Voted, That the Corresponding Secretary be requested to apply, on 
behalf of the Council, to the Corporation of Harvard College for per- 
mission to print its early Records in the manner contemplated by the 

Voted, That the publication of the proposed volume of Collections be 
committed to the hands of a Special Committee of which Mr. Gay shall 
be the Chairman, the other members to be named at a future meeting of 
the Council. 1 

1 At the meeting of the Council held 3 April, 1902, the Corresponding 
Secretary reported that he had conferred with the Corporation of Harvard 
College, and that it had granted to the Colonial Society permission to print its 
early Records. At a subsequent meeting of the Council, Messrs. William C. 
Lane and Albert Matthews were appointed the other two members of the 
Special Committee. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
**■ Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 27 March, 1902, 
at three o'clock in the afternoon, the President, George 
Lyman Kittredge, LL.D., in the chair. 

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and 

The Corresponding Secretary reported that a letter 
had been received from Mr. Francis Apthorp Foster 
accepting Resident Membership. 

The President announced the death in London on the 
sixth instant of Benjamin Franklin Stevens, L.H.D., a 
Corresponding Member. 

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis gave a sketch of the 
careers of Mr. Stevens and of his brother, the late Henry 
Stevens, as booksellers, publishers, and antiquarians. Mr. 
Davis spoke of the many sumptuous volumes printed for 
them, and exhibited a copy of The New Laws of the Indies, 
privately printed in 1893, which contains an interesting 
dedication to the Hon. John Chandler Bancroft Davis, 
another Corresponding Member of the Society. 

Mr. George Fox Tucker read a paper on Captain Bar- 
tholomew Gosnold and his landing at Cuttyhunk, where 
it is proposed to erect during the coming summer a shaft 
seventy-five feet high to commemorate the tercentenary of 
the event. 

Mr. Henry H. Edes spoke as follows : 

I wish to call the attention of the Society to a misapprehension 
which has existed for at least sixty years, not only in this com- 
munity, but among scholars and in the popular mind throughout 



the country. I refer to the honor attributed to Washington of 
being the iirst person upon whom Harvard College conferred the 
degree of Doctor of Laws. Until within two years I supposed 
that this claim — advanced by others, but never by Washington 
himself — was well founded, but while making, for another pur- 
pose, a critical examination of the Quinquennial Catalogue of 
the University issued in 1900 under the editorship of our asso- 
ciate Mr. Noyes, I discovered that the claim was without foun- 
dation. It was my intention to communicate this fact to the 
Society at its next meeting, but circumstances prevented me from 
so doing and the matter was, for the time, forgotten. Quite re- 
cently, it was forcibly recalled to my mind when, on glancing 
through a copy of the Harvard Graduates' Magazine for June of 
last year, I found the misstatement repeated, — this time by one 
of the professors of history in Harvard University. It is, there- 
fore, important that public attention should be called to the facts 
in the case. 

In President Quincy's History of Harvard University, written at 
the request of the Corporation and published in 1840, is the fol- 
lowing passage: 

After the evacuation of the town of Boston by the British troops, 
which took place on the 17th of March, 1776, congratulatory addresses 
from towns and legislatures were universally presented to General 
Washington, for the signal success which had attended his measures. 
The Corporation and Overseers, in accordance with the prevailing spirit 
and as an " expression of the gratitude of this College for his eminent 
services in the cause of his country and to this society," conferred on 
him the degree of Doctor of Laws, by the unanimous vote of both 
boards. General Washington was the first individual on whom this 
degree was conferred by Harvard College. The Diploma was signed 
by all the members of the Corporation except John Hancock, who was 
then in Philadelphia, and it was immediately published in the newspapers 
of the period, with an English translation (ii. 167). x 

1 It is remarkable that, in a foot-note to this very passage, Quincy refers to 
the text of the diploma, which he prints in an Appendix (ii. 506, 507), without 
noticing that the document bears the signature of the man who was entitled to 
the honor he was claiming for Washington, and that the letters LL.D. are 
appended to the signature. 


Peirce's History of Harvard University is not brought down 
beyond the close of President Holyoke's administration. 

Turning to Samuel Atkins Eliot's Sketch of the History of 
Harvard College and of its Present State, published in 1848, we 
find this statement : 

Another event, of a more agreeable character, was the bestowing 
of an honorary degree on General Washington, after his brilliant 
success in driving the British forces from Boston. This was the first 
doctorate of laws ever conferred by Harvard College ; and, though it 
may not seem a peculiarly appropriate reward for military achievements, 
yet it must be remembered that Washington was not merely a military 
man ; that he had already given large evidence, in his native state, of 
that wisdom, moderation, ability, and constancy, which mark a man 
likely to prove equal to all occasions, and to influence all the circum- 
stances by which he may be surrounded. It was to the civilian, and 
not to the successful military commander, that the degree was given ; 
and if, at the moment, there were any deficiency of proof of his actual 
attainments to justify the compliment, it must have been revealed to 
the prophetic eye of the College government, that the time was not far 
distant when the degree would derive honor from having been conferred 
on him. Never, in the history of nations, has there been a more 
difficult and delicate task than fell to the lot of our fathers in devising 
and organizing a form of government ; and never was there an occasion 
when a knowledge of every kind of law, " utriusque juris, turn naturae et 
gentium, turn eivilis" was more imperatively demanded by the exigen- 
cies of the case, or more satisfactorily exhibited by the leading minds 
of the country. Among them Washington was conspicuous ; and when 
it became his duty to support the Constitution adopted, and to execute 
the laws framed under it, no man could have shown a more enlightened 
and comprehensive acquaintance with his legal duties. It was the union 
of high intellectual and moral qualities, which produced the matchless 
character that can scarcely be too greatly admired and loved. 

It was not inappropriate, then, for the College to testify its re- 
spect for such a man, in the only way in its power; by conferring 
a degree which, even at that time, was suited to the capacity he had 
shown, and which was destined to be rendered a greater honor to all 
others, from its having been received by Washington. Nor can this 
act be urged as a reason for doiug the same to other holders of office, 
whether military or civil, unless, like him, they confer dignity on the 
place they fill, rather than derive from it their own title to respect 
(pp. 83, 84). 


In the Harvard Graduates' Magazine for June, 1901, Professor 
Albert Bushnell Hart says: 

In 1776, General George Washington received the first LL.D. ever 
granted by Harvard University (ix. 516). 

Here, indeed, is an array of authorities which has warranted the 
general reader, at least, in believing that Washington was fairly 
entitled to the honor claimed for him; but in point of fact, Wash- 
ington is not entitled to the distinction of having been the first 
recipient of this degree from our oldest University. Three years 
before the Doctorate of Laws was conferred upon Washington, the 
following action was taken by the Corporation : 

At a Meeting of the President and Fellows, 

July 21 8 .' 1773 

being Commencement Day. 


The President Dr. Eliot 

Dr. Appleton Dr. Cooper 

Dr. Winthrop Mr. Eliot 

[Voted] That the degree of Doctor of Divinity be conferred on the 
Rev'd Mr. Samuel Mather of Boston. 

That Professor Winthrop be desired to accept of the degree of 
Doctor of Laws. 

That the President be desired to accept of the degree of Doctor of 
Divinity (College Book No. 7, p. 260). x 

The Boston Gazette of Saturday, 26 July, 1773 (No. 995, 
p. 3/1), printed the following account of Commencement that 
year : 

BOSTON, July 26. 

WEDNESDAY being the Anniversary Commencement at HAR- 
VARD-COLLEGE, Cambridge, after the prefatory Prayer by the 
Rev'd President Locke, the Exercises of the Morning by the Candidates 
for the Bachellors Degree began with a salutatory Oration in Latin, 
then followed the syllogistic Disputes on various Subjects — to these 

1 Our associate Mr. William Coolidge Lane writes : — 

Curiously enough, the degrees conferred this year were not confirmed by the Over- 
seers. At least, there is no record of them in the Overseers' Records, while Dr. 
Appleton's degree, in 1771, was confirmed with many complimentary remarks. 


succeeded a forensic Dispute on the Legality of enslaving the Africans 
— a Dialogue in Latin — a Dialogue in Arabic — An English Oration on 
the Progress and Advantages of the Arts and Sciences. 

The Exercises in the Afternoon by the Candidates for the Masters 
Degree, began with a Dialogue on Music and Poetry, in English — the 
syllogistic Disputes in Latin followed — An Oration in the Indian Lan- 
guage was delivered by an Indian Missionary — An Oration in English 
on the Advantages of the Study of the Laws of England concluded 
their Performances : The several Degrees were conferred in the usual 
Manner on the following young Gentlemen, viz. 

Bachellors of Arts. 
Masters of Arts. 

Rev'd Joseph Howe, graduated at Yale-College — Mr. Thomas Mel- 
ville, graduated at New-Jersey College, were admitted ad eundem. 

The Degree of Doctor in Divinity was conferred on the Rev'd Samuel 
Locke, President of Harvard-College, — and on the Rev'd Samuel 
Mather, of this town. Also 

The Degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred on the Honorable 
Professor Winthrop, pro mentis. 

Born in Boston, 8 December, 1714, 1 namesake and fourth in 
descent from the Founder of Boston, John Winthrop graduated 
from Harvard College in 1732, and, in 1738, was appointed Hollis 
Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, — a chair which 
he filled with distinction for more than forty years and until 

1 Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xxiv. 101. Professor Winthrop 
was baptized at the Second Church in Boston, 12 December, 1714. Cf. 
Muskett's Suffolk Manorial Families (1894), i. Part I. 26; and Paige's History 
of Cambridge, p. 700, in both of which the date of Professor Winthrop's birth 
is given as 19 December, 1714. This last mentioned date is given in a foot- 
note to p. 21 of a memorial Discourse delivered by Professor Wiggles worth, 
and appears to have been accepted ever since by biographers and genealogists. 
The change, in 1752, from Old Style to New Style will readily account for the 

Since this paper was communicated to the Society, Mr. Robert C. Winthrop, 
Jr., has found among the unpublished Winthrop manuscripts a fragmentary 
memorandum in the handwriting of Judge Adam Winthrop concerning his 
children in which occurs the following passage : 

1714. Decemb r . 8 th Wednesday about half an hour before one o'clock in the morn- 
ing my Wife was dd of a son who was the next Sabbath baptized John at the North 
Church by D r Cotton Mather. 


his death. His attainments in science brought him the friendship 
of Franklin 2 and the recognition of learned bodies at home and 
abroad, the American Philosophical Society and the Royal Society 
of London electing him to fellowship. 2 From 1765 till 1779, 
lie was a Fellow of the Corporation of Harvard College and in 
that capacity he signed the diploma given to General Washington, 
3 April, 1776, 3 — " Johannes Winthrop, LL.D., Mat. et Phil. P. 
Hoi." He was twice elected to the Presidency of the College, 
— in 1769 and 1774, but declined the honor. He sat in the 
House, where he rendered conspicuous service on the popular side, 
and was elected to the Council, where he served in 1773, but the 
next year he was negatived by the Royal Governor. In 1774, 
he was chosen a delegate to the Provincial Congress ; and in the 
following year he resumed his seat at the Council Board, and was 
appointed Judge of Probate for the County of Middlesex, an office 
which he held at the time of his death, which occurred at Cam- 
bridge, on the third of May, 1779, at the age of 64. 4 Eleven years 

1 A letter from Professor Winthrop to Franklin, dated 26 October, 1770, 
will be found in 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for 
October, 1876, xv. 12, 13. Letters which passed between Professor Winthrop 
and John Adams are printed in 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 
291-313. One of these letters, written 29 May, 1775, is addressed " To the 
Honorable John Winthrop, Esq., LL.D." 

2 The University of Edinburgh conferred the degree of Doctor of Laws upon 
Professor Winthrop in 1771, two years before he received it from his Alma 
Mater. The Boston Gazette of Monday, 18 November, 1771, No. 867, p. 3/1, 
contains the following paragraph : 

We bear that Capt. Coffin from London has brought a Diploma from the University 
of Edinburgh, conferring on John Winthrop, Esq; Professor of Mathematics and 
Pbilosopby at Cambridge, and F.R.S. the Degree of Doctor of Laws. 

The Latin text of this diploma was copied into one of the volumes containing 
the Records of the Corporation of Harvard College, — iii. 28, back. 

3 Mr. Matthews sends me the following interesting item : 

We bear, Tbat on Wednesday last the Rev. President, Fellows and Overseers of 
Harvard College, waited on his Excellency General Washington, with an Address, con- 
ferring on him the Degree of Doctor of Laws (Boston Gazette of Monday, 8 April, 1776, 
No. 1090, p. 2/2). 

4 The Independent Chronicle of Friday, 7 May, 1779 (No. 559, p. 3/3), 
contains the following announcement: 

Monday last died at Cambridge, tbat great scholar and excellent man, the honorable 
JOHN WINTHROP, Esq; Hollisiau Professor of the Mathematics in Harvard College. 

Funeral discourses on Professor Winthrop were delivered by the Rev. Stephen 
Sewall, the Rev. Samuel Langdon, and the Rev. Edward Wigglesworth. In 


-&?z<'/&//j,//-jj/f/' "/ ■ ^/'//Y/yf/'/ 1 //, 


before that event, on the sixth of May, 1768, the Rev. Dr. Charles 
Chauncy wrote thus to Dr. Ezra Stiles : 

Mr. Winthrop, Hollisian professor, I have been very free and inti- 
mate with. He is by far the greatest man at the college in Cambridge. 
Had he been of a pushing genius, and a disposition to make a figure in 
the world, he might have done it to his own honour, as well as the 
honour of the college. I suppose none will dispute his being the 
greatest mathematician and philosopher in this country ; and, was the 
world acquainted with his other accomplishments, he would be ranked 
among the chief for his learning with reference to the other sciences. 
He is, in short, a very critical thinker and writer ; knows a vast deal in 
every part of literature, and is as well able to manage his knowledge 
in a way of strong reasoning as any man I know. 1 

President Quincy's appreciative notice of Professor Winthrop 
contains the following paragraph: 

The attainments of Professor Winthrop were not limited to mathe- 
matical and philosophical pursuits. His active, vigorous, and com- 
prehensive mind embraced within its sphere various and extensive 
knowledge ; and he is, perhaps, better entitled to the character of a 
universal scholar than any individual of his time, in this country. He 
wrote in Latin with purity and elegance, studied the Scriptures critically 
in their original languages, was well versed in those of modern Europe, 
and, without dispute, was one of the greatest mathematicians and 
philosophers America had then produced. 2 

It is to this loyal son of Harvard, who for nearly half a century 
held an honorable place among scholars and men of science in 
both hemispheres, and whose services to the State during the Rev- 

the Independent Chronicle of Thursday, 17 June, 1779, No. 565, p. 4/2, ap- 
peared An Elegy on the late Professor Winthrop ; and in the same paper of 
Thursday, 21 October, 1779, No. 583, p. 1/1, was printed a long poem " written 
by a Lady, and sent to Mrs. Winthrop." Mr. K. C. Winthrop, Jr., thinks 
that the Elegy, which was reprinted at the end of Wigglesworth's Discourse, 
and again in the 1811 edition of Professor Winthrop's Two Lectures on Comets, 
was doubtless written by Andrew Oliver (H. C. 1749) ; and suggests that the 
long poem was from the pen of Mercy Warren. This proves to be correct, and 
the poem will be found in her Poems, Dramatic and Miscellaneous, 1790, pp. 

1 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 159. 

2 History of Harvard University, ii. 223. 


olutionary period, in the forum and upon the bench, were of a 
high order, that belongs the distinction of being the first alumnus 
and the first individual to receive from Harvard College the 
honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. 

Mr. Albert Matthews remarked : 

In glancing through the newspapers of that period, I have not 
infrequently noticed communications which were evidently written 
by Professor Winthrop. Some of these, if my recollection is good, 
Avere signed with his name, others with the initials J. W., while 
some were anonymous ; but I do not think there need be any hesi- 
tation in attributing them to Professor Winthrop. They dealt 
with earthquakes, thunder-storms, electricity, comets, meteors, and 
such natural phenomena. 1 

About a fortnight ago, while examining some Boston papers of 
1776, I stumbled on the Washington diploma; and when Mr. Edes 
told me last week that he intended making some remarks about it 
to-day, I said that I would bring a copy. As Quincy states, the 
diploma was printed in the Boston papers both in Latin and in 
English. The Latin text was given by Quincy himself, 2 and has 
been printed by Mr. Ford ; 3 but so far as I know the English text 
has never been reprinted. 4 Eliot could scarcely have read the 
diploma with attention, for part of what he says is rather wide of 
the mark. The English text is as follows : 

New-England, to all the faithful in Christ, to whom these Presents shall 
come, GREETING. 

WHEREAS Academical Degrees were originally instituted for this 
Purpose, That Men, eminent for Knowledge, Wisdom and Virtue, who 

1 Professor Winthrop published the following pamphlets: A Lecture on 
Earthquakes, Boston, 1755 ; Two Lectures on Comets, Boston, 1759 ; Relation 
of a Voyage from Boston to Newfoundland, for The Observation of the Transit 
of Venus, Boston, 17G1 ; Cogitata de Cometis, Londini, 1767 ; Two Lectures 
on the Parallax and Distance of the Sun, as deducible from The Transit of 
Venus, Boston, 1769. 

' 2 History of Harvard University, ii. 506, 507. 

8 Writings of Washington, iv. 6, 7 note. 

4 Mr. Kittredge points out (The Old Farmer and his Almanack, p. 237 note) 
that it was printed in J. T. Buckingham's Specimens of Newspaper Literature 
(1850), pp. 223, 221. 


have highly merited of the Republick of Letters and the Common- 
Wealth, should be rewarded with the Honor of these Laurels ; there is 
the greatest Propriety in conferring such Honor on that very illustrious 
Gentleman, GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq; the accomplished Gen- 
eral of the confederated Colonies in America; whose Knowledge and 
patriotic Ardor are manifest to all : Who, for his distinguished Virtues, 
both Civil and Military, in the first Place being elected by the Suffrages of 
the Virginians, one of their Delegates, exerted himself with Fidelity and 
singular Wisdom in the celebrated Congress of America, for the Defence 
of Liberty, when in the utmost Danger of being for ever lost, and for the 
Salvation of his Country ; and then, at the earnest Request of that Grand 
Council of Patriots, without Hesitation, left all the Pleasures of his 
delightful Seat in Virginia, and the Affairs of his own Estate, that 
through all the Fatigues and Dangers of a Camp, without accepting any 
Reward, he might deliver New-England from the unjust and cruel Arms 
of Britain, and defend the other Colonies ; and Who, by the most signal 
Smiles of Divine Providence on his Military Operations, drove the Fleet 
and Troops of the Enemy with disgraceful Precipitation from the Town 
of Boston, which for eleven Months had been shut up, fortified, and 
defended by a Garrison of above seven Thousand Regulars ; so that 
the Inhabitants, who suffered a great Variety of Hardships and Cruel- 
ties while under the Power of their Oppressors, now rejoice in their 
Deliverance, the neighbouring Towns are freed from the Tumults of 
Arms, and our University has the agreeable Prospect of being restored 
to its antient Seat. 

Know ye therefore, that We, the President and Fellows of Harvard- 
College in Cambridge, (with the Consent of the Honored and Reverend 
Overseers of our Academy) have constituted and created the aforesaid 
Gentleman, GEORGE WASHINGTON, who merits the highest Honor, 
Doctor of Laws, the Law of Nature and Nations, and the Civil Law ; 
and have given and granted him at the same Time all Rights, Privi- 
leges, and Honors to the said Degree pertaining. 

In Testimony whereof, We have affixed the Common Seal of our Uni- 
versity to these Letters, and subscribed them with our Hand writing 
this Third Day of April in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven 
Hundred Seventy-six. 1 

In the discussion which followed, remarks were made by 
the President and by Mr. Charles A. Snow. 

1 New England Chronicle of Thursday, 25 April, 1776, No. 401, p. 1. The 
diploma was also printed in the Boston Gazette of Monday, 15 April, 1776, 
No. 1091, p. 1. 


Mr. Dexison R. Slade read a paper on the portraits of 
Montcalm, which he illustrated by an oil portrait of the 
Marquis which he had bought at auction in Boston a few 
years ago. It is said to be the only oil portrait of Montcalm 
in America. Mr. Slade also exhibited a view of the Chateau 
cle Cancliac, where the Marquis was born, and several photo- 
graphs and engravings of persons and places mentioned in 
the paper. Mr. Slade concluded by giving the following list 
of the portraits of Montcalm : 1 

1. Lithograph (1830 ?). An engraving after the same original is to 
be found in Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe. 

2. Mezzotint. Colored. Sergent del. & sculp. 1790. Paris. Bust 
in oval. Armor. Front. There is a modern reprint of the colored 

3. Etching by H. B. Hall, Morrisania, N. Y., 1868. (Private Plate.) 
Apparently after the picture in the possession of the Marquis of Mont- 
calm, also reproduced in Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe. 

4. Steel engraving. J. B. Masse pinx. A.P.D.R. J. Barbie sculpt. 
Dedie a M r son fils le Chev r . de Montcalm, Major du Reg 4 . R 1 Nor- 
mandie. A Paris, chez Ysabey, M e d'Estampes. Seven lines engraved, 
telling of his victory at Ticonderoga over Loudon and Abercrombie in 

1758, and of his death in 1759. 

5. Montcalm's Headquarters, Quebec. He died here 14 September, 

1759. 12°. Etching on 4° paper. 

6. Montcalm trying to stop the Massacre. Darley del. A. Bellott (?) 
sc. Oblong 8° . Tinted woodcut. 

7. Montcalm, Mort de. Desfontaines del. Moret Sculp. 1789. 
Printed in colors, similar to Sergent. 

8. Montcalm. Del alive del'. Landon direx*. Histoire de France. 12°. 

9. Montcalm by Alix in colors. 

10. Montcalm, L. J., Marquis de. Within oval, in uniform, head to 
right, view of burial underneath. 8°. 

11. Montcalm and his Officers. By Watteau. Described by Pouchot, 
Memoir upon the late War in North America, i. 218, 219. Mr. Slade 

1 Tn the course of his remarks, Mr. Slade alluded to a rare volume printed 
at Paris in 1808 — Montcalm et le Canada, by Felix Joubleau. It was picked 
up in Paris by Mr. Victor II. Paltsits of the Lenox Library, by whom it was 
sold to the Pcquot Library, Southport, Connecticut. Mr. Paltsits doubts 
whether Parkman ever saw the book. 

AlV/:'^->n&Cr,J)o?^ ■? 



gUn^ton, 0L^ 9%<*Je 


owns an engraving with the following inscription: " Vateau delineavit. 
Grave par G. Chevillet, Graveur de Sa M.I. : Mort Du Marquis De 
Montcalm. Dedie au Roi." 

12. Montcalm, Louis Joseph, Marquis de, Lieutenant General des 
Armees de France. " Non sibi, Sed Patrice vixit." Reproduced in the 
Narrative and Critical History of America from Charles de Bonnechose's 
Montcalm et le Canada Francais. 1 

13. There is a bust of Montcalm in the Historical Museum at 

Mr. William Coolidge Lane exhibited two miniatures — 
one of Henry Hamilton, Lieutenant-Governor of Detroit, the 
other of his wife, Elizabeth Lee — lately received by the 
Library of Harvard College from Mrs. C. L. Rice, a great- 
granddaughter of Governor Hamilton's brother, of Grange 
Erin, County Cork, Ireland. 

Mr. Lane also remarked upon two interesting manuscripts 
of Hamilton, received from the same source, one of which he 
had shown at the previous January meeting of the Society ; 2 
and spoke as follows : 

The first of these manuscripts is a Journal of the British 
expedition from Detroit which Hamilton conducted in 1778-79, 
and which effected the capture of Vincennes. The Journal ex- 
tends from 6 August, 1778, two months before the starting of the 
expedition, and ends 16 June, 1779, on the arrival of the author as 
a captive in the hands of the Americans at Williamsburg, Virginia. 
The other manuscript is a volume of reminiscences, written in 
1792 while the author was Governor of Bermuda, and begins with 
his early experiences as a private in the 15th Regiment. This 
regiment was stationed at several different posts in England from 
1755 to 1758. In 1758 it was sent to Halifax, and was present at 

1 See v. 548 and note for references to other portraits. In 1761 J. P. de 
Bougainville wrote Pitt for permission to send an epitaph engraved on marble 
for the Ursuline Church in Quebec. There is reason to believe that the marble 
was shipped, but there is no record that it reached its destination. See Annual 
Register for 1762, pp. 266-268; Warburton, Conquest of Canada, ii. 491-494; 
Pouchot, Memoir, ii. 263-266. 

2 See p. 274, above. 


the siege of Louisburg, in that year. Lieutenant Hamilton was 
wounded in the hand during the siege, and in December was 
granted leave of absence from his post, and embarked for Boston, 
arriving safely after experiencing severe storms and suffering from 
lack of provisions on the way. He visited Newport and Phila- 
delphia, and returned by sea to Halifax in May, 1759, just in time 
to join his regiment for the attack on Quebec. On the eighteenth 
of June, the regiment arrived off the Isle aux Coudres, where they 
found Sir Charles Hardy's squadron at anchor. On the appearance 
of the fleet under Admiral Saunders, they proceeded up the river, 
and landed on the Isle of Orleans near the Church of St. Law- 
rence. Later, a detachment, including Lieutenant Hamilton, was 
set across to take the pass at Point Levi, and occupied the Parish 
Church there. 

Some details are given of the skirmish above the Falls of 
Montmorency and of the general attack on Montmorency on 
the thirty-first of July. Next, the writer gives an account of 
the diversion made early in September at Deschambault when 
a sloop and a schooner further up the river were burned, and of 
the attempted landing at the Pointe aux Trembles. His account 
of the ascent of the steep bank to the Plains of Abraham, of the 
battle there, and of the capture of Quebec is graphic, but seems 
to contain no new facts. The 15th Regiment was stationed 
at Quebec during the winter, but Hamilton and a detachment were 
ordered, as a safeguard, to the Nunnery at the General Hospital, 
where he made friends with several of the French prisoners ; and 
he expresses great admiration for the skill and generous service of 
the nuns. Early in the spring he returned to garrison duty at 
Quebec. He tells of the prisoner rescued from the ice in the river 
on the twenty-sixth of April, who gave the garrison the first notice 
of the approach of the French from Montreal. 

On the twenty-eighth of April, in the course of the attack on 
Quebec, he was captured and taken to the same hospital where a 
few weeks before he had been stationed as a guard. The following 
is his account of his capture: 

So, bereft of council when the French miscellany came down, my 
brave fellows being cool and collected gave a fire, but observing that 
their right had disappeared, thought it high time to join them. How- 
ever, I declare they twice faced about and by word of command fired 


on the pursuers, who indeed were not formidable ; for if we fled like 
quicksilver, they pursued with the composure and gravity of a cathedral. 
I, poor I, at length fagged, disheartened, unbreakfasted, booted, wet 
and dirty, concluded I should be arrested by a ball in my back, that 
there was nothing but vanity in resisting, and vexation of spirit in run- 
ning away from Frenchmen, so I bravely stood my ground, for I was 
done up, and two soldiers of the Regiment de la Reine me coucMrent 
en joue. ... I begged to be led to some officer. They took me to the 
adjutant of the Regiment de Berri. I ought to be ashamed that his 
name should have lost a place in my memory. " Sir," said he, " your 
situation is very dangerous, the savages are at hand, exchange uniforms 
with me, I will furnish you an escort." I was about excusing myself, 
because my uniform was of soldier's cloath and my waistcoat striped 
flannel, but, as he said, 'twas not a time for ceremony. I accepted his 
coat, turned my waistcoat, mounted his white cockade, and then thank- 
fully taking my leave of this generous officer, I turned to my escort, 
and with the authority of an officer wearing a French cockade, cried, 
Allons, ones enfans, marchez. They relished the gasconade, and 
faithfully escorted me to an officer of artillery, who directed them to 
proceed to the rear and deliver me to Monsieur de Boishebert, who 
commanded a party, I believe, composed of Indians and Canadians. 

Later, Lieutenant Hamilton was conveyed to Montreal, and 
finally sent to New York to be exchanged. On the way a stop was 
made at Crown Point, where, Hamilton says, — 

I met my valued friend, Rich d Montgomery, afterwards the most 
capable officer in the service of the Rebel Americans. 

After being exchanged, Hamilton returned to Canada in the fall 
and spent the winter at Quebec, but in June, 1761, went back to 
New York with his regiment, which was encamped on Staten Island. 
Being troubled with the ague, he was allowed to go into East Jer- 
sey, and there, on a tavern sign near the Passaic, he painted a view 
of the Falls of the Passaic. 

On the eleventh of October the regiment sailed for Martinique, 
which they reached 2 January, 1762. Hamilton writes : 

At the same time that we viewed with pleasure the bold scenery, we 
could not but think upon the uncommon strength of a country, which 
showed us deep ravines to pass and steep hills to climb. ... On the 
day [of] our landing (7 th Jany, '62), .a most magnificent and interesting 


6cene presented. The numerous men of war and transports beating up 
to windward in Fort Royal [now Fort de France] Harbor, the view of 
the forts and batteries on shore firing upon our frigates which were 
cannonading them, the sight of Pigeon Island, Fort Royal, the heights 
of Tartenson, Gamier, the Capuchins, formed altogether a noble spec- 
tacle. We landed in the afternoon about 3 miles from Fort Royal (the 
coast batteries being all silenced) and lay upon our arms. 

Here Governor Hamilton's journal unfortunately breaks off, and 
the blotter which he was using is left in its place between the pages. 
Had he continued his reminiscences, he would have told us of the 
capture of Havana, where the regiment was stationed for eleven 
months, and of its return in 1763 to New York and by way of 
Albany and Lake Champlain to Canada. In the summer of 1768 
the regiment was sent back to England, and remained at different 
posts in England, Scotland, and Ireland until early in 1776, when 
it was sent to Cape Fear, North Carolina, under the command of 
Cornwallis. Just when Hamilton was detached from the regiment, 
I do not know, but we find him in September, 1775, leaving Mon- 
treal to take charge of the British post at Detroit as Lieutenant- 
Governor. 1 

In October, 1778, Hamilton set out from Detroit with a small 
company, and at this point his contemporary journal takes up 
the story of his life again. He conducted his little company across 
the end of Lake Erie, up the Maumee and down the Wabash rivers. 
His account of the difficulty of the journey and of their dealings 
with the Indians is most interesting, and does not suggest any 
plausible ground for the name which was given him later by the 
Americans of " Hair-buying Hamilton," and for the vindictive 
hatred that was shown to him on account of the popular belief in 
his offering rewards for scalps rather than for prisoners. After 
great difficulties and hardships the company reached Vincennes on 
the seventeenth of December, and finding it quite unprepared for 
an attack, easily took possession of it. Here they remained through 
the winter, improving the defences as well as they could and sending 
out scouting parties as far as Kaskaskia. So successful were they 
in preventing information of their movements being carried to the 

1 Letters to Sir Guy Carleton and to Gen. Haldimand, successively Governors 
of Quebec, concerning the affairs of his post and the expected attack of the 
Americans, will be found in volume ix. of the Michigan Pioneer Collections. 


Americans, that it was some weeks before Colonel George Rogers 
Clark, stationed at Kaskaskia, heard that Vincennes had fallen. 
With equal perseverance and disregard for hardship, Clark imme- 
diately set forth (5 February) to recapture the post, and while 
Hamilton and his party supposed that access from the south was 
impossible on account of the water and the flooded condition of the 
country, Clark's band pushed on through swollen rivers and water- 
covered plains, and on the twenty-fourth of February recaptured 
Vincennes and took Hamilton prisoner. In company with others 
he was taken by the Americans by water down the Wabash and up 
the Ohio to the Falls of the Ohio, whence they travelled by land 
to Williamsburg, Virginia. With the arrival at Williamsburg and 
the lodging of the prisoners in jail, the diary ends 17 June, 1779. 

In October a parole was offered to Hamilton and his companions, 
but it was not of such a nature that they could accept it. The 
winter was passed at Williamsburg and was attended by great suf- 
fering, and it was not until the tenth of October, 1780, that a satis- 
factory parole was arranged, under which Hamilton was allowed to 
go to New York to negotiate for his exchange. An exchange was 
effected on the fourth of March, 1781, and in May he set sail for 
England, arriving in London on the twenty-first of June. Having 
shown to Lord George Germain the journal which he had kept, he 
was advised to write out an account of the expedition to be trans- 
mitted to General Haldimand. This he did under date of 6 July, 
1781, and this account, founded on the Journal which has lately 
come into the possession of the Harvard Library, — abbreviated in 
all that relates to the experiences of the party on their way to Vin- 
cennes, and enriched with some details in regard to later occur- 
rences, — has been printed. 1 

The English government soon proposed to send Hamilton back 
to Canada, and it was suggested by Haldimand that he should be 
made Lieutenant-Governor. In August, 1782, he was in Quebec, 
and on the fifteenth of November, 1784, when Governor Haldimand 
left Canada, Hamilton succeeded him as Deputy- Governor. On 
the thirteenth of August, 1785, however, he was recalled and on the 
second of November, 1785, left Quebec. He was soon after ap- 
pointed Lieutenant-Governor of Bermuda, and was Governor of 
Bermuda from 1788 to 1794. In 1794 he was transferred to 

1 In volume ix. of the Michigan Pioneer Collections. 


Dominica as Governor, and two years later (29 September, 1796), 
while still holding the office, he died at Antigua, where he had been 
for some months on account of his health. 

Governor Hamilton married Elizabeth, daughter of Colonel Lee, 
of Banbury, Oxfordshire, and left one child, Mary Anne Pierpoint, 
who died unmarried on the twelfth of December, 1871. His father 
was Henry Hamilton, M. P. for Donegal and Collector of the Port 
of Cork, born February, 1692, and died in 1743. His grandfather 
was Gustavus Hamilton, the first Viscount Bo}<ne. An older 
brother of Governor Hamilton was Sackville Hamilton, a Privy 
Councillor and Chief Secretary for Ireland, whose wife was a daugh- 
ter of Bishop Berkeley. It is their great-granddaughter, Mrs. 
Rice, who has had the kindness to send these interesting papers to 
America and present them to the Harvard Library. 

On behalf of Dr. Ephraim Emerton, Mr. John Noble 
communicated a Memoir of the Reverend Charles Carroll 
Everett, which Dr. Emerton had been requested to prepare 
for publication in the Transactions. 







Charles Carroll Everett, Bussey Professor of Theology 
and Dean of the Faculty of Divinity in Harvard University, died 
at Cambridge on the sixteenth of October, 1900. Dr. Everett was 
born in Brunswick, Maine, on the nineteenth of June, 1829. He 
was a descendant, on both sides, from good New England stock. 
His father, Ebenezer Everett, was a son of the Reverend Moses 
Everett of Dorchester, Massachusetts, whose brother Oliver was 
the father of Alexander Hill Everett and Edward Everett. Charles 
Carroll Everett was seventh in descent from Richard Everett, the 
first American ancestor, who was one of the founders of Dedham, 
in 1636. His mother, Joanna Batchelder Prince of Beverly, Mas- 
sachusetts, was one of the first founders of Sunday Schools in 
America, following, in 1810, the example set shortly before by 
Robert Raikes in England. Moses Everett was graduated from 
Harvard College in 1771, and his son Ebenezer in 1806. Four- 
teen other related Everetts appear on the Quinquennial Catalogue 
before the name of our late associate. 

Dr. Everett was graduated from Bowdoin College in 1850. He 
appears on the records of the Bowdoin Medical College in the 
years 1851, 1853, 1854, and 1855, and he was also entered, in 
the year 1853, as a pupil with a practising physician in the neigh- 
borhood. During parts of 1851 and 1852 he was in Europe, and 
on his return was appointed tutor in modern languages at Bow- 
doin in 1853 and 1854. From 1853 to 1857, he served as Librarian 
of the College. In 1855, he was unanimously elected by the 
Trustees College Professor for one year, and was confirmed by 



the Overseers. In 1856, the Trustees elected him full Professor, 
but the Overseers dissented, and, though he was allowed to con- 
tinue teaching through that year, a renewed election by the Trus- 
tees failed again of confirmation. This difference of opinion 
between the governing boards had no reference to Dr. Everett's 
character or capacity ; it was occasioned solely by a difference 
of opinion as to the proper interpretation of a Declaration, made 
in the year 1841, that Bowdoin College was "of the Orthodox 
Congregational denomination." On the strength of this Declara- 
tion, a considerable sum of money had been procured, and the 
Overseers took the ground that it should be strictly interpreted 
in the making of permanent appointments. Dr. Everett's father 
was an avowed Unitarian, and his own views were growing more 
decided in that direction. The result of this controversy was that 
Everett entered the Harvard Divinity School and was graduated 
there in 1859. For ten years from this time he served as pastor 
of the Independent Congregational (Unitarian) Church at Bangor, 
Maine, and this was his only pastorate. 

During these years his mind had been occupied with philosoph- 
ical studies, toward which he had been attracted in Europe. The 
first fruit was his Science of Thought. 1 In this volume he under- 
took to present, along quite fresh and original lines, the principles 
of human knowledge as they were being interpreted by the new 
school of German thinkers. His work won wide recognition, and 
was the means of attracting to him the attention of the Harvard 
Corporation, at that moment busied with the problem of placing 
theological education at Cambridge on a level with the instruction 
in all other branches of science. He was called to the Bussey 
Professorship of Theology in the Harvard Divinity School in 
1869 and soon organized that remarkable series of lectures on 
Theology which continued, down to the time of his death, the 
chief attraction to students of the School. 

Theology, as taught by most schools, was a tolerably dry pre- 
sentation of a set of dogmas, confirmed and justified by reference 
to some specific external authority. As taught by Everett, it 
became a science logically developed from the inherent religious 
instinct of mankind. His lectures, taken together, constituted 

1 First edition, 1869; second edition, 1890. 


a religious philosophy, founded upon a universal human need, 
wrought out with a continual appeal to common sense and expe- 
rience and illustrated with convincing sagacity, that carried the 
hearer steadily forward to clearer and larger insight. It was the 
dream of his later years to work these lectures over into a final 
presentation in book form; but increasing infirmity caused him 
to postpone this work until it was too late. The only record of 
this great activity is to be found in the note-books of his students, 
from which, it is still hoped, some adequate reproduction may be 

In 1878, Dr. Everett was made Dean of the Divinity Faculty, 
and assumed the functions of administration with the same fidelity 
which he had brought to his study and his teaching. Under his 
direction the School was brought more completely into the general 
current of university life. Its instruction was opened to compe- 
tent students of other departments ; its own students were encour- 
aged to widen their preparation by a larger choice among the 
courses offered by outside teachers, and its requirements as to 
scholarship were placed upon the strict graduate basis many years 
before a similar requirement could be ventured upon by the 
schools of Law and Medicine. In all these reforms Dr. Everett 
was a leader. It was his pride to say that the Divinity School 
was always in the van of university progress. His service as 
Preacher to the University from 1891 to 1893 was devoted and 

Dr. Everett's productive activity outside the lecture-room was 
not great in the volume of its results. It found its scope chiefly 
in response to some immediate call, the appearance of a new book, 
the ripening of some current controversy, the appeal of some 
urgent editorial demand. Its most characteristic expression 
is found in the volumes of his Essays, — Poetry, Comedy, and 
Duty, in 1891, and Essays Theological and Literary, mostly re- 
prints from The New World, published in 1901. Besides these, 
he printed: Fichte's Science of Knowledge in 1884, Ethics for 
Young People in 1891, and The Gospel of Paul in 1893. 

Dr. Everett was married, on the ninth of August, 1859, to Sarah 
Octavia Dwinel, of Topsham, Maine, who died at Cambridge, Mas- 
sachusetts, on the sixteenth of February, 1895. They had one 
daughter, Mildred. 


Dr. Everett was a member of the Bowdoin chapter of Phi 
Beta Kappa and a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and 
Sciences. He was for many years a member of the American 
Oriental Society and made valuable contributions to its Journal. 
Though not in the technical sense of the word an Oriental scholar, 
his insight into the Eastern philosophies and his power of inter- 
preting them in terms of our own thought gave him a standing 
among the best American scholars in this branch of learning. He 
was elected into the Colonial Society of Massachusetts on the 
nineteenth of April, 1893, and from 1896 to 1899 was a member 
of the Council. His contributions to our Transactions were 
Memoirs of Governor William Eustis Russell, in December, 1897, 
and of the Rev. Dr. Joseph Henry Allen, in December, 1899. 
Dr. Everett received the degree of S. T. D. from Bowdoin College 
in 1870 and from Harvard in 1874, and the degree of LL.D. from 
Bowdoin in 1894. 

Personally, Dr. Everett was a charming companion, a devoted 
friend, quick to respond to every worthy sentiment, keen but 
charitable in his judgments. His humor pervaded every utter- 
ance, no matter how serious. His point of view was always orig- 
inal and always suggestive, opening out before the hearer some 
solution to his problems unthought of before. It is safe to say 
that no person of the generation now passing has had greater 
influence upon the educated ministry of the Liberal Church. 



A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 
•^~*- Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 24 April, 1902, 
at three o'clock in the afternoon, the President, George 
Lyman Kittredge, LL.D., in the chair. 

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and 

The President appointed the following Committees, in 
anticipation of the Annual Meeting : 

To nominate candidates for the several offices, — Dr. 
Edward H. Hall and Messrs. G. Arthur Hilton and 
Francis H. Lincoln. 

To examine the Treasurer's Accounts, — Messrs. George 
V. Leverett and F. Apthorp Foster. 

Mr. Albert Matthews read a paper on Kitty Fisher and 
Yankee Doodle. 

In the absence of Mr. Worthington C. Ford, Mr. F. 
Apthorp Foster communicated on his behalf an unpub- 
lished Diary kept by Washington at Mount Yernon during 
the months of January, February, March and April, 1786. 

1 January -30 April, 1786. 

JANUARY— 1786. 

Sunday, 1*±. 

Thermometer at 36 in the Morn' g . — at noon — and — at night. 
Lowering day, with but little wind, and that Easterly. 
Lund Washington and wife dined here & returned in the 

Mf Shaw went up to Alexandria and stayed all night. 


Monday, 2±. 

Thermometer at 34 in the Morning 35 at noon — and 35 at 

Heavy lowering Morning with the wind at east. — about 9 
o'clock it began to rain and continued to do so slowly all day. 

Immediately after an early breakfast I went out with the Hounds 
but returned as soon as it began to rain, without touching upon the 
drag of a Fox. 

M T . Shaw returned from Alexandria this Morning before Breakfast. 

Tuesday, 3*. 

Thermometer at 39 in the Morning — 46 at noon — and 42 at 

Clear and pleasant Morning without wind at Sunrising but it 
soon sprung up from the Southwesterly quarter and veering more 
to the Westward blew hard until the evening when it again turned 
calm & very pleasant. 

Wednesday, 4~- 

Thermometer at 35 in the Morning — 42 at noon — and 40 at 

Morning calm and clear with very little wind all day. 

After breakfast I rid by the places where my muddy hole & 
Ferry people were clearing — thence to the Mill and Dogue run 
Plantations — and having the Hounds with me in passing from 
the latter towards Muddy hole Plantation I found a Fox which 
after dragging him some distance and running him hard for near 
an hour was killed by the cross road in front of the house. 

Having provided cutting knives and made the boxes at my own 
shop — I directed my overseers at the several plantations at which 
I had been to cut straw and mix three 4**? of it with one fourth 
Bran (from my mill) to feed their out lying Horses — whilst their 
Work Horses is also to be fed with this and oats mixed. 

I also directed that my Chariot Horses — and all others about 
my home H? except the Stud horse and three horses which will be 
frequently rid a hunting to be fed with Bran & chopped Hay in 
the above proportion — and that my waggon & cart Horses should 


be fed with chopped Rye & chopped Hay in the same proportion 
of one to four. 

M? Bushrod Washington and his wife came here in a chariot 4 
horses & 3 servants just after we had dined. 

Thursday, 5'A 

Thermometer at 33 in the morning — 42 at noon — and 32 at 

Morning clear & cold, ground hard froze — as it was yesterday 
Morning — wind at NWest — blowing pretty fresh all day — Went 
into the Neck — 

A Daniel M c Pherson from Loudoun Came here with some money 
from my Loudoun Tenants, sent by the widow of Lewis Lamar. 

The Cape wheat which (on the 30th. of November) was cut not 
as I thought and had ordered, that is within 4 Inches of the ground 
but between 6 and 8 from it, having grown a good deal I ordered 
(and 6 or 8 days ago tho' not noticed before, it was in part done) 
that it should be again cut. — part of 2 Rows at the No'E* corner 
were by mistake of orders, cut within 1 or 2 Inches of the ground ; 
so as to shew the crown of the wheat quite bear & white — I 
thereupon stopped the cutting of any more, resolving to attend to 
the effect of this close shearing, at this season. — about 12 feet of 
these Rows, were all that received the second cutting. 

Took an acct. of the Tools about the home house which are as 


7 Spades. 7 Axes. 

4 Mattocks. 8 Butch'? Knives 

5 Weed? Hoes. 3. Hill* D° 

1 CuttX knife. 1 Hay. Ditto. 

Friday, 6'A 

Thermometer at 30 in the Morn' g . — 28 at noon — and 30 at 

Wind at N°E* in the Morning, which was cloudy, with intervals 
of snow through the day and very cold. — the wind towards Night 
getting to the N? Westward, blew h d 

My Boat went up with a load of Flour to Alexandria from my 
Mill for Mr. Hartshorn — a distressing time, it is to be feared the 
people must have had of it & probably would not, after all, reach 
the Port. 


Saturday, 7'A 

Thermometer at 26 in the Morning 34 at noon — and 32 at 
night. Morning clear with the wind at N°West fresh, and cold, 
all day, the little snow which fell yesterday had disappeared except 
in places where the influence of the sun could not be felt. 

The Boat which was sent of! yesterday with flour got no farther 
than Johnsons Ferry & there by neglect suffered to get aground — 
sent and ordered it to be got of! and to proceed, or to return, as 
circumstances might dictate, the last of which was done. 

Sunday, 8^. 

Thermometer at 27 in the Morn'*. — 38 at noon — and 35 at 

Day clear with the wind pretty pretty fresh at N°West in the 
forenoon which moderating as the sun rose backed to Southwest 
and grew calm towards the evening. 

Mr. Bushrod Washington and his wife went away after Break- 
fast — and about 11 o'clock Betey & Patey Custis returned to 
Abingdon in my Chariot accompanied by their Brother & Sister, 
Nelly & Washington Custis. 

Sent my Boat of this afternoon with the flour for Alexandria, 
with which she returned last night on ace 1 , of the weather. 

Monday, 9'A 

Thermometer at 28 in the Morn' g . — 38 at noon — and — at 
night. Wind Southerly all day — clear but a chilly air. 

Saturday, Yesterday, and this day morning, the flats and creeks 
were froze, but that on the former dispersed with the tide when 
the winds blew, the latter remained 

Sent Mr. Shaw to Alexandria to dispatch my Boat which went 
up yesterday and to purchase & send down a ton of iron [blot] w c * 
was accordingly — He & the Boat both returned at night. 

Rid over my Ferry Plantation thence to the mill, & thence to 
my Dogue run & Muddy hole Plantations before dinner — as also 
to the place where my negro Carpenters were at work and directed 
them to get me a stick for a heavy roller and scantling for Plow 
stocks — Harrows &c c . &c e . 


Tuesday, 10 l K 

Thermometer at — in the Morning — at noon and 38 at night, 

Wind Southerly all day & at times pretty fresh and in the fore- 
noon cold — but warmer & much pleasanter afterwards. 

Rid to my Plantation in the neck, and took the hounds with me 
— about 11 O'clock found a fox in the Pocoson : at Sheredens 
point, and after running it very indifferently and treeing it once 
caught it about one O'clock. 

In the evening one William Barber from the lower end of Fau- 
quier came here to rent some Land I have in that quarter and 
stayed all night. 

Wednesday, 11$. 

Thermometer at 34 in the Morning — 36 at noon — and 33 at 
night. Morning very thick and heavy about 8 o'clock it began to 
snow moderately with the wind at S°E* and continued to do so 
until 12. 

Agreed to let William Barber have 50 (or more acres of Land if 
he chooses it) at the rate of Ten pounds p5 Hundred acres ; for the 
term of fourteen years, and to allow him one year free from Rent 
in consideration of the improvements he may make. 

Sent M^ Shaw to my mill to get the Mill Book, and to take a 
state of the flour in the mill. 

And sent my overseer to forewarn some persons who were hunt- 
ing upon my land from the like practice. — 

Thursday, WK 

Thermometer at 28 in the Morning — 39 at noon — and 40 at 

The snow which fell yesterday had not covered the ground more 
than y± of an inch thick — 

A very heavy hoar frost, this morning — day calm, and the even- 
ing clear and remarkably pleasant & warm. 

Mr Shaw went up to the Ball at Alexandria. 

1 For the history and derivation of the word poquosin, applied to " low tracts 
of land in close proximity to creeks or other bodies of water, and occasionally 
to land subject to overflow from one cause or another," see the American An- 
thropologist, New Series, i. 162-170. 


Friday, 13 l K 

Thermometer at 32 in the morning — 38 at noon — and 35 at 

But little wind all day, and that from the No. West — evening 
quite calm. 

Laid out the ground behind the Stable, formerly a Vineyard, for 
a fruit Garden. 

Mf Shaw returned about 12 Oclock from Alexandria. 

Saturday, ltfK 

Thermometer at 26 in the Morn'? — 35 at Noon — and 36 at 

Went out with the Hounds & run a fox from 11 O'clock untill 
near three O'clock when I came home and left the Dogs at fault 
after which they recovered the Fox & it is supposed killed it. 

Before the Chase I visited My Ferry & Dogue run Plantations. 

Sunday, 15—. 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning — 42 at noon — and 40 at 

Little or no wind all day, clear and very pleasant 

Nelly & Washington Custis returned home to-day. 

Doctf [David] Stuart came here to Dinner & returned in the 

Monday, 16*. 

Thermometer at 35 in the Morn'? — at noon — and 38 at night. 
Lowering Morning with threatnings, & spittings of snow till about 
noon when the wind (for before it was calm) came out at N°West 
tho' not hard, dispelled the clouds. Run round My Plantation at the 
Ferry — and on my return found a Mr. Armstrong here on busi- 
ness of Mf Balch, respect' 8 my Nephews who after dining returned. — 

Began from an appreh 1 ? that there would not be much frost to 
put Ice into my Ice H? tho' there was but little of it. Sent My 
Stone Mason, Cornelius M c Dermott Roe, to the Proprietors of the 
Quarries of free stone along down the River to see if I could be 
supplied with enough of a proper kind to repair my stone steps & 
for other purposes. 


Tuesday, 17*. 

Thermometer at 27 in the Morning — 30 at noon — and 28 at N. 

Wind at N?West all day, and cold — thawed bnt little, altho' it 
was clear. — 

Employed as yesterday, in collecting Ice, but under many disad- 
vantages, being obliged to go over to the Maryland shore and pick 
up the floating Ice in the river — which I was disposed to do, rather 
than run the risk of not laying up a store. 

Cornelius M c Dermott Roe returned, having had the offer of 
stone [from] M T . Brent. 

Wednesday, 18*-. 

Thermometer at 20 in the morning — 22 at Noon — and 26 at 
night — 

Day very cold — no thawing — and the afternoon threatening of 
snow, a fine mist of it falling — Wind Northerly — Col? [John] 
Fitzgerald called here on his way from Dumfries & dined and then 
proceeded — fixed with him and requested that he would give the 
Board of Directors of the Potomack Company notice of the meeting 
intended to be held at the Great Falls on Monday the 30*? Inst* — 
Getting Ice this day also. 

Thursday, 19*. 

Thermometer at 19 in the morning — 20 at noon — and 22 at 

Morning Cloudy — Wind Northerly — and weather cold — Snow 
about an Inch deep fell in the night. — after ten o'clock it began 
again & continued snowing fine till bed time with the wind 

Discontinued getting Ice, the river not being in a State to get it 
from the other shore and the prospect such as to get it anywhere in 
the course of a day or two — 

The negro Shoemaker belonging to M. r Lund Washington came 
to work here in the forenoon of this day. 1 

Friday, 20*. 

Thermometer at 18 in the mor& — 24 at noon — and 26 at night. 
A mixture of snow and hail fell all the fore part of the day — 
1 Probably Baptiste Hamilton. 


and hail & rain the latter part which consolodated the Snow which 
in the morning might be about 6 or 8 Inches deep ; — Wind North- 
wardly all day ; — but not much of it in any part of it. 

Saturday, *21 s ±. 

Thermometer at 26 in the morning — at noon — and 34 at night 

Cloudy and hazy till betw n eleven & 12 o'clock when the suns 

feeble efforts to shine were overcome — about One o'clock a heavy 

mist came on — about two it grew very dark — thundered & rained 

— after wh - it continued misling till bed time. 

Rid to my Plantations at Muddy hole and Dogue run — from 
thence to the Mill ; — upon my return found Mr Jn° Dandridge 

Sunday, <2%*. 

Thermometer at 40 in the morning — 42 at noon — and 48 at 

Raining more or less all day and a close thick fog the whole day, 

— proceeding from the dissolution of the Snow, which by night 
was almost gone — Wind tho' not much of it Southerly and warm 

— the damps in the house being also very great the damps upon 
the walls being to be swept of. — 

Monday, <23±. 

Thermometer at 38 in the morning — 46 at noon — and 40 at 

Clear all day with the wind at N°West but neither hard nor cold. 

Snow entirely gone except in places hid from the influence of 
the Sun & the Southwardly wind which blew yesterday. 

Tuesday, £{A • , 

Thermometer at 31 in the morning 36 at noon — and 34 at Night. 

Morning clear & pleasant : lowering afterwards ; with appear- 
ances of snow : — little or no wind all day. — 

Began my work of Ice-getting again today. — but it was not in a 
proper state being rather a mixture of Snow & Ice and not hard 


Wednesday, %5K 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning — at noon — and 40 at Night 

Morning calm and very foggy till after 8 o'clock when the fog 
dispersed and was very pleasant — About one o'clock the Wind 
Sprung up at N?West but blew neither hard nor cold. 

My Jn? Dandridge set off on his return home after breakfast. 

I rid to Morris's, Muddy hole and Neck Plantations, between 
Breakfast and dinner. 

The State of the Ice was such that I was obliged to desist from 
getting more until the next freezing spell. — 

And set about the Banks round the Lawn, in front of the gate 
between the two Mounds of Earth. 

Thursday, 26* 

Thermometer at 33 in the morn* — at noon — and 39 at Night 

Clear and pleasant all day and more especially in the afternoon 
— Not much wind — but that from the N°West. 

Renewed my Ice operation today, employing as many hands as I 
conveniently could in gett g it from the Maryland shore — carting 
and pounding it. 

Mr. Shaw went up to the dancing Assembly at Alexandria after 

Friday, 27* 

Thermometer at 30 in the morning — at noon — and — at night 

Clear and pleasant all day ; wind at N°West in the forenoon and 
Eastwardly afterwards, but not much of it. 

M r . 8 Washington set out after breakfast for Abingdon — to see 
M^ [David] Stuart who is ill. 

I rid to my Mill — and to the Plantation at Dogue run — also 
to the places when the Muddy hole & ferry people were at work. 

Mr. Shaw returned home an hour or two within Night. 

Getting Ice again today. 

Saturday, 28* 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning — at noon — and 44 at night. 

Morning calm & clear but the [ground] hard frozen about 10 
o'clock the wind sprung up at South, but did not blow hard, 
thawed the ground a good deal. 


Went out after breakfast with my hounds — found a Fox in the 
Branch within M' Thomson Mason's Field and run him sometimes 
hard and sometimes at cold hunting from 11 o'clock till near two 
when I came home and left the huntsmen with them who followed 
in the same manner two hours or more longer and then took the 
Dogs off without killing. 

In the course of the chase & and at the upper end of the cover 
in which the above Fox was found I see two run out at once neither 
of which appeared to be the chased Fox. — this shews how plenty 
they are on that side the Creek. 

When I came home found Col Gibson, 1 a M? Pollack (of Rich- 
mond) and Col Allison here, who dined and stayed all night. 

Getting Ice again today. 

Sunday, £9 { A 

Thermometer at 40 in the morning — 54 at noon — and 50 at 

The morning remarkably fine & pleasant with little or no wind 
— the afternoon a little lowering and at night it began a mizzling 
rain which encreased and continued raining all night. 

After breakfast the Gentlemen who came yesterday returned 

In the Afternoon Col [William] Grayson & his nephew Mf 
Benj a Orr came in and stayed all night. 

Monday, 30*. 

Thermometer at 54 in the morning — 56 at noon — and 50 at 

The Morning foggy, with showers at intervals till near 11 o'clock 
after which it cleared with a brisk Southwardly wind. — 

M- Washington with Betey & Patey Custis came home, from 
Abingdon before dinner ; and after it Col Grayson & Mf O'rr left 

Planted the Hemlock Pine w c -^ was brought to me by Cornelius 
M c Dermot Roe from Col Blackburns, in my Shrubberies — and 

On sixteen square rod of ground in my lower pasture I put 140 
Bushels of what we call Marie — viz : — on 4 of these N.W* corner 
were placed 50 bushels — on 4 others S°W* corner 20 bushels On 4 

1 Perhaps John Gibson of Colchester. 


others S° E* corner 40 bushels and on the remaining 4 : 20 bushels — 
This Marl was spread on the sod in these proportions — to try — 
first whether what we have denominated to be Marl possesses any 
virtue as a manure — and secondly — if it does — the quantity 
proper for an acre. 

Transplanted (after dividing it into two) the French honey suckle 
in my North garden to the Lawn — one half in front of each garden 

Tuesday, S1*K 

Thermometer at 42 in the morning — 40 at noon — and 34 at 

The morning was a little cloudy but the weather soon cleared 
with a brisk N?Wester which occasioned a great change in the air. 

Planted a few pine trees in my Wildernesses. 


Wednesday, 1^. 

Thermometer at — in the mor g — at noon — and — at night. 

Ground very hard froze — Wind Eastwardly in the morning and 
S? E* the remaining part of the day ; but clear & tolerably pleasant 

Not being able to leave home yesterday (as I intended) for the 
appointed meeting of the Directors of the Potomack Navigation at 
the Great Falls this day, I set out this morning at the first dawn- 
ing of day, for this purpose — and after as disagreeable a ride as I 
ever had for the distance arrived at the Falls at half after 11 
o'clock, where I found Col [George] Gilpin (who had been there 
since Sunday night) levelling &c° — and Col Fitzgerald who got 
there just before me 

Spent the remainder of this day in viewing the different grounds 
along which it was supposed the Canal might be carried and after 
dining at the Huts went in the evening accompanied by Col Fitz- 
gerald, & Mr Potts x to a M* Wheeler's in the neighbourhood (about 
lj4 miles off) to lodge. 

1 In a Ledger I find mention of Herbert & Potts. 


Thursday, £*-. 

Thermometer at in the morning — at night — and — at night. 
A very remarkable hoar frost, with but little wind ; day pleasant 
till the evening when it clouded up and ab* 8 o'clock began to 

Spent this day in examining the ground more attentively and 
levelling the different ways we had discovered yesterday but on 
ace 4 of the swolen state of the river & rapidity of the current we 
could not determine absolutely upon the best cut and therefore 
directed MF Stuart the Assistant Manager to have all of them 
opened, accurately measured, levelled & their bottoms sounded by 

the day of March when the Directers are to be requested 

pointedly to meet for the final choice. 

Dined again at the Hutts; some little time after which GovF 
Lee (who had been detained by high waters) and Mr. Rumsey 
came in — the first concurred in sentiment with us on these 

After 7 o'clock at night Col Fitzgerald, M r Potts, & myself left 
the Hutts & came to M r William Scott's about 6 miles on this side 
of the Falls where we lodged. 

Friday, 3 d . 

Thermometer at — in the morn g — at noon — and — at night 
The snow that fell last night did not cover the ground an Inch 

— The Wind was at S? West, and the day over head was pleasant 

— snow soon disappeared. 

After an early breakfast we left Mf Scotts ; and about noon I 
reached home ; where I found an Eastern shore man delivering the 
oats which DoctF Stuart had engaged on my behalf of a Mf George 
Savage of Northampton — viz 800 Bushels. 

Soon after I arrived Miss Sally Ramsay — Miss Kitty Washing- 
ton, DoctT Craik JunF & MF Porter came in and Dined and stayed 
all night — After Dinner MF [James] Rumsey arrived and stayed 
the evening also. 

Saturday, J/!-. 

Thermometer at 46 in the mor g — at Noon — and 40 at night. 
Clear morning with very little wind — after which it sprung up 
but not fresh, from the Eastward and lowered. 


M? Porter and DoctT Craik went away before Breakfast — and 
Mr. Rumsey after dinner. 

Having assembled the men from my Plantations, I removed the 
Garden - Houses which were in the Middle of the front walls to the 
extreme points of them ; which were done with more ease, & less 
damage than I expected, considering the height one of them was 
to be raised from the ground. — 

Sunday, 5-. 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning — 36 at noon — and 37 at 

Wind Northerly — about 9 o'cl^ last night it began to snow 
which turned soon to rain which continued through the night, and 
more or less all day intermixed now & then with spittings of snow. 
Ab* noon the wind shifted to the N? West and blew pretty fresh 
but the weather in other respects did not change. 

Monday, 6 l K 

Thermometer at 36 in the morning — 40 at Noon — and 38 at 

Flying clouds in the morning with a brisk N? West wind all 
day and cold, though clear after ten o'clock. — 

The largest of my Buck fauns which had been missing since 
friday last came home after dinner with its left hind knee broke 
& much shivered — supposed to be by a shot. 

Planting pines in the Wilderness on the left of the lawn and 
spading the ground there to day. 

Tuesday, TK 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning — at noon and 54 at night. 

Morning clear & very pleasant as it continued to be all day — 
Wind Southerly but not fresh. — 

M^ Washington, Kitt}^ Washington, Miss Ramsay M? Shaw 
and myself went to Col? M c Cartys to the funeral of M^ Piers (one 
of his daughters) I took my ferry & dogue run plantations in the 
way — we returned home to dinner — after which Doctor Griffith 
came in — and my overseer from the Plantation on Rappahannock. 


Wednesday, 8-. 

Thermometer at 42 in the mor g — 52 at noon and 44 at night. 

Day rather variable, but upon the whole pleasant ; In the morn- 
ing there were flying clouds with the wind pretty fresh from the 
N? West — after which it was clear and still, till the evening, 
when the wind came out at S° East. 

After Breakfast Mf Griffith went away, and before dinner Mf 
W- Craik came in and stayed all night. 

Finished planting all the young pine trees in the Wilderness on 
the left. — 

Thursday, 9*. 

Thermometer at 43 in the morn g — 54 at noon — and 50 at night. 

Clear morning with a remarkable white frost. — Wind Southerly 
all day. 

Went early in the morning to my river Plantation — took the 
Dogs with me, and on my return hunted, but never got a fox afoot, 
tho I dragged one to Mr. Rob* Alexander's Pocoson, at whose 
house I called. 

In my way home I took Muddy hole plantation — found Mr 
Will 5 Craik gone — and M r Fendall and M r Hipkins here, who 
went away at night by which DoctF Craik Sen r came in. 

Friday, 10 l K 

Thermometer at 52 in the morning — 62 at noon — and 66 at 

Wind Southerly & pretty fresh all day till evening when it 
shifted to the N? West and turned cold — a large circle round the 
moon — this day was remarkably fine & promotive of vegitation. — 

The buds of the lylack were much swelled & seemed ready to 

DoctT Craik went away after Breakfast. 

I began to hand weed the drilled wheat from the Cape behind 
the Stables. — the part which was cut so close by mistake, appeared 

to be quite dead to, if not at the roots The top of the blades 

of the other, in some places, had turned red, as if singed with the 
frost ; and the bottom blades were, in many places grown yellow. 


— the last sowed wheat had, within these few days, vegitated a 
good deal, and was stooling very prettily. 

Making up the banks round ye serpentine walks to the front 

Saturday, ll l K 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning — 34 at noon — and 30 at 

Wind at N? East all day — very raw, and cold ; a red angry sky 
at sunrising, — lowering about noon and snowing afterwards, by 
intervals, towards night. 

A My Wooldridge (an English gentleman) and a Mf Waddell of 
N? Carolina — together with Mr. Murray M T . Wilson, & M r Maize 
came here to dinner & stayed all night. 

Transplanted the following Trees, to the following places in the 
North Garden, — viz — the first on the left looking eastward from 
the garden house, along the walk in front of it, is a peach tree 
transplanted yf 14 of last march from the Gardeners nursery, to 
the South side of the walk by the Engl^ Walnuts. — The 2 d , & 4® 
on the same side are burgamy Pears, grafted the first of April last 
y* by the Green House. — the 3 d on the same side is a black May 
heart Cherry grafted at the same time, in the same place. — The 5*^ 
on the same side is a Duke cherry D?D? — The 3 d tree from the 
same house on the right side (looking the same way) is also a Duke 
Cherry, grafted as above. — By the stumps of the Carnation Cherry 
and Apricot which were removed into the same garden on the 26- 
of last October (not expecting either of them to live) I planted a 
white heart Cherry, and one of the small cherries that used to grow 
in the walk, in front of the House ; — the white heart was placed 
by the stump of the Carnation Cherry. 

Brought a Goose & Gander of the Chineese breed of Geese, from 
the reverend Mf Griffiths — and also two of the large White (or 
Portugal) Peach trees ; and 2 Scions from a tree growing in his 
garden, to which he could give no name. — the last for my shrub- 

Sunday, 12*. 

Thermometer at 30 in the morn g — 32 at noon — and 34 at 

Snow about half an inch deep in the morning but soon disap- 


peared afterwards. — Cloudy for the most part and but a feeble 
Sun at any time of the day. Not much Wind and that about S?E* — 
Mess 5 Wilson, Murray, and Mease went away before breakfast — 
Mr. Wooldridge and MF Waddell after it — and Miss Ramsay & 
Kitty Washington some time after them in my Chariot. — 

Monday, 13 l K 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning — 34 at noon. — and 32 at 

Cloudy morning but tolerably clear afterwards till noon when it 
lowered and sprinkled fine snow by intervals till night by which 
the ground was not covered more than half an inch. Wind, 
Southerly but raw and cold notwithstanding. 

Planted the two peach trees which were brought on Saturday 
from Doctf Griffiths in my fruit garden behind the stable (the 'two 
uppermost ones at the N? E* corner of it.) — Also planted others 
from the nursery in the Garden. 

Began to raise the mound of earth on the right of the gate 
(coming in). 

Rid to my Plantations at Muddy hole — Dogue run — and Ferry 
— and also to the Mill. — found DoctF Craik here on my return, 
who dined with us and proceeded to MF Littles at Cameron to 
whose wife he was sent for. — 

Tuesday, lift. 

Thermometer at 32 in the morning — 36 at Night — and 38 at 

In the course of last night there fell 8 Inches Snow — and it 
continued snowing slightly till 10 or 11 o'clock when it cleared 
and became a fine afternoon and evening — Not much wind and 
that variable sometimes at S? E' then at N? West — and then 

Employed all the women and weak hands (who on ace* of the 
snow) could not work out; in picking the wild Onion from the 
Eastern shore oat for seed. 

Doctf Craik came in whilst we were at Dinner and stayed all 


Wednesday, 15*. 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning — 36 at Noon. — and 36 
at Night. 

Morning lowering — towards noon it became clear and warm, 
after which it clouded up again — between 4 and 5 it began to rain 
w c . h turned to snow in a little time soon after which it ceased — 
Wind for the most part of the day was southerly. 

DoctF Craik went away after Breakfast. 

Began with some of the men ab* the House to bundle faggots for 
filling up guillies ; as they could not on ace' of the weather remove 

Thursday, 16*. 

Thermometer at 36 in the morning — 46 at noon — and 46 at 
night — 

Morning cloudy and not pleasant wind being at N? West, but 
not fresh. — Afterwards it became clear calm, and exceedingly 

The warm & pleasant afternoon almost carried off the snow 

Put one of Doctf [William] Gordons Subscription Papers (yester- 
day) in the hands of DoctF Craik to offer to his acquaintance. 1 — 

Friday, 17* 

Thermometer at 38 in the Morning — 52 at Noon — and 48 at 

A thick fog till 9 o'clock, A.M. when it dispelled, was clear, and 
pleasant till towards sunsetting when the Western horison seemed 
to cloud & lower. — ■ Wind Southerly all day but the ground very 
wet. — Snow all dissolved where the sun had access. 

Rid to my Mill, and the Plantations at Muddy hole, Dogue run 
& ferry. — 

Sent for DoctF Brown, who visited my negro Overseer (Will) and 
Gabriel at Muddy hole who were both sick — the first since this 
day week & was visited by Doct r Brown on Tuesday last. — 

1 The allusion is to the Rev. William Gordon's History of the Rise, Progress, 
and Establishment of the Independence of the United States, published in 



Saturday, 18*. 

Thermometer at 45 in the morning 56 at Noon — and 50 at night. 

The morning lowered, — cleared at noon — and about two it 
rained a little ; with appearances of a good deal at first — however it 
soon ceased, though it continued cloudy till night, when the Wind 
which had blowed pretty fresh from the Southward all day shifted 
to the N? West. 

Began the yards back of the Green House designed for the Jack 
Ass & Magnolia. 

The Bitch Stately was lined by the Dog Vulcan — Jupiter had 
been put to her and Venus but never seemed to take the least 
notice of them but whether he ever lined either of them is uncertain 
— the contrary is supposed. — 

Rid to the Plantation in the Neck — and returned home by 
Muddy hole and visited the sick men there whom I found better. — 

Took a list today of all my negroes which are as follows : — at 
Mount Vernon and the plantations around it. viz : — 






*Lame Alice 

Sail Brass 



Val. de Chambre 
I Waiters in the House 

1 Cooks. 

I Drivers & stablers 

i almost past service 

I Sempstresses 

! House Maids 
i Washers 


old & almost blind 





past labour 

Cook Jack. 

I Stock keeper 
i old Jobber 





> Labourers — 

*Tom Davis 


*Joe j 









► Carpenters 

*Tom Nokes 

Natt. ] 
George j 

Smiths — 

•Peter — lame 

— Knitter. 

grown 41 



Betty's House 


y'old — 


little Alice's- 





















* Sin ah 

























Lame Alice 














m . 8 





carried over 





y r old 




























* Wilson 





*Moll 1 , 

*P te J Custis's Estate- 


In all. 









\ Cowpers — 




In all- 4 





*Breechy > 





> Labour 5 Men 






*Ben. j 


Overseers wife 


Ruth \ 




■ Labour* women 







Suck - 


Judy M. 

Judy F. 



- Labour 8 women 






* Alice 

[11] 17 




Will — 

Mill Judy's 

13 y r old 























































Ferry Doll's 


y rs old 



Neck Doll's 











# Jack 






Suck Bass 




House Sail's 




D° Charlottes 









1 month 

In all 





* Morris 





Jack long 

y Labour 8 men 



♦Morris J 


Over!! wife 

*Lucy >| 




, Labour* Woi 


* Grace 




grown 21 


Sarah - 




6 y™ old 
5 do 
3 do 




6 M° 
6 y^do 



4 do 



1 do 



9 do 
3 do 



6 M° 



Jones (dead) 

9 y r old • 
4' do 



3 do 






3 do 



6 M° 




1 yr old 




6 M° 


In all 



*Sam Kit ^ 



- Labour 5 Men. 



*Paul J 

*Betty . 



* Labouring Women 



* Rachel 


^Daphne ' 




* Godfrey 
# Beck 


12 y r f old. 
11 do 



7 do 



6 do 



3 do 

*Bill langston 


6 m° 



11 y r ? old 



4 do 



3 do 



1 do 




6 do 
3 do 



8 m 9 



8 y r old 
5 do 


In all 










' Labour? Men 










. labour* Women 










14 y r old 




11 do 



8 do 




4 do 




8 do 



6 m° 


7 yr old - 



2 do 





10 do 





4 do 





3 do 



In all 

bro* over 
In all 


Muddy hole 


03 « 

2 P* 3 • 

Home House 



River Plants 



5/ '& <& 

» 2 a 
qg 2. | 

3 vi « 

Dogue run I 
Ferry Plant j 



Z 3 w K 







Sunday, 19* 

Thermometer at 35 in the morning — 38 at Noon — and 38 at 

Morning clear and tolerably pleasant — though the horison was 
red & looked angry at the place of the suns rising — after noon it 
lowered a good deal, and at night there fell a mixture of snow and 
rain, which turned to a kind of misling rain that continued 
through the night. — but little wind in the fore part of the day — 
at S? E* and East afterwards. 

Monday, W l K 

Thermometer at 35 in the morning — 38 at noon — and 38 at 

Missling all day intermixed at times with rain with but little 

Began, though the ground was too wet to set the Posts of my 
Paddock fence. 

Mr Lawrence Washington of Chotank, M r W^ Thompson, M r 
Will™ Stuart and M? Lund Washington came here to dinner — all 
of whom except the first went away after it. 

Tuesday, %1<±. 

Thermometer at 40 in the morning 40 at Noon and 38 at N 

Clear, with the wind pretty fresh at N? West in the forenoon 
calm afterwards. 

A Mr. M c Pherson of Alexandria came & returned before 
dinner, his business was to communicate the desires of a Neigh- 
bourhood in Berkeley County, to build a School & Meeting House 
on some Land of mine there, leased to one — my answer was, 
that if the tenant's consent could be obtained, and the spot chosen 
was upon the exterior of my Land, so as that no damage would 
result from Roads &c c to it, mine should not be wanting. 

Col Carrington, Doctf Brown and a Mr. Scott of Maryland (a 
liver with Col.° Fitzhugh) also Mf Law 6 Washington (of this 
County) came here to dinner ; all of whom except Col Carrington 
went away after it. — In the evening Mr. Crawford and his wife — 
child and nurse came in and stayed all night. 


Wednesday, 22^. 

Thermometer 36 in the morning — 40 at noon — and 40 at 

A gray morning with a red and angry looking horison at the place 
of the suns rising — about 10 o'clock it began to lower very much 
& at noon to drip rain which continued with intervals all the 
remaining part of the day, but not so as to drive people from their 
work — Calm all day. 

After breakfast Col? Carrington & M r Crawford, his wife left 
this — the first for Alexandria to pursue his rout to Congress (of 
which he is a member) — the other on his return home. — 

MF Lawrence Washington went up to Alexandria after breakfast 
— dined & returned in yf Evening. 

Thursday, <23K 

Thermometer at 36 in the morning — 32 at Noon — and 32 at 
night — 

Wind at East all day — by eight A. M. it began to snow and 
continued to do so more or less all day, covering the ground by 
Night 3 or 4 Inches when it became a kind of sleet. 

Mr. Lund Washington came here to dinner, and returned after- 
wards — a M? Rice Hooe came in the afternoon and stayed all 
night. — 

Mr. Shaw went to Alexandria to the assembly — and to do some 
business in town for me. — 

The weather early in the morning obliged me to quit planting 
Posts for my Paddock. — 

Friday, <21ft. 

Thermometer, at 32 in the morning — 33 at noon and 29 at 
night. — 

Cloudy about day break — but it soon cleared, and about 8 
o'clock the wind began to blow very high from the N? W* and con- 
tinued to do so all day — growing very cold & freezing hard 
especially towards night. 

Mr. Law c Washington and Mr. Hooe left this after breakfast, 
and crossed in my Boat (which could not get back till the wind 
moderated after sundown) to Maryland, as the nearest cut home. 

After sunset Mr. Shaw returned from Alexandria. — 


Not being able either to remove Earth, set Posts, or plant Trees 
sent the men into the new grounds to making faggots — and the 
women to picking the wild onions from the oats which I wanted to 

Saturday, 25*. 

Thermometer at 24 in the morning — 31 at Noon — and 30 at 

Clear and calm in the forenoon wind southerly afterwards and 
thawing the ground being hard frozen. 

Renewed the fencing of my Paddock today. 

Went into the Neck, and to Muddy hole Plantations, to measure 
the fields which I had plowed for oats and for experiments — 
also to Dogue run to divide some fields and to mark the rows for 
planting corn. In the afternoon Mr. Will 5 Booth came in and 
stayed all night. 

Sunday, £6*. 

Thermometer at 29 in the morning 42 at Noon — and 40 at 

Clear and calm all the forenoon Wind Southerly afterwards, & 
towards sunset lowered a good deal ; but cleared again after dark. 

Monday, 27*. 

Thermometer at 38 in the morning — 46 at Noon — and 43 at 

Forenoon warm, and variable with but little wind about noon it 
sprung up fresh from N? West and blew hard all the afternoon. 

Mr. Booth went away after breakfast — and Doctf Brown came 
after dinner (and returned) to visit Boatswain a sick negro man. 

Having received yesterday evening, a number of fruit trees from 
my nephew, Mr. Will m Washington of Blenheim I planted them in 
my fruit garden in the following order of places. 

viz : — 

In the N? E* Square of this garden the Tree at the N? E* corner 
is a Carnation Cherry, and the next to it, below, on the East side, 
is also a Carnation. — The 3- Row, three two pound Pears, east 
side, next the Carnation — & one, 1 pound ditto. 5- Row. 2 


Cooks pear East, & 2 green Burgamot. — 7- Row. — 3 Bell pears 
East & 1 Catharine Ditto. — 9^ Row 2 yellow Burgamot East & 
2 Bencriton Pears. — 


3- Row — 1 popes pear — next the cross Walk & 3 of Col Richard 
Henry Lee's fine Winter Pear. — 5 Row — four old H? Russitans. — 
6 Row — four of the Heath Peach. — 7 Row — four of Booths 
Ginitan. 8 Row three amber Plumbs next the cross walk and 2 
Green gage do — west of them. 9th — Row — , two Booths 
Genitans next the cross walk. & 2 New town pippin West of them. 


1 st Row next the cross Walk — Peaches from the Garden. — 2^ 
row, 4 New town pippin. — 3 d . Row — Peaches from the Garden — 

4- Row 4 Gloucester White Apple. 5 Row Peaches from the 
Garden — 6 Row 2 Glost r Wh e Ap. on the west side & next these 
adjoining the cross Walk, are 2 Apple trees taken from the middle 
walk in the N ? Garden — said to be Vandiviers. — 7. Row, Peach 
trees from the Garden — 8 Row. 1 Apple tree next the cross walk, 
taken from the border in the N° Garden, by the English Walnut 
trees. & the other 3 trees are from Stratford, given to me by Col 
Henry Lee. 1 of which he calls the Medlar Russitan. another the 
Chantilly pear — and the 3 d the Carnation cherry but this being a 
mistake, the others are not to be depended upon. 

The 3 d and 7 1 - Trees in the outer or East row, next the fenc- 
ing are May duke Cherry from Blenheim. 


2- Row. next the cross walk, are two Golden, and two New 
Town Pippins from Major Jenifers — 4- Row four of the Mary- 
land red strick from the same place. 6*- Row — next the cross 
walk, two more of the same — that is Maryland red strick — 

Tuesday, 28®. 

Thermometer at 30 in the morn? — at noon — and — at night. 

A hard frost and very cold morning, wind being still, at N° West 
— The forenoon clear — afternoon lowering — and about eight 
o'clock in the evening it began to snow. — 


Set out, by appointment, to attend a meeting of the Board of 
Directors of the Potomack Company at the Great Falls — Dined 
and lodged at Abingdon, to which place M rs Washington, and all 
the Children accompanied me. — Mr. Shaw also set out on a visit 
to Dumfries. — 


Wednesday, 1 $1 , 

Thermometer at in the morning — at noon — and — at night. 

The Snow which fell in the night was little if any over an inch 
deep this morning. — The forenoon of the day was variable and 
foggy — the afternoon clear, warm, and pleasant till the evening 
when it lowered and threatned a disagreeable change. — 

After a very early breakfast at Abingdon — I set off for the 
meeting at the Great falls & passing near the little falls arrived at 
the former about 10 o'clock ; where in a little time, assembled 
Gov* [Thomas] Johnston — Col Fitzgerald, and Col . Gilpin. 

Little or no business done to day — & seperating in the evening 
for the purpose of procuring Quarters, I went to Mr. Fairfax's 
(about 3 miles off) where I lodged. 

Thursday, 2*. 

Thermometer at in the morning — at noon — and — at Night. — 
A little Snow fell in the night — about sun rise there were some 
appearances of fair weather but about 8 o'clock it began to snow 
fast — by 10 it was intermixed with hail & rain, which, about noon, 
became wholly rain. — and towards sun down all snow and storm- 
ing; indeed the day through it blew hard from the N° East 

Accompanied by Mr. Fairfax I repaired again to the Falls where 
we arrived about 8 o'clock & where we found Col Gilpin, who t&- 
mained there all night. — about two hours afterwards, Gov*. John- 
son, Col Fitzgerald and Mf Potts arrived but the day was so 
stormy that we could neither level, nor survey the different tracks 
talked of for the Canal — which, & to determine on the most eliga- 
ble one were the principle objects of the meeting: unable to do 
any business without doors, we returned to the Huts. — resolved 
on the next advances — considered some other matters — dined 



there as we did yesterday — and again seperated for lodgings — 
Col Fitzgerald & MF Potts accompanied Mr. Fairfax & myself to 
Towlston. — 

Friday, 3 d -. 

Thermometer at in the Morning — at Noon — and — at night. 

The Snow which fell yesterday & last night covered the ground 
at least a foot deep, and continuing snowing a little all day & blow- 
ing hard from the N°. West, we were obliged tho' we assembled at 
y e huts again to relinquish all hopes of levelling & surveying the 
ground this trip ; & therefore resolved on the rout for the Canal 
from the best view we could take & information get ; — and after 
doing some other business, as a board — particularly resolving to 
advertize a Contract for the supply of our Labourers with provi- 
sions, we broke up the meeting ; and I again returned (first din- 
ing at the Hutts) with Col Fitzgerald to Towlston, in a very 
severe evening. 

Saturday, lfi±. 

Thermometer at in the morn g — at noon — 30 and at night. 

The wind blew hard all last Night at N°. West, and it was as cold 
this morning as at any time this winter ; but not having the ther- 
mometer to apply to I could only judge from appearances & my 
own feelings. 

After breakfast Col Fitzgerald and myself set off on our return 
home, & parted at 4 mile Run. — about half after four I got to 
Mount Vernon, where M r - 8 Washington, Nelly and little Washington 
had just arrived — as also Mr. Shaw from Dumfries. 

Sunday, 5-. 

Thermometer at 24 in the morning — 32 at noon — and 34 at 

Wind pretty fresh from the N? West all day, and much appear- 
ance of Snow, but none fell. 

Mr. Rich d Bland Lee came here to dinner and stayed all night. 

Monday, 6'A 

Thermometer at 36 in the morn*- — 37 at noon — and 37 at 
night. Cloudy & heavy all day, with little wind & that soft. 


My Lee went away about 10 o'clk and M r Thornton Washington 
came in after we had dined and stayed all night. — 

Mr. Lund Washington's Negro Shoemaker left working here on 
Saturday last. — 

Returned to the erection of my Deer paddock, which the bad 
weather had impeded — brought Carts from the plantations to 
assist in drawing in the materials for the Well. 

Tuesday, TK 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning 46 at noon — and 42 at night. 

Morning clear & calm — gr d a little frozen. — Wind pretty fresh 
afterwards from the Northeast — notwithstanding which it lowered 
a good deal towards evening. 

I rid to Muddy hole and Dogue run Plantations — and by the 
gr d wher j the ferry hands were at work. 

Wednesday, 8 1 -. 

Thermometer at 38 in the Morning — 43 at noon — and — at 

Morning clear and calm ; but very strong appearances of snow, 
afterwards not enough fell here to cover the ground — The Wind 
all the latter part of the day blowing pretty fresh from the 
N? West. 

A Mr Nisbett brother to I. M. Nisbett accompanied by 

Col? Fitzgerald, Mr. Herbert, and Mr. Potts came here to dinner 
and stayed all night. 

Thursday, 9 l K 

Thermometer at 36 in the morning — 41 at noon — and 38 at 
Night. — 

Clear all day, & for the season cold, the wind being fresh from 
the N? West. — 

After breakfast the Gentlemen who came yesterday returned to 
Alexandria and after candles were lighted Doct Jenifer came in and 
stayed all night. 

Friday, 10*\ 

Thermometer at 32 in the morning — 44 at Noon — and 44 at 
Night. — 

Ground very hard froze in the morning, which was cold — wind 


being fresh all day at N? West — in the evening it became calm — 
the day was clear. — 

Lund Washington came here to Breakfast — after which he and 
Doct r Jenifer both went away. — 

Between breakfast and Dinner a Mr. Rollins, who has under- 
taken to finish my new room came here settled a plan with my 
joiners & returned before dinner. — 

Saturday, 11-. 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning — 44 at Noon — and 40 at 

Weather clear and cool, Wind at N? West, and ground hard froze 
in the morning — rode to all my Plants and to the Mill — on my 
return found a Mr. James Hains, the Manager of the James river 
Canal here — sent by the Directors to me, and to proceed with 
Letters from me to the Potomack and Susquehanna Works, which 
being given, he proceeded after dinner to the former. 

Brought a Load of Salt in my Boat from Alexandria, for Fishing. 

Sunday, 12 l K 

Thermometer at 36 in the morn g — 53 at noon — and 50 at 

Very clear and pleasant all day, till towards sunset, when the 
western horison became thick — the Wind in the forenoon was at 
N? West but not hard — afterwards it was at East and variable — 
a lanre circle round the Moon at 8 and 9 o'clock in the evenin &. 

About dusk, Mr William Harrison (a delegate to Congress from 
the State of Maryland) and his son came in on their way to New 

Monday, 13'A 

Thermometer at 38 in the morning 49 at noon — and 48 at 

Clear and pleasant with but little wind, and that variable — in 
the forenoon it was Northerly and in the afternoon easterly and 
tow d8 sunset lowering — the sun setting in a bank. 

Mr. Harrison and son went away after breakfast — and M? 
Lund Washington came immediately afterwards and stayed till the 


The ground being in order for it, I set the people to raising and 
forming the mounds of Earth by the gate in order to plant weeping 
willow thereon. 

Sent my Boat to Alexandria for salt with the overseer in it, who 
by my order, engaged my Fishing landing at Johnsons ferry to Mr. 
Lomax in Alexandria — who is to put doors and windows to the 
house and pay Twenty five pounds for the use of it during the 
fishing Season. — 

Tuesday, llfK 

Thermometer at 38 in the morning — 50 at Noon — and 42 at 

A red h orison, in the East at Sun rising ; but tolerably clear till 
towards noon, with a large circle round the sun. — After noon it 
turned cloudy, and towards night there were strong appearances of 
rain — Wind at East all day. 

Rid to my Plantations at Dogue run, Muddy Hole, and in the 
Neck. — at the former had begun to sow Oats in ground that was 
intended for and had been added to my upper Meadow but after 
sowing the narrow slips at the lower end I ordered the plowmen to 
stop and forbid any more harrowing as the ground was too wet & 
heavy to be worked to any advantage. — 

That ground in the Neck w ch I was cross plowing, for Oats also, 
was too wet and heavy ; but the lateness of the season induced me 
to continue plowing as I wanted to bring it into fine tilth on Ace* 
of clover seed which I meant to sow with the Oats. — 

Planted the intervals between the forest trees in my serpentine 
roads, or walks to the House from the front gate, with Weeping 
Willow. — Note, part of these (nearly all on the right side going 
to the gate) were planted on Wednesday the first day of this month, 
whilst I was on the business of the Potom^ Company at the Great 

Sent my Overseer, and Boat to Alexandria for another load of 

Wednesday, lS f A 

Thermometer — at 38 in the morning — 41 at Noon — and 46 at 

Misting all day, and now and then raining pretty smartly wind 
constantly at East. 


The wet obliged me to discontinue my working on the Mounds 
and set the people to picking the wild onions out of the Oats, which 
I am ab- to sow. — 

In the afternoon, the vessel w ch I sent to York river for Corn 
from the Plantations of the deceased M? Custis arrived with 1000 

Thursday, 16* 

Thermometer at 48 in the morning — 57 at noon — and 50 at 

Misting morning — about 9 o'clock it cleared and was warm and 
pleasant overhead but very wet under foot, occasioned by the 
quantity of rain that fell last night. — but little wind and that from 
the westward. — About 4 o'clock a pretty heavy shower of rain 

Finished the mound on the right and planted the largest Weeping 
Willow in my nursery in the centre of it — ground too wet to do 
any thing to the other Mound on the left. — 

Landed 450 Bushels of Corn today — more might have been got 
up but for the badness of the road occasioned by the late rains made 
it difficult passing with Carts. 

Friday, 17*. 

Thermometer at 49 in the morning — 52 at Noon — and 48 at 

Cloudy all day, and sometimes dripping rain — Wind at N? West 
but not fresh, nor cold. — 

Finished landing Corn — viz 1000 Bushels which had swelled 
13 bushels over. — 

Had every species of stock turned off my Muddy hole Wheat 
field except the English Colts and — with young. 

Saturday, IS*. 

Thermometer at 44 in the morning — 56 at noon — and 52 at 
Night. — 

Morning a little cloudy, and the Wind at N° West with appear- 
ances of blowing hard; but towards noon it cleared, the wind 
moderated, and in the afternoon it became calm and very pleasant. 


Rid to my Ferry, Dogue run, Muddy hole, and Neck plantations 
— on my return before dinner found a Mr. Charton (a french 
Gentleman) here introduced by a letter from Govern r Henry. 

Got the Mound on the left so far compleated as to plant the next 
largest of my weeping Willows thereon the buds of which were 
quite expanded, and the leaves appearing in their unfolded state — 
qusere, — how much too far, in this state of the sap, is the season 
advanced ? — also planted the cuttings from, or trimmings of those 
trees in a nursery, they being in the same forward state. 

Spaded up some of the ground in my botanical garden for the 
purpose of planting the scaly bark hiccory nut of Gloucester in. 

Also a piece of ground N? West of the green House, adjoining 
thereto, the garden Wall, & Post & rail fencing lately erected as 
yards for my stud horses in order to plant the seed of the Honey 
Locust &C &G 

About noon this day finished crossing the ground in the Neck, — 
designed for oats and clover — and nothing but the lateness of the 
season could (if that will) justify my doing it whilst the ground is 
so wet — or beginning to inlist corn ground which I did at the 
same place whilst the ground was in this condition. 

Sunday, 19*. 

Thermometer at 46 in the morning — 50 at noon — & 46 at night. 

Wind moderate in the forenoon, and the morning exceedingly 
pleasant; but blowing fresh from the Eastward — after twelve 
o'clock. — it lowered in the afternoon and threatened an unfavour- 
able change. 

A Gentleman calling himself the Count de Cheiza D'Artignan, 
O nicer of the French Guards, came here to dinner ; but bringing 
no letters of introduction, nor any authentic testimonials of his 
being either ; I was at a loss how to receive, or treat him ; he stayed 
dinner and the evening. 

Mr. Charton went away after dinner. 

Monday, 20*A 

Thermometer at 42 in the morning — 48 at noon — and 46 at 

Wind fresh from the N° East all day — misling and raining more 
or less, till even^ at times it fell pretty heavily. 


Planted in that square of my Botanical garden, adjoining to the 
servants & spinning House in two and an half rows 95 of the 
Gloucester hiccory nut. — They are on that side of the square next 
the House — between the Walk, and a locust tree standing within 
the square. 

Trimmed all the Weeping willow trees which had been planted 
in the serpentine walks both sides & which had begun to display 
their leaves. 

Tuesday, 21& 

Thermometer at in the morning — 60 at noon — and 58 at 

Wind brisk from the N? West all day (drying the ground finely) 
in the morning it was a little cloudy but clear afterwards. 

The Count de Cheiza D'Artignan (so calling himself) was sent, 
with my horses, today at his own request to Alexand a 

Mr. Shaw went to town to day on my business. 

In the S? West square of my fruit garden beginning with the 
upper row, next the cross walk the following trees were planted — 
viz : — 1- row 4 Damisons — 3 d row 4 common plumbs. — 5- row — 
4 damisons — 7- row Common Plumbs. 9^ row 4 damisons ; accord- 
ing to my gardiners account — all from Mr. Manley's place — And 
in the S° East square at the East side of the 3 d - row (counting from 
the cross walk) are 2 Pears (common) from the same place. 

A Capt n Hite came here between breakfast and dinner to see if I 
would join him in an Iron work on the S? Branch w- proposition 
I rejected. — and Capt n W. Brooke came here to dinner and returned 

M? Shaw returned from Alexandria ab* 9 o'clock at Night. — 

Wednesday, 22 d -. 

Thermometer at 50 in the morning — 58 at noon — and 58 at 

Wind rather variable, but chiefly from the Westward — About 
noon it lowered — and a large circle appeared round the sun — but 
the sun set clear, and the evening was red. 

Had the intervals between my Cape wheat hoed — cut the top of 
every other row of the first sowed of it about 8 Inches from the 
ground it being not less than 12 or 14 Inches high and many of the 


blades, in places, appearing to be dying — left the alternate rows 
untouched, to see what effect this cutting will have, — the second 
sowing of this wheat appears very likely & thriving — having a 
few grains of it left I had it planted in the missing places. — 

Hoed the ground behind the Garden again and planted therein, 
in three rows 177 of the wild or Cherokee plumb ; (sent me by Mr. 
Geo. A. Washington) 8 inches apart in the rows with 18 inch 

Also hoed up under the Pines, in the enclosure near H. hole ab* 
4 rods of ground w ch is much shaded, and poor, to try whether it 
will bring the orchard grass. 

Rid to all my Plantations ; directed the Overseer at Dogue run 
to harrow the ground w- had been some time plowed for oats, in 
order to get it ready for sowing, though it was much wetter than were 
to be wished. - — did the same in the Neck, or river plantation, where 
the ground intended for the same purpose was in like condition. 

Thursday, 23K 

Thermometer at 51 in the morning, — at Noon — and 50 at 

Wind very fresh the whole day at N° West and weather clear. 

Along side the Cherokee plumb (planted yesterday) I planted in 
a row and piece, the Spanish chesnuts saved last fall — 

And next these 43 rows, one foot apart and about an inch assun- 
der in the row between 17 and 18.000 seed of the honey locust. 

Next these in three rows, planted 160 of the Portugal peach 

And adjoining these are 3 other rows of the common chesnut. 

In the evening Doct r Craik came in 

Muddy hole hands finished grubbing their side of the new 
ground, in front of the House, & went about their fencing at home. 

Friday, %1?K 

Thermometer at 46 in the morning 56 at noon — and 55 at night 
Wind at N°. West in the morning, and rather cool — afterwards 

it was at South west — and blew pretty fresh — looking hazy. — 
Rid to my Plantations at Dogue run, Muddy hole and in the 

Neck, — began again to sow Oats at the first and last of these 

though the ground was yet too wet. — 


Sowed the ground which was prepared on Wednesday last under 
the Pine trees with about 1 quart of Orchard grass seeds, and a gill 
of red clover seeds mixed. 

DoctT Craik went up to Alexandria after breakfast. 

Saturday, 25*. 

Thermometer at 53 in the Morning — 68 at noon — and 64 at 

Clear, warm, and pleasant all day. — wind southerly, and pretty 
fresh — smoaky, the sun consequently looking red. 

Rid to all the Plantations, and to the Mill. 

Finding the ground both at Dogue run and River plantation 
(which had been twice plowed at each) for Oats, too much consoli- 
dated & baked (the last plowings being when it was too wet) for 
the harrow to make much impression in it, and the lateness of the 
season not allowing time to give it another plowing before sowing, 
I directed the seed to be sown on it as it now is, and to be plowed 
in, smoothing it afterwards with the harrow — but the ground in 
many places breaking up in large clods, & flakes, more so in- 
deed than at the first plowing, it is to be feared the seed will be 
irregularly sown — burried too deep — and the Crop (after all the 
pains I intended to take with it) be indifferent and in bad condi- 
tion to receive the grass seeds which were intended to be sown 

In removing the planks about the Venetian Window, at the North 
end of the house, the sill and ends of the Posts, and studs, were 
found decayed; and were accordingly, the first renewed, and the 
other repaired. 

Doct r Craik came here to dinner & returned to Maryland after it. 

Sunday, 26*. 

Thermometer at 57 in the morning 67 at noon — and 67 at niodit. 

Clear and very smoaky all day, with the wind brisk from the 
South west — towards sundown it began to lower a little. — 

The warm th of yesterday and this day, forwarded vegetation 
much ; the buds of some trees, particularly the weeping Willow & 
Maple, had displayed their leaves and blossoms & all others were 
swelled and many ready to put forth — The Apricot trees were be- 
ginning to blossom and the grass to shew its verdure. 


Monday <27 l K 

Thermometer at 46 in the morning — at noon — and 56 at night. 

Cloudy all the forenoon. Wind at N? W-. Rid to all my 
plantations finished plowing in the Oats at Dogue Run. — ground 
much too wet ; but not to be avoided as nothing could be well worse 
than a longer delay of getting them sowed. — 

Ordered the ground to be harrowed, to smooth and prepare it for 
the Timothy seed which I mean to sow with the oats when they 
are up and require rolling. 

What from the wetness of the above ground, and the last plow- 
ing (after sowing) being deeper than I chose, it is to be feared the 
seed will come up badly. 

The same apprehension I have concerning the oats in the Neck, 
which are plowed in in the same manner and the ground equally 

The harrow at this place follow the plows close. — at Dogue run 
the whole was first plowed in before the harrow moved. 

Tuesday, %8 l K 

Thermometer at 42 in the morning — 50 at Noon — and 52 at 

Clear all day with the Wind at S? It should have been noted, 
that in the night of the 26- there fell rain — tho not a great deal 
— enough however to wet the top of the ground. 

Finished sowing my Oats in the Neck and plowing them in, but 
not the harrowing of the ground after y e Plows. 

Finished the Land sides of my Paddock fencing, and as a 
temporary expedient set about water fences at each end to serve 
till the fishing season is over. 

Also finished the mound on the left side (going out) of the front 

Sowed in rows in my botanical garden, one foot asunder and 
about 3/4 of an inch a part in the rows, all the seed I had of the 
palmetto royal. 

Replaced the following trees in my shrubberies which were dead 
or supposed to be so — viz : — 

10 Swamp Magnolia 3 locusts 

4 Red buds 1 swamp red berry 

5 black haws 


Sent Mr. Shaw to Alexandria to settle some ace- and receive 
money — he returned in the evening. 

Wednesday, W%. 

Thermometer at 48 in the morning — 60 at noon — and 62 at 

Lowering in the forenoon, and sometimes dropping rain, — clear 
afterwards — Wind southerly all day — and at times fresh. 

Finished crossing the ground at Muddy hole plantation intended 
for experiments. 

Began to plow a piece of gr d in the Neck for Burnet Saint foin 
and rib grass, in front of the overseers house. — 

Rid to all my Plantations and to the fish house at the ferry where 
my Carpenters were at work. — In the afternoon a Mr. Brindley, 
manager of the Susquehanna Canal, and Mr Hanes Manager of the 
James river Navigation came in and stayed all night. — 

Thursday, SOK 

Thermometer at 58 in the morning — 63 at noon — and — at 

Lowering more or less all day. with the wind at South — 

Rid to the ferry, Dogue run, and Muddy hole plantations & to 
the Mill. 

On my return home, found a Mr. Wallace, an Irish Gentleman — 
some time since recommended to me by Sir Edward Newenham 

The Corn which I had lately received from York River having 
got very hot, I was obliged to send part of it to be spread in my 
Mill loft — part to be spread on the Barn floor at Muddy hole — 
part I spread above stairs in the Servants Hall — and part I spread 
on carpets in the yard, the last of which from the appearance of 
the Weather I was obliged soon to take in again. 

Finished harrowing the ground in which Oats had been sowed at 
Dogue run, and in the neck ; and set a number of Hoes at the 
former to breaking the clods w ch the harrow could not effect. — The 
ground in the Neck in many places was left very lumpy also but on 
ace 1 of other jobs there I could do no more to it at present. 

Perceived the Oats which had been sown at Dogue run on the 


14^ inst : to be generally up — On Monday last they were begin- 
ning to peep out of the ground. 

Planted in the holly clumps, in my shrubberies a number of 
small holly trees which some months ago Col° Lee of Stratford sent 
me in a box with earth — also in the same shrubberies some of the 
slips of the Tree box — I also planted several holly trees which 
had been sent to me the day before by a neighbour, Mr. Tho ? . 

Mr. Brindley and Mr. Hains or Harris went away after breakfast. 

Friday, 81*. 

Thermometer at 56 in the morning — at noon — and — at night. 

Raining a little before day with thunder & lightning after which 
it misted till tow- Noon when there were appearances of its 
clearing ; but in the afternoon it rained pretty smartly and con- 
tinued threatening — Wind N° & N° West sometimes N.° E. 

Walked to my Plantation in the Neck where, tho' the ground 
was nearly prepared for my grass seeds I could not sow them on 
ace- of the weather. 

Got my Paddock fence quite inclosed except along the margin of 
y e River. 

In the afternoon George Washington and his wife arrived in 
Col Bassett's Chariot 

Saturday, 1^. 

Thermometer at 34 in the morning 34 at noon — and 32 at night. 

A very disagreeable mixture of Rain and fine hail fell all day, 
with a fresh and cold N? easterly wind — towards night and in the 
night it snowed. — few days or nights this year have been more 
inclem* and disagreeable than this. — 

Sunday, %±, 

Thermometer at 31 in the morning — 40 at Noon — and 41 at 

A very hard frost this morning ; Water & wet Ice frozen — and 
day cold — Wind hard at N? West and weather clear — Snow which 
fell in the night had drifted so as not to tell the depth of it easily 


all the blossoms & young foliage much injured, and the forward 
fruit (if no more) entirely destroyed. 

Just after dinner Mr Fendall came in, and about Sundown a 
DoctF Middleton — both of whom stayed all night. — 

April, [Monday,] 3*. 

Thermometer at 36 in the morn g — 50 at noon — and 50 at night. 

A hard frost this morning & a good deal of Ice — Wind Southerly 
and clear till the afternoon, when it shifted to the East and lowered. 

Mf Fendall went away before Breakfast — and Mf Wallace & 
Doctf Middleton soon after it. 

Lund Washington dined here Snow chiefly dissolved — ground 
very wet and unfit to stir. 

Planted stocks of the imported hawthorn — brought by Mr. G. 
A. Washington from Mr. Lyons — in the inclosure below the stable 

— also 4 of the yellow Jessamine by the Garden gates. — 

Tryed my Jack to day to a mare that was horsing but he woud 
not cover her. Mf Griffith came. 

Tuesday, #-. 

Thermometer at 45 in the morning — 49 at noon — and — at 

Little wind but very cloudy in the morning, and before 10 o'clock 
it began to rain ; and continued to do so moderately all day and 
till we went to bed — from the East 

Sent my Seins and People to the Fishing landing at the ferry, 
but no hand was made of fishing. 

Planted 6 of the pride of China brought from Mf Lyons by G. 
A. Washington, in my shrubberies in front of the House — 3 on 
each side the right & left walks between the Houses & garden gates 

— and also the two young trees sent me some time ago by Mr. 
Griffith, to which no name had been given. — these latter were 
planted, one on each side the right & left walks — near the garden 
gates on the hither or Ef side. 

Wednesday, 5-. 

Thermometer at 45 in the morning — 45 at noon — and 44 at 

Wind at N? West or more Northerly all day and raining and 


mizzling without intermission — being very disagreeable and the 
ground very wet. 

Fanned all the heated Corn to day — the Trouble this Corn has 
occasioned to preserve it from entire destruction is equal to the 
worth of it. to prevent its receiving some damage & getting musty 
I have not been able to do. — 

Hauling the Sein again to day to no great effect. — 

Thursday, 6&. 

Thermometer at 42 in the morning — 52 at Noon — and 54 at 
Night. — 

Very clear all day and upon the whole pleasant though the wind 
blew pritty fresh and cool in the mornkig from the N? West — but 
shifting to the southward it grew calm in the afternoon. 

Mr. Griffith went away after breakfast and I rid to my Planta- 
tions at the ferry Dogue run & Muddy hole — 

Transplanted 46 of the large Magnolia of S? Carolina from the 
box brought by G. A. Washington last year — viz — 6 at the head 
of each of the Serpentine walks next the Circle. — 26 in the shrub- 
bery or grove at the South end of the House — & 8 in that at the 
N? end — the ground was so wet, more could not at this time be 
planted there. 

Took the covering off the Plants in my Botanical garden, and 
found none living of all those planted the 13- of June last, except 
some of the Acasee or Acacia, flower fern, and privy & of these it 
was doubtful. 

The Guinea grass shewed no signs of vegitation, and whether 
their root is living, is questionable. 

None of the plants which were sowed with the seeds from China 
(a few of which had come up last year) were to be seen. 

Whether these plants are unfit for this climate — or whether 
covering & thereby hiding them entirely from the Sun the whole 
winter occasioned them to rot, I know not 

Cut two or three rows of the wheat of good hope, within 6 Inches 
of the ground, it being near 18 Inches high (the first sowing) and 
the blades of the whole singed with frost. — 


Friday, 7 l A 

Thermometer at 50 in the morn£ — at noon — and 52 at night. 

Kid to Muddy hole Plantation and finding the ground which 
had been twice plowed to make my experiments in them middling 
dry in some places though wet in others, I tried my drill or Barrel 
plow ; which requiring some alteration in the harrow, obliged me 
to bring it to the smith's shop. — this suspended any further 
operation with it to-day. — 

No fish caught to day, of neither Herring or shad. — 

Set my Brick layer to getting sand & preparing for laying brick 
on Monday. 

Mr. George Washington went to Alexandria and engaged 
100,000 Herrings to Smith and Douglas (if caught) at 5/ pf 
thousand. — 

Saturday, 8'A 

Thermometer at in the mor g — at noon. — and 44 at night. 

Lowering more or less all day and sometimes dropping. Wind 
South. — S? E' & more Easterly and at times pretty fresh — towards 
sundown the appearances of fair weather was more favourable. — 

Rid a little after sun rise to Muddy to try my drill plow again 
which with the alteration of the harrow yesterday, I find will fully 
answer my expectation — and that it drops the grains thicker or 
thinner in proportion to the quantity of seed in the Barrel — the 
less there is in it the faster it issues from the holes — the weight of 
a quantity in the barrel, occasions (I presume) a pressure on the 
holes that do not admit of a free discharge of the seed through 
them, whereas a small quantity (sufficient at all times to cover the 
bottom of the barrel) is, in a manner sifted through them by the 
revolution of the Barrel. 

I sowed with the barrel to day in drills, about 3 pints of a white 
well looking Oat, brought from Carolina last year by G. A. Wash- 
ington in 7 rows running from the path leading from the Overseer's 
II? to the Quarter to the West fence of the field where the ground 
was in the best order — afterwards I sowed in such other parts of 
the adjoining ground as could at any rate be worked, the common 
oat of the Eastern shore (after picking out the wild onion) but in 


truth nothing but the late season could warrant sowing in ground 
so wet. — - 

None of the ground in w cb these Oats were sown had received 
any improvement from manure, — but all of it had been twice 
plowed and then listed, after which the harrow had gone over it 
twice before the seed harrowing — this had it not been for the 
frequent rains, &- which has fallen would have put the ground in 
fine order. 

Transplanted as many of the large Magnolio into the Grove at 
the N? end of the H? as made the number there 

Also transplanted from the same box 9 of the live Oak — viz : — 
4 in the bends of the lawn, before the House — and five on the East 
of the grove (within the yard) at the N? end of the House. 

Plowed up my last years turnip patch (at home) to sow Orchard 
grass seeds in. No fish caught today. 

Sunday, 9&. 

Thermometer at 44 in the morning — at Noon — and at night. 

Lowering more or less all day in the morning there were great 
appearances of rain — about noon it brightened up a little but in 
the evening it grew cloudy again, and a large circle appeared round 
the moon between 9 and 10 o'clock at night — The wind was at 
S? E$ and E S? E* all day — and at times pretty fresh — 

Mr. Dalby of Alexandria came here to dinner, and returned 
afterwards — in the Afternoon Doct? Stuart and his Sister arrived 
and stayed all night. 

Monday, 10 l K 

Ther^oter at 42 in the morning 50 at noon — and 46 at night. 

Cold and raw northerly wind blew all the forenoon, and in the 
afternoon shifted Easterly & was not much pleasanter. 

Began my brick work to day, first taking away the foundations 
of the Garden Houses as they were first placed, & repairing the 
damages in the Walls occasioned by their removal. — And also 
began to put up my pallisades on the wall. 

Compleated sowing with 20 quarts drilled oats in the ground 
intended for experiments at Muddy hole ; which amounted to 38 
rows ten feet apart (including the parts of rows sowed on Saturday 
last) — In the afternoon, I began to sow Barley, but finding there 



were too many seeds discharged from the barrel, notwithstanding 
I stopped every other hole I discontinued the sowing until another 
Barrel with smaller holes c d be prepared. The ground in which 
these Oats have been sowed — and in which the Barley seed had 
commenced, — has been plowed, cross plowed, listed, (as it is 
called, that is 3 furrow ridges) and twice harrowed before the drill 
plow was put into it, with this the furrow is made & the seed 
harrowed in with & manured afterw- 

Began also to sow the Siberian Wheat which I had obtained from 
Baltimore, by means of Col° Tilghman, at the Ferry Plantation in 
the ground laid apart there for experiments. This was done upon 
ground which, some time ago had been marked off by furrows 8 
feet apart, in which a second furrow had been run to deepen them. 
— 4 furrows were then plowed to these which made the whole 5 
furrow ridges. — these being done some time ago and by frequent 
rains prevented sowing at the time intended had got hard — I 
therefore before the seed was sowed, split these ridges again, by 
running twice in the same furrow — after w ch I harrowed the 
ridges — and where the ground was lumpy run my spiked Roller 
with the harrow at the tale over it — w ch I found very efficacious 
in breaking the clods & pulverizing the earth ; and w d have done it 
perfectly if their had not been too much moisture remaining of the 
late rains ; after this harrowing & rolling where necessary, I sowed 
the wheat with my drill plow on the reduced ridges in rows 8 feet 
apart — but I should have observed that after the ridges were split 
by the furrow in the middle, and before the furrows were closed 
again by the harrow — I sprinkled a little dung in them — Finding 
the barrel discharged the wheat too fast, I did after sowing 9 of the 
shortest (for we began at the furthest corner of the field) rows, 
I stopped every other hole in the barrel, and in this manner sowed 
5 rows more, & still thinking the seed too liberally bestowed, I 
stopped 2 & left one hole open alternately — by which 4 out of 12 
holes only discharged seeds ; and this, as I had taken the strap of 
leather off seemed to give seed enough (though not so regular as 
were to be wished) to the ground. 

DoctT Stuart and his Sister left this after breakfast (passing 
through Maryland) to his fathers from whence the Doctf is to 
proceed to Richmond. 


Tuesday, ll^ m 

Thermometer at 40 in the morning — 52 at Noon — and 52 at 

Wind at N? E^ all day and at times pretty fresh — raw — and 
disagreeable — towards evening it lowered a good deal, & the sun 
set in a bank 

Sowing the Siberian wheat to day as yesterday at the ferry. 

And sowed 26 rows of Barley (except a little at each end w ch was 
too wet for the ground to be worked) at Muddy hole ; below & 
adjoining to the Oats. — This was done with 12 quarts of seed, and 
in the manner, and in ground prepared as mentioned yesterday. 
The ends of these rows are to be sowed as soon as the ground is in 
order for it. 

Rid to the Fishing Landing, where 30 odd shad had just been caught 
at a haul. — not more than 2 or 3 had been taken at one time before 
this spring — and from hence I went to Muddy hole & river Plan- 
tations ; at the last of which the Overseer after three plo wings & 
3 harrowings — had begun to sow in drills three feet apart, & ab* 
nine Inches asunder in the rows, the Seed (without name) saved 
from those given to me by Col? Archib d Gary last year. 

In the section in my botanical garden next the House nearest the 
circle, I planted 4 rows of the laurel berries in the gr d where, last 
year I had planted the Physic nuts &c, now dead. — & next to 
these in the same section are rows of the pride of China. — the 
rows of both these kinds are 16 inches asunder & the seeds 6 inches 
apart in the Rows. 

Perceived, the last sowed Oats at Dogue run, — and those w cb 
had been sowed in the Neck, were coming up. 

Wednesday, 12^ m 

Thermometer at 42 in the morn? — 55 at Noon — and 50 at 
Night — 

A Brisk wind all day from the N? E- — cold & raw, with ap- 
pearances of a change of weather especially — towards evening when 
it lowered very much. — 

Rid to the fishing Landing, ferry, Dogue run, and Muddy hole 
plantations. — 


Finished at the first Sowing the ground intended for experiments, 
with the Siberian wheat — this spot contained 16^- 1 -• 24 p - Includ- 
ing the fodder H^ &c a which would reduce the cultivated Land to 
16 acres at most — to sow these it took about 18 quarts of 
Wheat. — 

— of the last rows had no dung in them — and those adjoining 
for back were only manured in the poorest parts. — the last 
rows were listed wholly as they were too hard baked for the har- 
row & roller notwithstanding the middle furrow to make much 
impression on them. 

At Dogue run — I set the plows to listing the ground which had 
before been listed, in order to commence my experiments there on 
Friday. — began in the first long row by Wades houses. — 

At Muddy hole, I sowed two rows of the Albany Peas in Drills 
10 feet asunder (the same as the Oats and Barley) but conceiving 
they could not, for want of support, be kept [pre]vented from fall- 
ing when they sM come near their growth I did not incline to sow 
any more in this way but to put all the ground between these two 
rows and the fence along the road in broad cast. — the ground in 
which these Peas were sowed was managed exactly as that had 
been in which the Barley & Oats (at this place) was. — 

Next, adjoining the Oats, on the upper, or South side, I plowed 10 
rows for Carrots two deep furrows in the same place for each over 
and above all the plowings & harrowings which the Barley &c a had 
received — in the alternate rows — beginning at the second from 
the Oats — I sprinkled dung all along in the bottom of the fur- 
rows, and covered it with the earth which had been thrown out 
of them with Hoes — the same was done with the rows in which 
there was no dung — this was done to try — first, how this kind 
of land, and management would do for Carrots and next the 
difference between manuring in this manner which was pritty 
liberal and without — on the top of the ridge made over the 
furrow, I directed 2 or 3 seeds to be dropped in a place at the 
distance of 10 inches from each other — and to be scratched in 
with a thorny bush. 

Planted in the N° West section of my Botanical Garden 5 rows 
more of the seeds of the pride of China, in the same manner those 
were done yesterday. — 


Thursday, 13* 

Thermometer at 44 in the morning — b§ at noon — and 52 at 

A high, cold, and disagreeable wind from the N° East blew all 
day — and the Sun for the most part hid. — 

Kid to Muddy hole and river Plantations — the Carrots at the 
first were sowed as directed yesterday — and at the latter I began 
to sow Oats in rows ten feet a part, in gr d managed in the follow- 
ing manner : — 

1. marked off with single furrows, 

2. another and deep furrow in this, 

3. four boats to these — 

4 plowed ag n in the same manner. 

5. a single furrow in the middle of these — 

6 Dung sprinkled in this furrow 

7. the great harrow over all these — 

and 8 th the seed sowed after the harrow with the drill or barrel 

plow, & harrowed in with the harrow at the tale of it. — Note. — 

It should have been observed that the field intended for experiments 

at this Plantation is divided into 3 parts, by boating rows running 

crossways — and that dung, and the last single furrow are (at least 

for the present) bestowed on one of these only — viz : — that part 

which is most westerly, or nearest the Barn. — - 

Doctf Craik, & Mr. & Mrs Lund Washington dined here. — 
the first stayed all night. 

Friday, lift. 

Thermometer at 42 in the morning — 64 at noon and — at 
Night — 

Clear Morning with the wind at N? East, but neither very fresh 
nor cold — af terw d South 17 & warm. 

Doct!" La Moyeur sent for his Black horse & Chaise which his 
servant carried away today. 

Doct? Craik went to Alexand a after breakfast & returned again 
at night. 

Rid to my Plantations at Muddy hole Dogue run and ferry in 
the forenoon. — and walked to that in the Neck in the afternoon. — 
At the first I finished sowing the Barley rows, and harrowed the 


ground intended for the Albany Peas in broadcast. — at the next I 
began to sow the remainder (14 q ts ) of the Siberian wheat, which 
was left at the Ferry — and began to run deep furrows in the 
middle & to make five furrow ridges in a piece of the Corn gr d for 
Carrots. At the ferry I ordered a piece of ground to be plowed 
for Corn & Potatoes. — and in the Neck — after sowing 24 rows of 
Oats upon a Dunged furrow, I ordered the discontinuance and to 
begin sowing Barley adjoining. 

Sowed or rather planted at this place, 11 rows of the Seeds saved 
from those had last year from Col Arch d Cary — and 35 rows 
(next to them) of rib grass seed — these rows were 3 feet asunder 
and the seeds (3 or 4) dropped at about 1 foot apart in the rows. 

Saturday, 15-. 

Thermometer at 56 in the morning — at noon and — at Night. 

Clear all day, Wind Easterly in the morning & Southerly in the 
Evening — & rather cool. 

Rid to Alexandria to a meeting of the Directors of the Potomack 
Company, who had advertised their intention of contracting on this 
day with whomsoever should bid lowest for the supplying the Com- 
pany's servants with Rations for one year. — a Mr. Abel Westfall 
of Berkeley having done this, the Contract was made with him ac- 
cordingly. — Dined at Mr. Lyle's tavern — and returned in the 
evening when I found M- Stuart and her children and Mr. Arthur 
Lee here. — 

In my way to town, I passed through Muddy hole & Dogue run 
Plantations. — at the first I ordered the ground which was harrowed 
yesterday for Pease to be sowed with 6 Bushels, which was accord- 
ingly done, and harrowed in — the q& was but little more than an 
Acre & an half. 

Finished at the latter, sowing the Siberian wheat in 34 rows — 
This ground had been only twice plowed into 5 furrow ridges and 
then harrowed before seeding; 8 of the first rows, counting from 
Wades Houses had been rolled ; but wanting the Oxen to Cart dung 
I was obliged to discontinue the rolling — these workings, with the 
harrowing at the tale of the barrel plow, did not put the ground 
by any means in such order as it ought to be for this grain. — 
but the wet Spring, and late season, would not allow me to do 
more to it. 


Sowed in the Neck, 23 rows of Burnet seed in part of what was 
intended there alongside the rib-grass. — This was put in exactly 
as the rib-grass & other grass were. — that is in rows 3 feet asunder 
& about 1 foot apart in the rows. 

Plowed a piece of ground containing two acres, at the ferry 
plantation, for the purposes of drilling corn, & planting Irish Po- 
tatoes in it — this was plowed flush & intended to be cross plowed. 

Sunday, WK 

Thermometer at 46 in the morning — 64 at noon — and 67 at 

A brisk southerly wind all day and at times much appearances 
of rain, but none fell. Mr. Lee went away after breakfast — 

Very few fish caught yet at my fishery at the ferry. — 

Monday, 17 l K 

Thermometer at 58 in the morning at noon — and 58 at night. 

Morning clear and warm, with very little wind. — about 10 
o'clock it began to lower, and about 2 there were great appearances 
of rain but the wind getting to N? West & blowing pretty fresh 
they all vanished. 

Went up to Alexandria to an election of Delegates to represent 
this county ; when the suffrages of the people fell upon Col [George] 
Mason and DoctT [David] Stuart — on the first contrary to, and 
after he had declared he could not serve — and on the other whilst 
he was absent at Richmond — Capt n West who had offered his 
services & was present, was rejected. — the votes were — for Col 
Mason, 109 — for Doctf Stuart, 105 — and for Capt? West 84. 

Returned home in the evening. 

Tuesday, 18*. 

Thermometer at 52 in the morning — 58 at noon — and — at 

Wind at N? West — pretty fresh & cool — cloudy also without 
much signs of rain. — 

Rid to Muddy hole — Dogue run — &■ ferry plantations ; & to the 
fishing Landing. — at the first they had begun to plant the Irish 
Potatoes in drills ; 4 rows were allotted: foi this purpose 2 whereof 


had a handful of dung put upon each set, which were at the dis- 
tance of one foot in the rows. — the other 2 rows were planted at 
the same distance, and in the same manner, excepting in the article 
of manure, there being none in the Rows — at Dogue run I began 
to sow barley in drills next the Siberian wheat, and had (beginning 
at the meadow fence, & extending towards the old Houses) sowed 
11 rows (long & short) in Carrots ; 6 of which, beginning with the 
first, and so on alternately were dunged. — the others not — at the 
Ferry plantation little progress had been made in breaking up 
the ground for Potatoes &c a it being hard occasioned by the late 
dr}' ing & baking winds. — At the Fishing landing little success had 
attended the seins. 

One of Mr. Rawlins workmen (who came here on Saturday last 
in the Baltimore packet) began lathing my new room : 

In the evening Mr. Dan 1 Brent and Mr. W- Stuart came in and 
stayed all night. 

Sent my Boat to Alexandria this evening in order to bring down 
Flagstones & Fish Barrels &c- 

Wednesday, 19'A 

Thermometer at 50 in the morning — 62 at noon — and 60 at 

Calm and warm in the forenoon what little there was came from 
the Southward — In the afternoon the wind sprung up — but not 
fresh from the East. — 

Rid to my Ferry Plantation, and walked into the Neck. — at the 
first few fish were caught — at the latter I found (including what 
was sowed yesterday and Saturday) 50 rows of Burnet seed planted 
along side, and in the same manner of, the rib grass — & that they 
had begun to sow the Sainfoin seed — Sowing Barley yesterday & 
this day, at this plantation 30 rows of which had been put in before 
I got there every other one of which had a slight sprinkling only 
of dung not being able to get it out fast enough to manure every 
row. — 

Mrs Stuart and her children went away immediately after break- 
fast—as did Mr. Brent & Mr Stuart. 

A Mr. Chavillie & another gentleman (the first introduced by the 
Governor) came just as we had done breakfast & after one had been 
got for them proceeded on their journey to the Northward. 


Before dinner, Mr. Rollins and a Mr. Thorpe came here ; — the 
first being the undertaker of my new room intended to commence 
the work, and then to leave it under the conduct of the latter 
which I objected to for reasons which I assigned him ; — he there- 
fore determined to return & come back prepared to attend to it 

My Muddy hole People having compleated all the work that was 
to do except with the Plows before Corn planting in the common 
way, came to get the new ground in front of the House in order 
for that grain by fencing &c a — 

Major Washington's Charles returned from new Kent with the 
Calves & Jenny he went for. 

Thursday, 00®. 

Thermometer at 50 in the morning — 50 at noon — and 48 at 

Wind fresh but not hard at N? E? all day and very cloudy, 
sometimes dropping rain. 

Rid to Muddy hole, Dogue Run, and ferry Plantations — and to 
the fishery at the latter. — 

Finished sowing 50 rows of Barley in drills, at Dogue run, which 
took 35 quarts of seed — The ground for this grain was twice 
plowed into 5 furrow ridges (or twice listed as it is called) then 
rolled with the spiked roller — after which it was harrowed, then 
sowed with the Barrel plow, & the grain harrowed in with the 
small harrow at the tale of it — Next adjoining to the Barley I left 
40 rows for the common Country Pea — and then began to plow 10 
rows for Potatoes w- I directed to be managed in the same manner 
previous to setting, with those for the Barley with the addition of 
a furrow after harrowing, to plant the Potatoes which are to be 
covered with the plow. These Potatoes are to be planted without 
dung because it could not be got out in time the Oxen being em- 
ployed with the roller. 

The shad began to run to day having caught 100, 200, & 300 at 
a drought. 

My Jack covered a she Mule to day — after which two mares — 

My boat which went up the day before yesterday, returned this 
evening only — being detained by the north East wind. — ■ 


M. r Battaile Muse came here before dinner on business respecting 
the collection of my rents and with his ace- w- were just looked 
at but not settled. 

My People from the Ferry began to work in the new ground in 
front of the House to day. 

Sowed a Bushel of Orchard grass seed (given to me by W- Fitz- 
hugh Esq- of Chatham) in my last years Turnip patch at the home 
house. — the q^ of ground might be about of an acre. — the gr^ in 
which these seeds were sown had been twice plowed — chopped 
over & the clods broken with Hoes and twice harrowed afterwards. 
— the Seeds were scratched in with a light Bush. 

Friday, %1±. 

Thermometer at 48 in the morning — 48 at noon — and 48 at 

Drizzling till about 6 o'clock when it began a constant slow & 
moderate rain with the wind from N? E* all day. — 

About noon, one James Bloxham, an English Farmer from 
Gloucestershire arrived here with letter of recommendation from 
Col Fairfax (& others to him) consequent of my request to him to 
enquire after such a person. 

Saturday, %%* . 

Thermometer at 50 in the morning — 56 at noon — and 56 at 

In the night there fell a great deal of rain, with some thunder 
& lightning which put a stop to plowing and indeed most other 
workings of the Earth. — 

Morning mizzling till about noon, when it broke away without 
much wind, which still hung to the Eastward. — It was also 
tolerably warm and pleas* 

Rid to the Plantations at Muddy hole, Dogue run, and Ferry — 
at the first fixed my Barrels for Planting Corn and Pease — but 
the ground was too wet to use them — The heavy rain last night 
had washed all the Albany Pease which had been sowed in broad- 
cast out of the ground — those which had been sowed a day or two 
before in Drills were coming up as the Oats & Barley also were. 

At the Ferry Plantation the Siberian wheat was here & there 
coming up. — 


At the Neck Plantation finished before the rain sowing all my 
Barley, — rows with — quarts. — Also finished sowing the Burnet 
& Saintfoin, — rows of the former and — of the latter, part of 
which were short — and having some of these Seeds and those of 
the rib grass left, I sowed 8 of the Intervals of these with it in 
broad cast — 11 ditto of the Saintfoin — and 3 ditto of the Burnet 
in the same manner — Very little fish caught to day or yesterday. 

Col? Fitzhugh and his son Will 3 came here in the afternoon. 

Sunday, 23K 

Set off after breakfast, on a journey to Richmond, — to acknowl- 
edge in the General Court some Deeds for Land sold by me as 
Attorney for Col? George Mercer which it seems, could not be 
executed without. Dined at Dumfries and lodged at Stafford 
Court House. Very cloudy all day with but little wind and that 
from the Eastward. 

Monday, <2Jfi. 

A good deal of rain having fallen in the night and it continuing 
to do so till after 6 o'cl k I was detained till near seven — when I 
set out dined at my Mothers in Fredericksburgh & proceeded after- 
wards to, and lodged at General Spotswoods. 

Until noon the day was missling & sometimes raining which it 
also did in the night — but being warm — vegitation was much 
promoted — Wind Easterly. 

Conversing with Gener 1 Spotswood on the growth and preserva- 
tion of the Pumpkin, he informed me that a person in his neigh- 
bourhood who had raised of them many years has preserved them 
by splitting them in two — taking out the inside and then turning 
the rind part up placed on rails or poles for two or three days to 
dry — after w- they were packed in straw — a layer of one, and a 
layer of the [straw ?] alternately by which means they keep well 
through y e winter. 

Tuesday, £5*. 

Set out from General Spotswoods about sun rising and break- 
fasted at the Bowling green. — 

Where, meeting with Mr. Holmes (a neat, and supposed to be a 


good farmer) I was informed by him that from experience he had 
found that the best method of raising clover (in this Country) was 
to sow it on wheat in January, when the ground was lightly covered 
with snow having never failed by this practice — whereas fall sow- 
ing is often injured by wet and frost and spring sowing by drought. 

Dined at Rawlins and lodged at Hanover Court House. 

The fore part of the day was clear and warm, but the latter part 
was showery and cooler — Wind westerly but not much of it. — 

Wednesday, £6'*. 

Left Hanover Court H? about sun rise — breakfasted at Norvals 
tavern — and reached Richmond about noon. — put up at Formi- 
calo's Tavern, where by invitation I dined with the Judges of the 
General Court. 

Morning cloudy & not much wind, but between 8 and 10 o'clo k 
it came out fresh from the N? W* and died away again about noon. 

Meeting with MT Thof Newton of Norfolk, he informed me that 
Mr Neil Jamieson, late of that place, now a merchant in New 
York was Executor of Jn? Shaw (also of Norfolk) who was 
possessed of the Books of Mess" Balfour & Barraud & to whom 
he advised me to apply, thinking it probable that I might obtain, 
a list of the Ballances due to that House and thereby recover what 
was due to me therefrom. — 

Thursday, 9,7*. 

Acknowledged in the General Court a Deed to James Mercer Esq! 
for the Lotts he and I bought at the sale of his deceased Brother 
Col? George Mercer and received a reconveyance from him of my 
part thereof. 

Road with the Lieu 1 Gov r Randolph, the Attorney General, and 
Mr. George Webb, to view the cut which had commenced be- 
tween Westham and Richmond for the improvement of the navi- 
gation of James river — going late, and returning to dinner left 
but little time to view the work, or to form a judgment of the 
plan of it. 

Dined, and spent the evening at the Attorneys — lodged again 
at Formicalo's. 


Friday, %8*K 

Left Richmond about 6 o'clock — breakfasted at Norvals — 
Dined at Rawlins — and lodged at the Bowling. 

This morning as yesterday was perfectly clear, warm and pleas- 
ant — yesterday, however was calm — to day the wind blew fresh 
from the S°West. & in the afternoon became cloudy with great 
appearances of rain, a few drops of which fell, but in the evening 
it cleared and turned cooler. — 

Saturday, 29*. 

Set out from the Bowling green a little after Sun rising — 
breakfasted at General Spotswood's — Dined at my sister Lewis's 
in Fredericksburgh — and spent the evening at Mr. Fitzhugh's of 

One of my Chariot Horses having got lame going to Richmond, 
but forced back to Gen! Spotswood's (not, however, without much 
difficulty) was left there with a Servant who was ordered to pro- 
ceed with him on a horse which Gen 1 Spotswood would lend in 
two days. 

Wind being fresh at N? West, it was clear and cool to day. 

Sunday, 30*K 

Set off about sun rising from Mr. Fitzhugh's breakfasted at 
Dumfries and reached home to a late dinner. 

Where I found three of Mr. Rawlins' men ; two of whom (one 
a Mr. Thorpe director of the work) had been since Sunday last ; 
& had employed many hands in preparing Mortar & other mate- 
rials for them. — That the Fishing (especially at the home house 
w ch had been discontinued on ace* of the failure of the Sein) had 
not been successful. That Col? Gilpins scow had been sent up on 
Monday last. — That the Rains had retarded the plows a good deal 
and had prevented sowing Pease — or planting Corn. That the 
Irish Potatoes had been planted on Tuesday last at Dogue run, 
though the ground was wet to prevent the rot destroying them all ; 
the wetness of the ground prevented the use of the roller in this 
operation, but the want of it was supplied by Hoes, to break the 
clods. — That the Timothy seed intended for the oat ground at 


Dogue run had been sowed on it — (and for want of the roller 
had been scratched in with a Bush, which was wrong as the Oats, 
were thereby torn & injured.) — That the Neck People had on 
Wednesday last finished drilling the Barley at that place in 66 rows 
— every other of which had a sprinkling of Dung in the middle 
furrow — That my Drilled Wheat from the Cape had been propped 
to prevent its lodging. — That the common Chesnut (which it is 
apprehended are spoiled) was planted below the hops on thursday 
last — That the Irish Potatoes had been planted at the River plan- 
tation on thursday last in ten rows, each alternate one being dunged 
as those at Muddy hole were. — That the ground which had been 
prepared for Flax was sown therewith on Friday last and harrowed 
in — then with clover seed and the whole rolled. — That 14 rows 
of the live & Water Oak Acorns had been planted on the same 
day in my botanical garden, but it was not expected that any, or 
very few would come up. — That every other row of Corn in 
the cut intended for experiments at Muddy hole was planted by the 
Drill plow with the early corn from New York — and that all the 
Peas (consisting of two kinds) had been planted at the same place 
and in the same cut That when the worked ground was too wet to 
stir, or touch the plows were employed in listing for Corn. — and 
lastly that the Mercury during my absence had stood thus — viz : 

morn* noon night 

23 d 








































On behcalf of the Hon. Joseph Williamson, a Correspond- 
ing Member, Mr. Henry H. Edes communicated and read a 
paper dealing with the identity of the " Master Williamson " 
who is said to have accompanied Myles Standish on the 
latter's visit to Massasoit in March, 1621. 



A narrative of an interview of the Pilgrims with Massasoit, 
sachem of the Wampanoag tribe, held 22 March, 1620-21, says : 

Captaine Standish and Master Williamson met the King at the brooke, 
with halfe a dozen Musketiers, they saluted him and he them, so one 
going over, the one on the one side, and the other on the other, con- 
ducted him to a house then in building, where we placed a great Rugge, 
and three or four Cushions, then instantly came our Governour with 
Drumme and Trumpet after him, and some few Musketiers. 1 

In his History of Plymouth Plantation, Governor Bradford 
makes mention neither of the Massasoit incident nor of Williamson. 
The latter name is not in the list of passengers by the Mayflower, 
and no immigrants except those who came in the Mayflower reached 
the Colony until November, 1621. 

Various conjectures about Master Williamson have been made, 
some of which are ingenious and many improbable. In Prince's 
Annals, the Mourt statement is adopted without criticism. Prince 
was very particular in giving authorities, and Mourt is the only one 
cited concerning it. 

Alexander Young says : 

There was a Thomas Williams, but no person of the name of William- 
son, among the signers of the compact. It is probably an error of the 
press. It is very unlikely that anyone of the ship's company would be 
associated with Standish in this duty. Perhaps it should read Master 
Allerton. 2 

Williams died before the end of March. This explanation, how- 
ever, is not accepted by Savage, who assumes that Williams was 
then living, and says : 

No Williamson was there, we know, as passing, in the first voyage of 
the Mayflower, wh. had not sail, on her return, nor had any other vessel 
arr. . . . Prince ought to have detect, this error, wh. is the reverse of 
a very common one in the old rec. or even print, books, of sinking the 
final sylla. 3 

1 Mourt's Relation (1865), pp. 92, 93. 

2 Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 192 note; cf. pp. 113 note, 174 note 3. 

3 Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 572, 573. 


Palfrey writes : 

"Master Williamson" (Mourt, 36). There is no Williamson in 
Bradford's list. There is a Thomas Williams (Bradford, 449), but his 
place on the catalogue is such as to make it seem unlikely that he would 
be called Master, and he probably died before the visit of Massasoit. 
The name may have been a misprint for Allerton, who was Standish's 
companion on the same errand the following day. 1 

In 1866 Samuel G. Drake remarked: 

Who was " Mr. Williamson " mentioned in the early narratives of 
the Pilgrims? No satisfactory answer has yet appeared. That "Mr. 
Williamson " is a misprint in Mourt' s Relation, for " Mr. Isaac Aller- 
ton," as has been confidently asserted by the author ? of The Chronicles 
of the Pilgrims ; may be possible, or even probable ; but that is the 
most that can be said about it. The question is not settled, and perhaps 
never will be. 2 

The will of William Mullins contains this item : 

I give to my twoe Overseers M r John Carver and M r Williamson, 
twentye shillinges apeece to see this my will performed desiringe them 
he would have an eye over my wife and children to be as fathers and 
freindes to them. 3 

John Ward Dean remarks : 

William Mullins, the testator, was one of the passengers in the May- 
flower, and the father of Priscilla Mullins, the heroine of Longfellow's 
Poem "The Courtship of Miles Standish." The will was evidently 
drawn up at Plymouth, New England, which was then considered a part 
of Virginia. The date of the will is not given, but it must have been 
on or before Feb. 21, 1620-1, for on that day Mr. Mullins died, accord- 
ing to Governor Bradford's Register, as quoted by Prince in his Chron- 
ology, Part ii. p. 98. . . . Mr. Williamson, who is named as overseer 
of the will, I take to be the "Master Williamson," who, according to 
Mourt's Relation, . . . was present March 22, 1620-1, when the first 
treaty was made with Massasoit. Rev. Alexander Young, D.D., finding 
no person by the name of Williamson among the signers to the compact, 

1 History of New England, i. 178 note. 

2 F. Baylies's Historical Memoir of the Colony of New Plymouth, v. 24. 
8 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlii. 62, 63. 


concludes that the name Williamson was probably an error of the press, 
and suggests that of Allerton instead. . . . Dr. Young's conjecture has 
generally been adopted by later writers. 1 

In 1889 the Reverend Henry M. Dexter made the following 
statement : 

In the third number of the first volume of " Genealogical Gleanings 
in England," is given what purports to be a copy of the nuncupative 
will of William Mullins, of the "Mayflower' 7 Company, from the Lon- 
don Probate Records. It is prefaced by the date of 2 (12) April, 1621 ; 
which was forty days after Mr. Mullins' death, as given by Prince, and 
three days before — by the same authority — the "Mayflower" started 
on her return voyage. . . . He gives to the two overseers — Mr. John 
Carver and Mr. Williamson — 20s. apiece to see his will performed, 
desiring them to have a kind care of his wife and children. . . . The 
appointment of the overseers is significant. The elder two of the chil- 
dren were in England ; it was expected that the widow, the younger two 
children, and the somewhat wayward servant would need, to be cared 
for in this country ; while part of the estate seems to have been there, 
and part here. Therefore John Carver was chosen to administer affairs 
on this side of the sea, and it looks as if his associate "Mr. William- 
son" were selected to clo like service in England. Mourt's " Relation " 
(p. 36) states that when, 22 March (1 April), 1621, which was a fort- 
night before the ' ' Mayflower " sailed for home, Massasoit and his 
brother first visited the colonists, " Captain JStandish and Master 
Williamson met the King at the brooke, with halfe a dozen Musketiers ; " 
and as no man of that name appears upon the list of the Company, or 
was known otherwise to be on the ground, it has been always supposed 
that, among the many obvious carelessnesses of the unwatched press 
of John Bellamie, this name had gotten itself misprinted for that of 
Allerton, or some other of about the right length. The occurrence 
of the name here again, however, raises the question whether a man 
named Williamson was not present with the forlorn colonists, and pres- 
ent in a condition and under circumstances to make his being joined 
with Governor Carver as an executor of this will eminently probable. 
I think this question should be answered in the affirmative, but will 
return to the point after one or two other suggestions. . . . The three 
witnesses of the will were John Carver, Giles Heale, and Christopher 
Joanes. . . . One name remains : Giles Heale. Who was he ? On the 

1 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlii. 63, 64. 



fly-leaf of a copy of Henry Ainsworth's " Psalms in Metre," of the 
edition of 1618, . . . is . . . the following inscription: 

This booke was given unto M^ Giles Heale, Chirurgion, by Marke Allerton, 
Tailor in Virginia, the X. of February, in the year of our Lord 1620 : Da. 

Virginia was (then) new Plymouth. The ' ' X. of February in the 
year of our Lord 1620 " was Saturday, fifty-one days before the date of 
the certification of the copying of this will. ' ' Marke Allerton " is simply 
the misreading, by the bookseller, of the Isaacke which was written 
on the fly-leaf. . . . 

To return now to " Mr. Williamson." You will have noticed that 
this inscription of presentation from Allerton to Heale seems to have 
been witnessed by "Da: Williams." I take leave to think that this 
was an abbreviated or misread chirography for Williamson; that the 
man's first name was David ; and that he was the factor, financial agent, 
or supercargo of the " Mayflower." The East India Records to which 
T have just referred show (p. 100) one principal and three subordinate 
factors in each ship, — whence it becomes easy to think that in this 
West Indian voyage at least some one respectable and thoroughly com- 
petent man of business would have accompanied the expedition to look 
after the interests of the Company, who were risking considerable 
property with a party of colonists whose obvious poverty made promise 
hold a much larger place than performance toward the immediate satis- 
faction of all claims upon them. Grant that Mr. David Williamson was 
such a man, and held such a post, and his presence with Captain Miles 
Standish in the interview with the Indian king becomes appropriate and 
natural, as does the fact that poor Mullins, knowing that Williamson 
on the return of the ship would take his will over to be probated in 
London, asked him to be its executor for the benefit of his two chil- 
dren in England, as Governor Carver was desired to look after the 
interests of his widow and the two younger children and servant here. 1 

The late Reverend William Cogswell, in a biographical sketch 
of William D. Williamson, says there is a tradition that one of that 
name, who had command of a company in King Philip's war in 
1675-6, might have been a son of Master Williamson. 2 But he 
admits that nothing further concerning the latter than is given by 
Mourt appears in the printed narratives of those times, and that no 

1 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 33-37. 
a New England Historical and Genealogical Register, i. 90. 

1902.] ANDREW CRAIGIE. 403 

positive knowledge of his immediate posterity exists. This simple 
report of tradition has been since adopted as a fact by several local 
historians. In Miss Thomas's Memorials of Marshfield (p. 75), 
the fancy of the writer borrows from the fictitious pilgrim, re- 
marks Savage in the Genealogical Dictionary before cited, the 
Christian name of George to bestow on him. The same statement 
appears in Winsor's History of Duxbury (p. 337). The Reverend 
Charles H. Pope goes further in suggesting that perhaps the 
Marshfield soldier of 1675 was the Plymouth adventurer of 1621. 1 

Divested of all suppositions and probabilities, the mere mention 
of the name in Mourt's Relation constitutes all that is known of 
Master Williamson. Not the slightest shadow of confirmatory 
evidence that such a person existed has been found. 

Mr. S. Lothrop Thorndike communicated and read some 
reminiscences of Dr. Andrew Craigie of Cambridge, written 
by the late John Holmes. 2 


Just now, when the old memories of Christ Church are being 
awakened, it is not amiss to recall one of those who take their final 
rest beneath its shadow. In my early boyhood I occasionally heard 
the name of Andrew Craigie, but never explored so far as to become 
acquainted with his residence, which was the present Longfellow 
house. I propose no more than to give the facts that casually 
reached me concerning him, as I remember them, — a legendary 
rather than a historical notice. I think that he was spoken of as 
having been a surgeon in the Continental Army, 4 and that after the 

1 Pioneers of Massachusetts, pp. 501, 502. 

2 John Holmes, a brother of Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes, was of the Harvard 
Class of 1832. 

8 This was printed in the Doll's Record, a newspaper published 18 April, 1893, 
in aid of a fair given by the ladies of Christ Church, Cambridge. 

4 Dr. Andrew Craigie was Apothecary-General of the Northern Department 
of the Revolutionary Army, and cared for the wounded at Bunker Hill. He 
was born in Boston 22 February, 1754, the son of Capt. Andrew Craigie who 
joined the West Church 1 February, 1756, during the pastorate of the Rev. 
Jonathan Mayhew (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, xxiv. 283; Records 
of the West Church in Boston ; Paige's History of Cambridge, 183 and note ; 


war was closed he had purchased Government securities, which rose 
rapidly in value after the new Constitution was established. He 
became rich enough to purchase the confiscated estate of one of the 
Vassalls, and was able to continue the handsome style of living of 
his predecessors. He married, when quite old, or elderly, the 
beautiful Betsey Hammond, 1 but the many years of valuable experi- 
ence which he contributed to the common stock do not seem to 
have added to the general fund of matrimonial happiness. 

Well would it have been for him if his friends could have said 
to him, — " Thou hast no speculation in thine eyes." But he had, 
and a great deal of it. His plan was to develop Lechmere's Point, 
called in my younger days " The Pint," and bring into the market 

Memorial History of Boston, iii. 113. See 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society for February, 1874, xiii. 250). 

1 Mr. Holmes is in error here. Dr. Craigie's bride was Elizabeth Shaw, 
only child of the Rev. Bezaliel Shaw (H. C. 17G2) of Nantucket, and cousin- 
german to Chief-Justice Lemuel Shaw. In Nathaniel Cutting's Journal of a 
visit to Boston in the autumn of 1792, we catch a glimpse of her in the follow- 
ing entry : 

Nov. G. We went to Aspinwall's Hospital to visit the intended bride of Mr. Craigie, 
Miss Shaw, who is now under the operation of the small-pox by inoculation. (1 Pro- 
ceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for March, 1871, xii. 66.) 

She was married by the Rev. Abiel Holmes to Dr. Craigie, 10 January, 
1793, and died in Cambridge on Wednesday, 5 May, 1811, at the age of 69. 
As Dr. Craigie was in his thirty-ninth year at the time of his marriage to Miss 
Shaw, who was noted for her beauty, Mr. Holmes's statement that he was 
"quite old, or elderly" is amusing. Her miniature by Robertson is in the 
possession of Samuel Savage Shaw, Esquire. In a letter written by the Rev. 
Bezaliel Shaw to his brother, the Rev. Oakes Shaw (H. C. 1758), he speaks 
of Mr. Craigie as a person — 

on whom the hand of Providence has liberally bestowed the good things of this life. . . . 
He lias purchased the estates that formerly belonged to Harry and John Vassall. He 
lives in " the house that Jack built." 

Mrs. Craigie's mother was Elizabeth Hammond, daughter of John and Mary 
(Ruggles) Hammond of Rochester, Massachusetts, where she was bom 9 
January, 1742, and married to the Rev. Bezaliel Shaw 17 September, 1769. 
She spent her last years with Mrs. Craigie and died in Cambridge 7 April, 
1814, at the age of 72 (Nantucket Town Records; Records of the First 
Church in Cambridge; Records of the First Church in Rochester; Boston 
Evening Transcript of Saturday, 8 May, 1841; A History and Genealogy of 
the Descendants of William Hammond, Boston, 1894, pp. 234, 235; Letter 
of Samuel Savage Shaw). 

1902.] ANDREW CRAIGIE. 405 

the land he had secured there. The new road to " the Colleges," * 
now Cambridge Street, the bridge to Boston, still called Craigie's 
Bridge, the removal to the " Pint " of the Court House and Jail, 
were all parts of this plan. 

The embargo in 1807 covered Boston and its dependencies like 
an extinguisher. But apart from that, Mr. Craigie's plans and 
those of his contemporary schemers, — the making Cambridgeport 
a great emporium of trade, the Concord turnpike, etc., — were, 
even if rational in their conception, premature by some forty years. 
I remember in my own boyhood the scanty population of the lower 
" Port " outside of the main street, with the brick blocks planted 
here and there in the solitude, like seed for new settlements. Con- 
cord Turnpike and Craigie's Road also, each offered a retreat to 
which the austere recluse, shunning the face of man, might retire 
with no fear of intrusion. The toll which was to repay the build- 
ing was found represented only by the funeral knell of departed 
funds. 2 

It is now that we come naturally to Mr. Craigie as a debtor, the 
legendary character in which we have mostly heard of him. Over- 
whelmed with judgments, the sly capias in the pocket of the con- 
stable waiting for him, he remembered that every man's house is 
his castle, and retired to this fortress allowed him by law. Inside 
his house he was safe from arrest. Whether he could venture out- 
side upon his own premises, or was confined to his four walls, we 
cannot learn. As it can do him no harm, and is more picturesque, 
I prefer the first supposition. 

It is a fine bit of medievalism that we Old Cambridge folks have, 
and we ought to be proud of it. Here is a man with nothing 
against him but a large pecuniary balance, liable to capture, falling 
back on his " Castle," to use the term contained in the legal apo- 
thegm. The towers, walls, portcullis, barbican, appear at once 
before us. But to quit the fanciful, — Mr. Craigie had every right 
in the world, except to go out of his own house. To that act a 
quasi penalty was attached. Does it not give a new interest to the 

1 For the use of the word " college," as applied to the College buildings, see 
Dialect Notes, ii. 91-114. 

2 For particulars of Dr. Craigie's schemes and land speculations, see Paige's 
History of Cambridge, pp. 184-186, 203-208. 


Longfellow house, 1 that a genuine debtor of the old school has looked 
with longing eyes on the free and solvent Charles carrying his 
punctual dues to Ocean, and on the fair Brighton hills where the 
only capias is that awaiting the cows at night ? Did he ever venture 
forth at evening, seeing a constable and capias in every bush ? We 
accept the question readily, and wish that we could answer it, but 
tradition fails here. 

But if Law shut Mr. Craigie up on week-days, Religion came 
to set him free on Sunday. On that day he was free to go abroad, 
and I presume used his liberty to attend at Christ Church, then 
open for worship. How long this state of duress lasted, whether 
to his death or not, I cannot say. 

Somewhere about the year 1820, going over one Saturday after- 
noon to play with a boy at a house standing on or near the site of 
the present Law School, I saw a movement at the door of the 
church. Some half-dozen people were in motion. I do not re- 
member whether the bell was tolled. This was the scant, lonely 
funeral of Mr. Andrew Craigie. 2 

These notes and reminiscences are addressed, aside, to only the 
few experts or esoterics in Cambridge antiquities, — people who if 
asked the following questions, would answer readily and perhaps 
with some resentment at the doubt of their knowledge implied by 
the inquiry : Where was the old Court House ? 3 The old Jail ? 

1 See an article on the Craigie House by our associate Mr. Samuel Swett 
Green in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for April, 1900, 
New Series, xiii. 312-352; and another by Miss Alice M. Longfellow in the 
Cambridge Tribune of 21 April, 1900, in which Miss Longfellow erroneously 
refers to Dr. Craigie's bride as " Miss Nancy Shaw." See also Josiah Quincy's 
Figures of the Past (1883), pp. 25-27; and Col. Higginson's poem on Madam 
Craigie, in his Afternoon Landscape (1889), pp. 44, 45. 

2 Dr. Craigie died in Cambridge on Sunday, 19 September, 1S19, aged 65. 
He was a Warden of Christ Church of which, in the days of its adversity and of 
his prosperity, he was a generous benefactor (Columbian Centinel of Wednes- 
day, 22 September, 1819, p. 2/4; Paige's History of Cambridge, p. 310). 

8 From the Harvard Magazine for November and December, 1863, we learn 
its location : 

The old County Court-House stood where the Post-Office now is, and the remains of 
this ancient building can still be seen in the rear of the Post-Office. ... At the Great 
Rebellion in 1808 the students refused to eat in commons, and held out a week or more 
in their intention. During that time all the exercises of the College were suspended. 
The parents and friends of the students met in the old Court-llouse, where now the 

1902.] ANDREW CRAIGIE. 407 

The Market House ? Where was the College Wood-yard ? * Where 
were the old Hay-scales? Where was the window from which 
little Joe Hill saw Lord Percy's reinforcement pass by? Where 
was the little brook that ran over gravel towards the Charles and, 
like the two princes, was stifled in its bed ? 

The Hon. Francis William Hurd was elected a Resident 

Post-Office stands, and, after considerable negotiation with the College government and 
the students, College exercises were resumed, and commons for a while were improved 
(x. 98, 127). 

1 The following extract is taken from the Harvard Magazine for November, 

This article should not be closed without mention being made of the College Wharf. 
From time immemorial, almost, College has owned a wharf on the river. Until within 
a few years it was built of wood. In olden time the sloop Harvard, a College institution, 
made continuous voyages to the coast of Maine, for the sole purpose of keeping the Col- 
lege wood-yard well supplied. The wood-yard of late years was in the rear of the 
present College House (x. 98). 

The notes to this paper were not written by Mr. Holmes. 



AbERCROMBIE, James, 249 n, 250 
n, 330. 

Abingdon, Va., 344, 349, 350, 369. 

Aborigines of Australia, by E. G. Porter, 

Abraham, Plains of, Quebec, Canada, 

Adams, Charles Francis (1807-1886), 
H. C. 1825, his Life of John Adams, 
mentioned, 8 n. 

Charles Francis (H. C. 1856), son 

of Charles Francis (H. C. 1825), guest 
at the annual dinner, 238. 

Henry, 57. 

Henry Brooks. See Adams, Henry. 

Herbert Baxter, LL.D. xviii ; 

tribute to, in Report of the Council, 

John, Life of, by C. F. Adams, 

mentioned 8 n ; Works of, cited, 8 
n ; his defence of Capt. Preston re- 
sented by the Bostonians, 22 n ; letters 
between Prof. J. Winthrop and, 326 n. 

Samuel, 19, 21; Wells's Life of, 

cited, 10 n; quoted, 22 n; of Com- 
mittee to report on Boston Massacre, 
11 ; articles by, in Boston Gazette, 
on Case of Capt. T. Preston, 22 w; 
portions of letter to B. Franklin from, 
22 n; E. G. Porter's Address on, 
mentioned, 62. 

Rev. William Hooper, E. G. 

Porter's Sermon on the death of, 61. 

Addington, Isaac, 82, 245. 

Addison, Joseph, 121. 

Addressers of Gage and of Hutchinson, 
preparation of new list of, announced 
by A. Matthews, 22. 

Aeronautics, Washington's opinion re- 
garding, 187. 

Ainsworth, Henry, inscription in a copy 
of his Psalms in Metre (1618), 402. 

Aintab, Asia Minor, American College 
at, 60. 

Akin, Amey (Fish), wife of James, 
200 n. 

Amie, daughter of James, 200, 

200 n. 

Akin (continued). 

James, 200 n. 

Albany, N. Y., 248. 

Alexander, Philip, 173, 174. 

Robert, 354. 

Alexandria, Va., races, at, 138; Potomac 
Canal directors meet at, 145, 157, 390 ; 
election of Delegates at, 391. 

Academy, 158, 163 ; G. Washing- 
ton's gift to, 171. 

Alix, Pierre Michel, 330. 

Allan, Miss , 141. 

Allen, Andrew Hussey, 120 n. 

Rev. Joseph Henry, D.D., xvii; 

C. C. Everett's Memoir of, 49, 340. 

Allerton, Isaac, possible identity of Mas- 
ter Williamson with, 399, 400, 401. 

Mark, misreading for Isaacke 

Allerton, 402. 

Allison, Thomas, 350, 381. 

Almon, John, his Collection of interest- 
ing, authentic Papers, relative to the 
Dispute between Great Britain and 
America, 4n; his Remembrancer, 
quoted, 106 n. 

Alpha Delta Phi Society, Williams 
Chapter, 56. 

Alton, John, servant of G. Washington, 
139, 166, 172. 

America, alleged origin of the name, 
99 n. 

American Academy of Arts and Sci- 
ences, 340 ; hospitality of, to this 
Society, 49. 

American Antiquarian Society, 95 n, 
270, 271, 273; E. Rawson's copy 
of the General Laws and Liberties 
owned by, 26, 290 ; members of, from 
the Class of 1858, H. C, 57, 58 ; sends 
E. G. Porter as delegate to meeting 
of Royal Society of Canada, 61 ; Pro- 
ceedings of, cited, 26, 406 n. 

American Archives, cited, 255 n, 275 n. 

American Bank Note Company, 264, 
265; paper read before Trustees of, 
by R. N. Toppan, 272. 

American Historical Association, 61, 
234, 273. 



American Oriental Society, 340. 

American Philosophical Society, 273, 

American Social Science Association, 

American Unitarian Association, 238 ; 
hospitality of, to this Society, 49. 

Ames, Fisher (H. C. 1774), biograph- 
ical essay on, by J. B. Thayer, men- 
tioned, 308. 

Fisher (H. C. 1858), 57. 

Hon. Frederick Lothrop, A.B., 


James Barr, LL.D., xvi; his 

tribute to J. B. Thayer, 315-317. 

Amory, Jonathan (H. C. 1787), 221 n, 
222 n. 

Mehitable (Sullivan) Cutler, wife 

of Jonathan (H. C. 1787) , 221 n. 

Thomas Coffin, his Life of Sulli- 
van, cited, 219 n, 221 n. 

Anderson, , 184. 

Nicholas Longwortb, his message 

to W. F. Lee, 58. 

Andover, Mass., Phillips Academy, 56. 

Andrew, Hon. John Forrester, 
LL.B., xvi. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, Governor of 
Massachusetts, petitioned by E. 
Rawson for compensation for ser- 
vices, 293, 294; sent back to Eng- 
land, 294. 

Andros Records, copies of, commun- 
icated to American Antiquarian So- 
ciety by R. N. Toppan, 272. 

Andros Tracts, cited, 294 n. 

Angell, Hon. James Burrill, LL.D., 

Anglican Church, re-establishment of 
supremacy of, 290. 

Anne, Queen of England, 82. 

Appeal, Massachusetts Colony denies 
right of, 290. 

Appleton, Mehitable, daughter of Rev. 
Nathaniel (1693-1784). See Haven. 

Rev. Nathaniel (1693-1784), 217 

n ; degree conferred upon, 324 n. 

Arlington, Mass., Cutter's History of, 
quoted, 27, 28 n, 29 n ; formerly West 
Cambridge, 223 n. 

Spy Pond, 27, 29. 

Arminius, Jacobus, monument to, 81. 

Armstrong, , 346. 

Army and Navy Journal, G. E. Pond's 
connection with, 57. 

Arnold, Benedict, 253 ; marches against 
the Cedars, 255 ; cartel and exchange 
of prisoners effected by, 255, 256. 

Aspinwall, William, 289 ; his Notarial 

Records, cited, 72 n. 
Assington, England, 71, 73. 
Assize Law, 189. 
Association of American Law Schools, 

Astrea, British ship, 110. 
Atkins, Dudley, 218 n. 
Francis Higginson, his Joseph 

Atkins, cited, 218 n. 

Joseph, 218 n. 

Mary Russell, daughter of Dudley. 

See Searle. 
Attleborough, Mass., early iron works 

at, 92, 93 ; Daggett's History of, cited, 

Aubrey, John, his Lives of Eminent 

Men, quoted, 120. 
Audley (Odlin) Ann. See Clark. 
Austin, Hon. James Walker, A.M., 

John, J. S. Mill's opinion of, 


Mary (Fish), wife of Stephen, 

200 n. 

Stephen, 200, 200 n. 

John Osborne, his 160 Allied 

Families, cited, 202 n ; his Ancestry 
of 33 Rhode Islanders, cited, 199 n ; 
his Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode 
Island, cited, 199 n, 201 n, 202 n. 

Australia, Aborigines of, by E. G. 
Porter, 62. 


ABSON, Robert Tillinghast, 
LL.B., xvii. 

Backus, Eunice. See Trumbull. 

Bacon, , 15. 

Bacon's Grove, Mass., 223 n, 227 n. 

Bailey, , 157, 185. 

Baker, Dr. , 166. 

Balch, Rev. , 346 ; letter of Wash- 
ington to, 185. 

Francis Vergnies, LL.B., xvi. 

Baldwin, Abraham, 170. 

Hon. Simeon Eben, LL.D., 


Balfour & Barraud, 396. 

Ball, Burges, 175. 

Mary. See Washington. 

Ballads, importance of early American, 
115 n. 

Bangor, Me., Independent Congrega- 
tional (Unitarian) Church, 338. 

Bank Note Engraving, A Hundred 
Years of, paper by R. N. Toppan, 
272, 273. 



Baptism, denied to children of unbe- 
lievers, 78. 

Baptists, 285. 

Bar Association, Boston, 238. 

Bar Harbor, Me., J. B. Thayer's sum- 
mer home at, 306. 

Barber, William, 344. 

Barbie, Jacques, 330. 

Barker, Hon. James Madison, LL.D., 

Barnam, Benedict, son of Francis, 103. 

Francis, of London, 103. 

Barnum, Rev. Caleb, 251, 251 n, 252. 

Baron Hill. See Barren Hill. 

Barraud, Balfour &, 396. 

Barrel plough, Washington's experi- 
ments with, 384, 386, 389, 390, 393. 

Barren Hill, battle of, 191. 

Bartlett, John Russell, his Dictionary 
of Americanisms, cited, 95 n. 

Samuel, Jr., 92 n. 

Barton, Edmund Mills, 95 n, 115 n. 

Bassett, Burwell, 130, 131, 132, 133, 
135, 138, 139, 381. 

Frances, daughter of Burwell, 130, 

177, 192 ; wedding of, 135. See also 
Washington, Frances (Bassett). 

John, 133, 138, 139. 

Batchelder, Josiah, 65. 

Josiah (d. 1809), called Squire 

Batchelder, son of Josiah, 65. 

Bateman, Philip, 174. 

Bates, Col. Joshua, of Weymouth, 216 n. 

Joshua (1788-1864), son of Col. 

Joshua, letter of, to W. Ropes, 216; 
date of birth, 216 n. 

Lucretia (Sturgis), wife of Joshua 

(1788-1864), 216 n. 

Tirzah, wife of Col. Joshua, 216 n. 

Batherick, Elizabeth, first wife of John 
(1702-1769), 28. 

John (1702-1769), 28. 

John (b. 1730), son of John (1702- 

1769), 28. 

Phebe, daughter of John (b. 1730), 

domestic in the families of John Wil- 
son and Lot Wheelwright, Sr., 28 ; 
her reminiscences of the Concord 
Fight, 29, 30. 

Ruth (Hook), second wife of John 

(1702-1769), alleged capture of Brit- 
ish soldiers by, 27. 

Battery G, First Heavy Artillery, 
M. V. M. See Independent Boston 
Fusilier Veterans. 

Bavaria, Germany, 182. 

Baxter, Hon. James Phinney, Litt 
D., xviii; elected Corresponding 

Baxter (continued). 

Member, 48; guest at the annual 
dinner, 238 ; his edition of the Jour- 
nal of Lt. W. Digby, cited, 245 n. 

Bayle, . See Bailey. 

Capt. — -, 186. 

Baylies, Francis, his Historical Memoir 
of the Colony of New Plymouth, 
cited, 400 n. 

Thomas, his association with 

Attleborough iron works, 90, 93; 
his settlement in Attleborough, 91, 
91 n. 

Walter Cabot, A.B., xvi. 

Baynham, Dr. , 167, 168. 

Beach, Lazarus, his Jonathan Post- 
free, 114, 114 n. 

Beacon Street, Boston, 219 n. 

Bed-gowns, 29, 30. 

Beekman, James William, his Cente- 
nary Address delivered before the So- 
ciety of the New York Hospital, cited, 
218 n. 

Beirut, Turkey, American Mission at, 

Bell, D., two water-color views of Cam- 
bridge by, exhibited by W. C. Lane, 

Bellamie, John, printer, 401. 

Bellingham, Richard, transcriptions of 
the Liberties and Capital Laws or- 
dered by, 23 ; one of several to over- 
see the printing of the Laws, 24. 

Bellott, A., 330. 

Bent, William, 250, 250 n, 253. 

Berkeley, Arabella, daughter of Bishop 
George. See Hamilton. 

George, Bishop of Cloyne, 336. 

Berkeley, Va., 390. 

County, Va., desire to erect school 

and meeting-house on land of G. 
Washington in, 365. 

Bermuda, 76, 335. 

Betsey, a schooner, 5 n. 

Bibby, Capt. , 186. 

Billings, John Shaw, D.C.L., xviii; 
accepts Corresponding Membership, 
1, 48. 

Binghamton, N. Y., 248 n. 

Bishop, Joel Prentiss, 313. 

Thomas, servant of Washington, 

170 ; wife of, 166. 

Black, George Nixon, Esq., xvii. 
Blackburn, Anne, daughter of Thomas. 
See Washington. 

Thomas, 137, 137 n, 350. 

Blake, Francis A. M., xvii. 
George, 226 n. 



Bliss, Eugene Frederick, 57. 

Leonard, Jr., his History of Re- 

hoboth, cited, 92 n. 
Bloxham, James, 394:. 
Body of Liberties (1641), 289; no 
printed copy known to be extant, 
23 ; transcription and distribution of 
copies of, ordered by the General 
Court, 23, 24 ; revised and made ready 
for printing, 24. 
Boerhaave, Hermann, monument to, 

Boishebert, Charles Deschamps de, 333. 
Bold, to feel, the expression, 106, 106 n. 
Bollan, William, 91 n, 92 n ; letter of, 
on Boston Massacre, 12, 211; text of 
letter, 212, 213. 
Bolton, Charles Knowles, A.B., 
xvii; his Private Soldier under Wash- 
ington, 100 n ; reads anonymous con- 
temporary Elegy on the Death of 
General George Washington, 196- 
Bond, Henry, his Genealogies and His- 
tory of Water town, cited, 24Sn. 

William, regiment commanded by, 

246, 246 n, 248 ; sketch of, 248 n. 
Bonnechose, Charles de, his Montcalm 
et le Canada Francais, mentioned, 
Boot-legs, made by skinning Indians, 

Booth, William, 367. 
Boston, Mass., arrival of British regi- 
ments in, 3 n, 6, 20 ; hostile feeling 
toward these troops in, 6, 7, 20, 22 n; 
testimony of Capt. Preston regarding 
conduct of inhabitants of, 6; appoints 
Committee to report on Boston Mas- 
sacre, 5, 11, 12 ; Committee condemns 
Capt. Preston's account, 13, 15-17, 
19-21 ; text of the Committee's Re- 
port, 13-19 ; first theatre built in, 
210; mint established in, 286; Ran- 
dolph's effort to establish Episcopal 
church in, 291. 

Athenaeum, 222 n ; gift of James 

Perkins to, 219 n. 

Bar Association, 238. 

Battery G, First Heavy Artillery, 

M. V. M. See Independent Boston 
Fusilier Veterans. 

Beacon Street, 219 n. 

Brattle Square, Church in, 222 n. 

Bromfield Street, formerly Raw- 
son's Lane, 289, 289 n. 

Butler's Row, 219 n. 

Castle Island, removal of troops to, 

Boston, Mass. (continued). 

after Boston Massacre, 13, 18; Com- 
missioners retreat to, 14. 

Concord Square, 207. 

Contractors and Builders Associa- 
tion of the City of Boston, 229 n. 

Custom House, plunder of, feared, 

4 n, 7, 8; alleged attempt against, in 
Boston Massacre, 16. 

Evacuation of, tributes to Wash- 
ington after, 322, 323, 329. 

Faneuil Hall, town-meeting at, to 

consider Boston Massacre, 11, 12. 

First Baptist Church, 93. 

First Church, first minister of, 


Independent Boston Fusilier Vet- 
erans, 230 n. 

King's Chapel, 219 n, 222 n; 

funeral of E. Wheelwright takes place 
in, 32 ; rates of silver collated from 
Ledger Records of, 280 ; Foote's An- 
nals of, cited, 280 n. 

King Street, scene of Boston Mas- 
sacre, 18 n. 

Massacre, papers in connection 

with, communicated by A. Matthews, 
2-21; Capt. Preston's account of, 4; 
text of this account, 6-10 ; testimony 
regarding conduct of Bostonians dur- 
ing, 6; committee appointed by the 
town to report on, 11, 12; garbled 
accounts of, condemned, 13, 15-17, 
19-21, 22 n; text of committee's re- 
port on, 13-19; A Short Narrative of 
the horrid Massacre, cited, 16 n, 211; 
Fair Account of, cited, 4, 16 n; letter 
concerning, by Catharine Macaulay, 
212 ; letter concerning, by W. Bollan, 
212, 213 ; letter concerning, by T. 
Pownall, 213-215. 

Merchants Row, 219 n. 

Pearl Street, Athenaeum Library 

building in, 219 n. 

Public Library, 211 n, 216. 

Rawson's Lane, now Bromfield 

Street, 289. 

Record Commissioners' Reports, 

cited, 72 n, 228 n, 296 n, 325 n, 403 n. 

St. Botolph Club, 36. 

Second (North) Church, 325 n. 

Siege of, letters to Meletiah Bourne 

written during, 202. 

South Church, papers relating to, 

given up bv E. Rawson, 294. 

Tremont Street, 228, 228 n. 

Trinity Church, 86. 

West Church, 403 n. 



Boston Traveler, founded by R. L. 
Porter, 55. 

Boston and Lowell Railroad, 223 n. 

Boston and Maine Railroad Company, 
plan of Middlesex CaDal in Engi- 
neer's office of, 219 n. 

Bougainville, Jean Pierre de, 331 n. 

Bounties for scalps, paper on, by A. 
Matthews, 275-278 ; alleged to- have 
been offered by the British, 275 ; 
recommended to the South Carolina 
Assembly, 275; offered by Pennsyl- 
vania, 276, 277. 

Bourne, Meletiah, 202. 

Sylvanus, son of Meletiah, 202. 

Bourne Papers, G. L. Kittredge commu- 
nicates letters from, 202. 

Bowditch, Charles Pickering, 
A.M., xvi ; of Committee to draught 
Resolutions in memory of Edward 
Wheelwright, 32. 

Bowdoin, James, 213, 215; extract 
from letter of, 5 n. 

Bowdoin College, trustees of, reject 
C. C. Everett as Professor, 65, 66, 
338 ; gives him degree of D. D., 66. 

Phi Beta Kappa, 340. 

Bowen, Sir Charles Synge Christopher, 
Baron, 311. 

Clarence Winthrop, Ph.D., 


Bowes, Mary (D'Ewes), wife of Sir 
Thomas, 74 n. 

Sir Thomas, 74 n. 

Bowie, John, 158. 

Boyne, Viscount. See Hamilton, Gus- 

William, his Trade Tokens, cited, 

120 n. 

Bradford, Sarah Alden. See Thayer. 

William, Governor of Plymouth 

Colony, his History of Plymouth 
Plantation quoted by R. Wolcott, 
87 ; it does not mention Master 
Williamson, 399. 

William, printer, remarks on by 

H. H. Edes, 198. 

Bradlee, Josiah, 57. 

Bradstreet, Simon, Governor of Mas- 
sachusetts, 207, 282. 

Brant, Joseph, the Indian, 108, 108 n. 

Brattle Square, Boston, Church in, 
222 n. 

Breedon, Thomas, presents volume of 
the Laws of Massachusetts to Coun- 
cil for Foreign Plantations, 25 n ; 
questions allegiance of the Colony to 
King James, 25 n. 

Brent, Daniel, 347, 392. 

Brewster, Caroline Freeman (Kettell), 
wife of William, owner of the man- 
uscript of Lt.-Col. J. Vose's Journal, 
247 n. 

Frank, A.M., xvi. 

Briggs, Enoch, 201 n. 

Hannah, wife of Enoch, 201 n. 

Sarah. See Durfie. 

Susannah, daughter of Enoch. 

See Cook. 

Brightman, Henry, 201 n. 

Joan, wife of Henry, 201 n. 

Sarah, daughter of Henry. See 


Brimmer, Hon. Martin, A.B., xvi. 

Brindley, , manager of the Susque- 
hanna Canal, 380, 381. 

Bristol County, Mass., Deeds, cited, 91 
n, 93 n, 199 n, 203 n ; Probate Rec- 
ords, 204. 

Bristol, R. L, Records, cited, 200 n. 

British Army List, cited, 3 n. 

British Museum, London, 210. 

British Officers Serving in America, 
Ford's, cited, 3 n. 

Brock well, Rev. Charles, reproduction 
of Pelham's portrait of, exhibited by 
H. W. Cunningham, 278. 

Brodhead, Daniel, 276. 

Bromberg, Frederic George, 56. 

Bromfield Street, Boston, formerly 
Rawson's Lane, 289, 289 n. 

Brooke, Capt. W., 376. 

Brooks, Peter Chardon, 227. 

Brown, , London publisher, 187. 

Benjamin Graves, 57. 

Gustavus Richard, 132, 166, 174, 

357, 365, 367. 

James, 282. 

Lawrence, 296. 

Nicholas, & Company, of Provi- 
dence, now Brown & Ives, 93 n. 

■ Thomas (1663-1704), his Comical 

View of the Transactions that will 
happen in the cities of London or 
Westminster, cited, 121. 

Brown & Ives, formerly Nicholas Brown 
& Company, of Providence, 93 n. 

Browne, Rev. Edmund, letter and 
report from, 68, 69; text of these, 
74-80; first minister at Sudbury, 
76 n. 

Brunner, Heinrich, his Origin of the 
Jury, 315. 

Buckingham, Joseph Tinker, his Speci- 
mens of Newspaper Literature, cited, 
328 n. 



Buckminster, Eliza, afterwards wife of 
Thomas Lee, 222 n. 224. 

Rev. Joseph Stevens, 222 n. 

Lucy Maria. See Farrar. 

Mary Lyman. See Lothrop. 

Olivia, afterwards wife of George 

Barrell Emerson, 222 n, 225, 227. 

Bultinch, Charles, gold medal given to, 
by proprietors of first Boston theatre, 
exhibited by II. H. Edes, 210, 210 n. 

Bull, John, the nickname, 95, 115, 116, 
116 n; contrasted by Lowell with 
Brother Jonathan, 117. 

Jonathan, Paulding's description 

of, 115, 116 ; nickname for the North, 
116 n. See also Jonathan, Brother. 

Mary, nickname for the South, 

116 n. 

Bunker Hill, Dr. A. Craigie cares for 
wounded at battle of, 403 n. 

Bunker Hill Monument Association, 273. 

Burgoynade, the word, 112 n. 

Burgoyne, Gen. John, 111 n. 

Burgoyne, to, the verb, 112 n. 

Burling, Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas. 
*S'ee Curzon; Whittell. 

Samuel. See Curzon. 

Thomas, 218 n. 

Walter, son of Thomas, kills Sam- 
uel Curzon in duel, 218 n. 

Burn, Jacob Henry, his Descriptive 
Catalogue of the London Traders, 
Tavern, and Coffee House Tokens, 
cited, 120 n. 

Burnet, William, Governor of Mas- 
sachusetts, 202, 202 n. 

Buvwell, Frances. See Page. . 

Bushnell, Horace, his Historical Esti- 
mate of Connecticut, in Work and 
Play, quoted, 95, 96. 

Bushrod, Hannah, daughter of John. 
See Washington. 

John, 137 n. 

Butler, Sigourney, LL.B., xvi. 

Butler's Row, Boston, 219 n. 

Byram Bridge, Ct., 108, 108 n. 

Byron, George Gordon Noel, Baron, his 
Vision of Judgment, quoted, 116,117. 

Byron Bridge. See Byram Bridge. 

yABOT, Elizabeth Lee, daughter of 
Samuel (1759-1819), afterwards wife 
of Charles T. C. Follen, 225 n. 

— John, monument to, 61. 

— Louis, A.B., xvii, 57, 58 n ; ap- 
pointed on Nominating Committee, 1. 

Samuel (1759-1819), 225 n. 

Cabot Celebrations of 1897, by E. G. 
Porter, 62. 

Calendar of State Papers, cited, 80 n ; 
quoted, 25 n. 

Callender, John (H. C. 1790), 222, 
222 n, 225. 

Calvert, Eleanor. See Custis; Stuart. 

Cambridge, Mass., Paige's History of, 
cited, 28 n, 403 n, 405 n, 406 n ; plans 
for printing Records of, 50 ; two 
early water-color views in, by D. 
Bell, 274 ; development planned by 
Andrew Craigie in, 404, 405 ; location 
of old County Court-House in, 406 n, 
407 n. 

Christ Church, 403, 403 n, 406, 

406 n. 

Craigie House, Longfellow's resi- 
dence, 403 ; articles about, 406 n. 

Craigie's Bridge, 405. 

Craigie's Road, 405. 

First Parish, plans for printing 

Registers of, 50. 

Lechmere's Point, 404. 

Yassall estate, 404 r 404 n. 

Camden, S. C, battle of (1780), 109. 

Cameron, Va., 356. 

Campbell, John, Earl of Loudoun, 330. 

William, 277. 

Canada, Lt.-Col. J. Vose's Journal de- 
scribing expedition to, in 1776, 245; 
commanders of the expedition, 246, 
246 ii ; text of the Vose Journal, 

Royal Society of, 61. 

Candiac, Chateau de, France, 330. 

Candles, Washington's experiments with 
spermaceti and tallow, 165, 167, 181. 

Cape Porpoise. See Porpoise, Cape. 

Card, Joseph, son of Richard, 202, 
202 n. 

Card, Richard, 202 n. 

Carleton, Edward. See Carlton. 

Sir Guy, Baron Dorchester, 128 n, 


Carlton, Edward, 284. 

Carrington, Edward, 365, 366. 

Carr, Maurice, 9. 

Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton, 117 n. 

Carruth, Nathan, house of, in Dorches- 
ter, 56. 

Sarah Ann (Pratt) Porter, wife of 

Nathan, 56. 

Carter, Franklin, LL.D., xvii, 125; 
tribute of, to Roger Wolcott, 86-89. 

Hon. Jambs Coolidge, LL. D., 

xviii ; deceased, xix; letter of Jared 
Sparks concerning, 216, 217. 



Carter (continued). 

Landon, 176. 

Carver, John, appointed an overseer of 
William Mullins's will, 400, 401, 402 ; 
also a witness of this will, 401. 

Jonathan, origin of term Jona- 
than attributed to, 102. 

Cary, Archibald, 387, 390. 

Castiglione, Count, 175, 176. 

Castle Island, Boston, removal of troops 
to, after Boston Massacre, 13, 18 ; 
Commissioners of Customs retreat 
to, 14. 

Cato, servant of Meletiah Bourne, 202. 

Caton, Marianne, daughter of Richard. 
See Patterson ; Wellesley. 

Richard, 117 n. 

Cedars, Canada, news of the disaster at 
the, reaches Gen. Thompson's men, 
247, 254; Gen. Arnold marches 
against, 255 ; cartel and exchange of 
prisoners effected at, 255, 256. 

Centlivre, Mrs. Susannah, her Bold 
Stroke for a Wife, cited, 121. 

Central Republican Club, Fall River, 
230 n. 

Centras, Canada, Gen. Thompson's men 
retreat to, 259. 

Chadwick, James Read, M. D., xvii. 

Chamberlain, Hon. Joshua Law- 
rence, LL. D., xviii. 

Chambly, Canada, 247, 251, 252, 252 n, 
257,259; Gen. Thompson's men re- 
treat to, 258. 

Chancery, Court of, declares Charter of 
Massachusetts forfeited, 292. 

Channing, Edward Tyrrel, 207. 

Francis Dana, 221 w, 225 n. 

Susan Cleveland (Higginson),wife 

of Francis Dana, 221 n, 225 n. 

William Henry (H. C. 1829), 225ra. 

Charles II., King of England, 120 ; res- 
toration of, 290, 295. 

Charles III., King of Spain, his gift to 
Washington, 140. 

Charleston, S. C, siege of (1780), 109, 
111 n, 112 n. 

Charlestown, Mass., Wyman's Geneal- 
ogies and Estates of, cited, 28 n. 

Sullivan Square, origin of name, 

224 n. 

Charton, , 375. 

Chase, Charles Augustus, A. M., 

Chatham, Va., 394, 397. 

Chauncy, Charles, letter to Ezra Stiles 
from, regarding Prof. J. Winthrop, 

Chavillie, , 392. 

Cheiza d'Artignan, Comte de, 375, 

Chevillet, G. See Chevillet, Justus. 

Justus, 331. 

Chichester, , 170. 

Chilmark, Mass., 199 w. 

Choate, Charles Francis, A.M., xvi. 

Hon. Joseph Hodges, D. C. L„ 

xviii; memoir of W. C. Endicott 
assigned to, 47. 

Christ Church, Cambridge, 403, 403 n, 
406, 406 n. 

Church members, right of suffrage 
restricted to, 290; E. Randolph's 
effort to transfer right from, 291. 

Cilley, Bradbury Longfellow, 57. 

Cincinnati, Society of the, prejudices 
against, 127, 192, 193, 194. 

Massachusetts, 238, 246, 247 n; 

Memorials of the Massachusetts So- 
ciety, cited, 245 n, 246 n, 248 n. 

New York, diplomas signed by 

Washington, 169. 

Pennsylvania, diplomas signed by 

Washington, 142. 

Civil service, Gov. R. Wolcott's attitude 
towards, 87, 88. 

Clark, Ann (Audley), wife of Jeremiah 
(1643-1729), 199 n. 

Frances (1669), daughter of Jere- 
miah (1643-1729). See Sanford. 

Frances (Dungan), wife of Jere- 
miah, 198 n. 

George Rogers, Vincennes re- 
captured by, 335. 

Jeremiah, 198 n. 

Jeremiah (1643-1729), son of 

Jeremiah, 198 n. 

Clarke, Jonas, 92. 

— - Richard (H. C. 1729), land con- 
veyed to, 91 n ; name not found in 
accounts of Taunton iron works, 92 ; 
employees of, exempted from mili- 
tary service, 89 ; petition for this ex- 
emption not found, 90 ; Receipt-book 
of, exhibited, 217. 

Sarah, wife of William, 92 n. 

William, properties conveyed to, 

91 n; properties conveyed by, 92 n. 

Clergymen, forbidden by colonial law 
to perform marriage service, 285. 

Cleveland, Hon. Grover, LL.D., 
xviii, 43. 

Clifford, Hon. Charles Warren, 
A.M., xvi; tribute of, to Roger Wol- 
cott, 85. 

Clinton, James, 108, 108 n. 




Clopton, Anne, daughter of Sir Wil- 
liam. See D'Ewes. 

Thomasine, daughter of Sir Wil- 
liam. See Winthrop. 

Clover, best method of raising, 396. 

Cobb, Thomas, 91, 93. 

Cochran, James, reward for Indian 
scalps received by, 276 n. 

Coddington, William, Governor of 
Rhode Island, 203. 

Coffee-houses in London, history of, 
120, 120 n, 121. 

Coffin, Capt. Hezekiah, 326 n. 

Joshua, his History of Newbury, 

cited, 283 n, 284 n, 285 n. 

Coggeshall, Elizabeth, daughter of 
John. See Sanford. 

John, 199 n. 

Cogswell, Joseph Green, 217, 217 n. 

Rev. William, his biographical 

sketch of W. D. Williamson, 402. 

Cohasset, Mass., E. Wheelwright's 
summer home at, 41. 

Coinage of money in Massachusetts, 

College, use of the word, as applied to 
buildings, 405 n. 

Colonial laws, Edward Rawson's knowl- 
edge of, 289. 

Colonial Society of Massachu- 
setts, 273 ; holds special meeting in 
memory of Edward Wheelwright, 32, 
46, 48; his services to, 31, 34, 35, 37, 
40; members of the Class of 1844 
(H. C.) belonging to, 32, 36; records 
of Wheelwright memorial meeting, 
33-44; annual dinners of, 47, 48, 53, 
54, 238 ; need of permanent habitation 
for, 49, 50, 235 ; receives collection of 
unpublished manuscripts from H. H. 
Edes, 239 ; J. B. Thayer's services to, 
297, 298, 300; accepts F. L. Gay's 
offer in regard to publishing early 
Records of Harvard College, 319 ; 
F. L. Gay made Chairman of Special 
Committee to carry out the project, 
320 ; W. C. Lane and A. Matthews 
appointed as other members of this 
Committee, 320 n ; Dr. Everett's con- 
tributions to, 340. 

Animal Meetings, 45-54, 233-240. 

Auditing Committee, appointment 

of, 211, 341 ; report of, 52, 237. 

By-Laws, 50; amendment to, 84, 


Corresponding Members, xviii ; 

1, 48, 203, 205, 209, 238; loss of, by 
death, 47, 234, 321. 

Colonial Society (continued). 

Corresponding Secretary, xv ; reads 

Annual Report, 45-50; reports new 
members, 1, 45, 84,205, 211, 233, 296, 
321 ; nomination and election of, 52, 
53, 238; requests and obtains per- 
mission for the Society to print the 
early Records of Harvard College, 320, 
320 n. See also Noble, John . 

Council, xv ; appoints S. Wells to 

Nominating Committee, vice Dr. 
Everett, deceased, 1 n ; special meet- 
ing of, takes action on death of 
President Wheelwright, 31-32, 46 ; 
appoints Committee to draw up Res- 
olutions in memory of him, 32 ; 
report of this Committee, 33-35 ; 
accepted, 42 ; Annual Report of, 45- 
50, 233-235; Edward Hale elected 
member of, for three years, 53 ; ex- 
pression of sorrow on death of R. N. 
Toppan, entered on records of, 231, 
232 ; stated meetings of, 231, 391 ; 
A. Matthews elected member of, for 
three years, 238. 

Editor of Publications, iii. xv. 

See also Matthews, Albert. 

Executive Members of the Council, 


— - Funds, 45, 49, 51, 52, 63, 235, 236, 
237 ; E. Wheelwright's contributions 
to, 40 ; need of, 49, 239. 

Honorary Members, xviii, 47 ; loss 

of, by death, xix. 

Memoirs, assignment of, 30, 47, 


Nominating Committee, appoint- 
ment of, 1, 211, 341; report of, 52, 
53, 237, 238. 

President, xv, 30, 84, 85, 127, 205, 

231, 233, 238, 241; appoints Nom- 
inating Committee, 1, 211, 341 ; 
nomination and election of, 52, 53, 
237, 238 ; makes Inaugural Address, 
63; appoints Committee to examine 
Treasurer's accounts, 1, 341. See 
also Wheelwright, Edward; Kit- 
tredge, George Lyman. 

Publications, character and possi- 
bilities of, 49, 50, 233; funds for, 49, 
235,238; Vol. iv. to contain Bibli- 
ography of the Massachusetts House 
Journals, 215 n ; statement regarding, 
by H. H. Edes, 238, 239, 240; cited, 
3 n, 18 n, 21 n, 69 n, 228 n, 293 n. 

Recording Secretary, xv, 39; reads 

Annual Report of Council, 233-235; 
nomination and election of, 52, 53, 



Colonial Society (continued). 
238. See also Cunningham, Henry 

Registrar, xv; nomination and 

election of, 53, 238. See also Gay, 
Frederick Lewis. 

Resident Members, xvi, xvii, 30, 

45, 47, 48, 83, 203, 205, 210, 211, 230, 
233, 234, 295, 296, 407 ; loss of, by 
death, xix, 46, 47, 234; from the 
class of 1858 (H. C), 58 n. 

Stated Meetings, 1, 63, 84, 127, 

205, 211, 241, 296, 321, 341 ; change 
in date of holding, 235. See also 
Annual Meeting, above. 

Treasurer, xv ; reports receipt of 

first instalment of Wheelwright be- 
quest, 63; annual report, 50-52, 235- 
237 ; nomination and election of, 53, 
238. See also Edes, Henry Herbert. 

Vice Presidents, xv, 31, 32, 33, 45, 

63, 296 ; nomination and election of, 
52, 53, 237, 238. See also Goodwin, 
William Watson; Thayer, James 
Bradley; Knowlton, Marcus Perrin. 

Columbia, E. G. Porter's Ship Colum- 
bia and the Discovery of Oregon, 62. 

Columbia University Law School, 265. 

Columbus, Christopher, 99 n. 

Commerce, powers of Congress to reg- 
ulate, 188, 190. 

Commissioners of Customs, 14, 15 ; 
letters regarding Boston Massacre 
sent to England by, 4, 13, 15 ; com- 
mittee appointed to inquire into 
conduct of, 11, 12; retirement of, to 
Castle William, 14, 18. 

Commissioners of the United Colonies 
of New England, 286, 287. 

Commissioners to New England (1664), 
290, 291. 

Compton, Henry, Bishop of London, 293. 

Concord, Mass., President Wheelwright 
relates an incident of the battle of, 
26-30; E. G. Porter's Four Drawings 
of Lexington and, in 1775, 62. 

Old Manse, 301. 

Concord Square, Boston, 207. 

Concord Turnpike, 405. 

Confederacy of 1643. See United Colo- 

Congress, United States, powers of, to 
regulate commerce, 188, 190. 

Connecticut, sobriquet " Brother Jona- 
than " not applied particularly to 
men of, 112 ; remarks on services of, 
in Revolution, by A. McF. Davis, 
122-124 ; geographical advantages of, 

Connecticut (continued). 

122, 123; agricultural wealth of, 123; 

food supplies furnished by, 123, 124 ; 

claims of, in Pennsylvania, 124. 
Colony of, yields to demands of 

Royal Commissioners, 290. 
Contractors and Builders Association 

of the City of Boston, 229 n. 
Contrast, The, play by Royall Tyler, 

112, 112 n. 
Cook, Aaron, 83. 

Enoch, son of William, 201, 201 n. 

Joanna, daughter of Aaron. See 


Joseph, 201 n. 

Susannah, wife of Joseph, 201 n. 

Susannah (Briggs), wife of Wil- 
liam, 201 n. 

William, son of Joseph, 201, 201 n. 

Cooper, Rev. Samuel, 324. 

Copley, John Singleton, 217. 

Corey, Deloraine Pendre, his History 

of Maiden, cited, 26 n. 
Comwallis, Charles, first Marquis, 15th 

Regiment sent to Cape Fear under, 

Cotton, Elizabeth (Saltonstall), wife of 

Rowland, 200 n. 

Grissel (Sylvester) Sanford, wife 

of Rev. Nathaniel, 200 n. 

Rev. John (1585-1652), 70, 73, 76, 

79, 207. 

Rev. Nathaniel, son of Rev. Row- 
land, 200, 200 n. 

Rev. Rowland, 200 n. 

Sarah (Hankredge) Story, wife of 

Rev. John (1585-1652), 70. 

Seaborn, son of Rev. John (1585- 

1652), 70. 

Court of Chancery. See Chancery, 
Court of. 

Coverly, Nathaniel, Jr., printer, 115 n. 

Craigie, Capt. Andrew, 403 n. 

Dr. Andrew (1754-1819), son 

of Capt. Andrew, reminiscences of, 
by J. Holmes, communicated and 
read by S. L. Thorndike, 403-407; 
Apothecary-General of Northern De- 
partment of Revolutionary Army, 
403 n ; buys Vassall estate, 404, 404 n ; 
marriage of, 404, 404 n; speculative 
plans of, 404,405; pecuniary troubles 
of, 405, 406 ; funeral of, 406. 

Elizabeth (Shaw), wife of Dr. 

Andrew, 404 n, 406 n. 

Craigie House, Cambridge, Long- 
fellow's residence, 403; articles 
about, 406 n. 



Craigie's Bridge, Cambridge, 405. 
Craigie's Road, Cambridge, 405. 
Craik, Dr. .James, 128, 132, 139, 145, 
157, 354, 356, 357, 377, 378, 389. 

Dr. , Jr., 170, 352, 353. 

William, 137, 138, 147, 354. 

Cramer (or Cranmur), , 158. 

Crane, Ellery Bicknell, 281; his Re- 
vised Memoir of Edward Rawson 
mentioned, 295 n; his Ancestry of 
Edward Rawson mentioned, 295 n. 

Joshua Eddy, letter from, re- 
garding iron works at Attleborough, 

Hon. Winthrop Murray, LL.D., 


Cranmur. See Cramer. 

Crawford, , 365, 366. 

■ Mrs. , 365, 366. 

Creamer, Jacob, 277. 

Cremer, Adrian, 226 n. 

Thomas, 226 n. 

Thomas Theodore, 226 n. 

Cremer Case, 226, 226 n. 

Cretan refugees, 59. 

Crillen. See Crillon. 

Crillon, Louis des Balbes de Berton de, 
Due de Mahon (1718-1796), 145. 

Crown Point, N. Y., 333; American 
retreat to, 247, 259-261; fort at, 

Crowninshield, Benjamin William, 57. 

Cruelty, unproved charges of, against 
British, 275, 278; as practised by 
Americans, 275-278. 

Cunningham, Henry Winchester, 
A.B., ii, xv-, xvi, 39, 231, 319; nomi- 
nated and elected Recording Secre- 
tary, 52, 53, 238; identifies author of 
manuscript entries in copy of Titan's 
New Almanack for 1729, 198; his 
note on William Sanford, 203, 204 ; 
communicates letters of Joshua Bates 
and of Jared Sparks, 216, 217; com- 
municates Journal of Lt.-Col. Joseph 
Vose, April-July, 1776, 245 ; exhibits 
reproductions of portraits by Peter 
Pelham, 278. 

Peter. See Wheatley, Henry 


Stanley, A.B., xvi. 

Currency, depreciated, in the Revolu- 
tion, 110 n. 

Currier, John James, his Ould New- 
bury, cited, 295 n. 

Curson. See Curzon. 

Curtis, Gerard, 57. 

Curtiss, Frederic Haines, xvii. 

Curzon, Elizabeth (Burling), wife of 
Samuel (1753-1786), 218 n. See also 

Margaret (Searle), wife of Samuel 

(1781-1847), 218, 218 n, 220, 225 n, 

Richard, 219 n. 

Samuel (1753-1786), son of Rich- 
ard, sketch of, 218 n, 219 n ; killed 
in a duel, 218 n. 

Samuel (1781-1847), son of Sam- 
uel (1753-1786), sketch of, 218 n, 
219 n ; reared under the name of Burl- 
ing, 218 n. 

Curzon's Mill, Newburyport, Mass., 
219 n. 

Cushing, Sarah Moody, daughter of 
William. See Toppan. 

Thomas, 140,168; of Committee to 

report on Boston Massacre, 11, 19, 21. 

William, 267. 

Custis, Betty. See Custis, Elizabeth 

Eleanor (Calvert), wife of John 

Parke, 130 n. See also Stuart. 

Eleanor Parke, daughter of John 

Parke, 130, 344, 346, 370. 

Elizabeth (or Betty) Parke, daugh- 
ter of John Parke, 344, 350. 

George Washington Parke, son of 

John Parke, 177, 344, 346, 370. 

John Parke, son of Martha (Dan- 

dridge), 130 n. 

Martha (Dandridge). See Wash- 

Martha (or Pattey) Parke, daugh- 
ter of John Parke, 344, 350. 

Nelly. See Custis, Eleanor Parke. 

Pattey. See Custis, Martha Parke. 

Washington. See Custis, George 

Washington Parke. 

Cutler, James, 221 n. 

Mehitable (Sullivan), wife of 

James, 221 n. See Amory. 

Rev. Timothy, reproduction of 

Pelham's portrait of, exhibited by 
H. W. Cunningham, 278. 

Cutter, Benjamin and William Richard, 

their History of Arlington, quoted, 

27, 28 n, 29 n. 
Cutting, Nathaniel, his Journal, quoted, 

404 n. 
Cuttyhunk, Mass., shaft erected at, in 

memory of Gosnold, 321. 


ADDIES, 109. 
Dade, Mrs. , 163. 



Daggett, John, his History of Attlebor- 
ough, cited, 92. 

Dalby, , 158, 385. 

Dalrymple, William, informed of Boston 
Massacre, 9. 

Dana, Richard, of Committee to report 
on Boston Massacre, 11, 19, 21. 

Dandridge, John, 348, 349. 

Martha. See Custis; Washington. 

Dane, Nathan, 64. 

Danforth, Rev. Samuel, Elegy in mem- 
ory of T. Leonard by, 245, 245 n. 

Dangerfield, Thomas, his Particular 
Narrative of the late Popish Design, 
cited, 120. 

Darley, , 330. 

Dartmouth, Mass., 199 w, 200, 200 n, 
203, 204. 

David, the Psalmist, 95. 

Davies, Rev. Rowland, Journal of, 
quoted, 120. 

Davis, Andrew McFarland, A.M., 
i, xvi, 108 n, 215, 275, 319 ; mentions 
volume of the Laws of Massa- 
chusetts submitted for inspection 
in England, 25 ; memorandum com- 
municated to American Antiqua- 
rian Society by, 26 ; of Committee 
to draught Resolutions in memory of 
Edward Wheelwright, 32 ; offers Min- 
ute in behalf of the Committee, 33-35 ; 
pays tribute to President Wheelwright, 
37, 38 ; represents Society at funeral 
of Roger Wolcott, 64 n ; his remarks 
on Gov. Wolcott, 89; his remarks 
on Brother Jonathan, 122-124; note 
emitted by Ipswich Land Bank exhib- 
ited by, 228 ; information regarding 
Historical Societies communicated by, 
228-230 ; his Memoir of R. N. Toppan 
communicated, 262 ; text of Memoir, 
263-273 ; note on bounties for scalps 
by, 275 n ; table of silver rates, 1706- 
1750, submitted by, 278, 279 ; table 
of rates of silver, 1730-1747, submitted 
by, 279, 280 ; communicates sketch 
of Edward Rawson by R. N. Toppan, 
280-295; presents Minute to be re- 
corded, on death of J. B. Thayer, 
298-302; gives sketch of career of 
B. F. and Henry Stevens, 321. 

Charles Henry, A.B., xvii. 

■ Hon. Horace, LL.D., xviii. 

James Clarke, 57. 

Judge John, 226 n. 

Hon. John Chandler Ban- 
croft, LL.D., xviii, 321; elected 
Corresponding Member, 48. 

Davy, servant of Washington, 170, 172. 

Deakens, William, 195. 

Dean, John Ward, theory of, concern- 
ing Master Williamson, 400, 401. 

Decatur, Stephen, 116. 

Dedham, Mass., land bought by Ed- 
ward Rawson in, 289. 

Defoe, Daniel, his Tour through Eng- 
land, cited, 121. 

De Haas, John Philip, 255; military 
service of, 255 n. 

Delancey, Alice. See Izard. 

James, 108. 

Delfshaven, Holland, last meeting 
place of Pilgrims in, 82. 

Denny, Ebenezer, his Military Journal, 
quoted, 243 ; on the Indian summer, 

Deschambault, Canada, 253 n, 332; 
retreat to, 254. 

D'Estaing. See Estaing. 

Desertion from British regiments en- 
couraged by Bostonians, 6, 20. 

Desfontaines, , 330. 

Detroit, Mich., Henry Hamilton's ex- 
pedition from, 331, 334. 

De Vere, Maximilian Scheie, his 
Americanisms, quoted, 96. 

D'Ewes, Anne (Clopton), wife of Sir 
Simonds, 69, 75. 

Mary, daughter of Paul. See 


Sir Simonds, 68; intimacy of, 

with Gov. Winthrop, 69; tradition 
concerning letters of, 69 ; Autobiog- 
raphy and Correspondence of, cited, 
69 n ; four letters of Gov. Winthrop 
to, 70-74 ; letter and report on Mas- 
sachusetts from Edmund Browne to, 
74-80 ; investments in New England 
considered by, 70, 75. 

Dexter, Franklin Bowditch, Litt. 

D., xviii; his edition of Stiles's Lit- 
erary Diary, quoted, 125 n. 

George, 57. 

Rev. Henry Martyn, statement 

of, regarding Master Williamson, 

401, 402. 
Rev. Morton, A.M., xvii ; elected 

Resident Member, 295 ; accepts, 296. 

Samuel, letters of, 239. 

Dialect Notes, cited, 405 n. 

Digby, William, his Journal, cited, 

245 n. 
Digges, Dudley, 156. 
Dighton, R. I., formerly part of the 

Taunton South Purchase, 201 n. 
Diomede, a British ship, 110. 



Dismal Swamp, N. C. and Va., 129. 

Doradour, Count, 108. 

Dorchester, Mass., Nathan Carruth's 
house in, 56. 

Second Church, 56. 

Douglas, , 171. 

Dover, Mass., Historical and Natural 
History Society of Dover and Vicin- 
ity, 220. 

Downing, Emanuel, 23, 76. 

Lucy (Winthrop), wife of Eman- 
uel, 76, 207. 

Drake, Francis Samuel, 245 n ; his 
Town of Roxbury, cited, 250 n. 

Samuel Adams, his Historic 

Mansions and Highways around 
Boston, cited, 28 n. 

Samuel Gardner, quoted, 400. 

Draper, Richard, printer of the Massa- 
chusetts Gazette, and the Boston 
Weekly News-Letter, 10 n. 

Drill plough. See Barrel plough. 

Dudley, Joseph, Governor of Massa- 
chusetts, 82 ; copy of Records of the 
Council meetings under, communi- 
cated to the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, by R. N. Toppan, 272 ; ap- 
pointed President of the Massachu- 
setts Colony, 292. 

Thomas, Governor of Massachu- 
setts, 71, 207. 

Dulany, ■, 134. 

Benjamin, 173. 

Daniel, 173. 

Daniel, son of Daniel, 173, 174. 

Walter, 146. 

Mrs. Walter, 146. 

Dumfries, Va., 347, 369, 370, 395, 397. 
Du miner, Richard, 284. 
Dungan, Frances. See Clark. 
Dunlap, William, his History of the 

American Stage, quoted, 117. 
Dunster, Henry, 26. 
Durfie, Ann (Freeborn), wife of Thomas 

(rf. 1729), 199 n. 
Mary (Sanford), wife of Robert 

199 n. 

Robert, 199 n. 

Sarah, daughter of Thomas, son of 

Thomas (d. 1729), 199 n. 
Sarah (Briggs), wife of Thomas, 

son of Thomas (d. 1729), 199 n, 


Thomas (1643-1712), 199 n. 

Thomas (d. 1729), son of Thomas 

(1643-1712), 199, 199/1. 
Thomas, son of Thomas (d. 1729), 

199 n, 200. 

Dutch, difficulties of, at Manhattan, 

286, 290. 
Dutton, Houghton &, 228 n. 
Duxbury, Mass., Winsor's History of, 

cited, 403. 
Dwight, Rev. Timothy, 101 n. 
Dwiuel, Sarah Octavia. See Everett. 
Dyer, Mary, monstrosity borne by, 79, 

Dyson, Henry, Stow's Survey of London 

edited by, 103 n. 


AGLAND, Miss , 144. 

Eames, Wilbekforce, A. M., xviii. 

East, commercial tie between West and, 

East India Records, 402. 

Eddy, Caleb, his Historical Sketch of the 
Middlesex Canal, mentioned, 219 n. 

Edes, Benjamin, printer, 6, 19. 

Henry Herbert, ii, xv, xvi, 24, 

25, 31, 63, 208, 231, 279, 285 n, 319; 
his remarks concerning the Body of 
Liberties of 1641, 22-24 ; his tribute 
to E. Wheelwright, 39-42; presents 
photograph in behalf of the late 
President, 42 ; memoir of Edward 
Wheelwright assigned to, 47 ; nomi- 
nated and elected Treasurer of this 
Society, 53, 238 ; reads letter of re- 
gret from H. Williams, 53, 54; com- 
mission to Samuel Porter, exhibited 
by, 82; presents communication 
from D. R. Slade, regarding certain 
exemptions from military service, 89, 
90; his remarks thereon, 90; reads 
letter from J. E. Crane on iron 
works at Attleborough, 90-93 ; refer- 
ence of, to President Eliot's long ser- 
vice at Harvard College, 126; chair 
of President Holyoke of Harvard 
College owned by, 126 ; exhibits copy 
of Titan's New Almanack for the 
year of Christian Account 1729, 19S, 
203; his remarks on William Brad- 
ford, printer, 198 ; exhibits copy of 
Otis's Rudiments of Latin Prosody 
(1760), 202; exhibits gold medal 
given to C. Bulfinch in 1794, 210 ; his 
remarks on the Massachusetts House 
Journals, 215 ; paper describing an ex- 
cursion on the Middlesex Canal in 
1817, communicated and read by, 217- 
228 ; makes statement regarding Pub- 
lications of this Society, 238, 239, 240; 
presents to the Society a collection of 
unpublished manuscripts, 239 ; ex- 



Edes (continued). 

hibits miniature of Washington, 239 ; 
exhibits original commission to 
Thomas Leonard and an Elegy in 
his memory, 244 ; communicates 
Memoir of R. N. Toppan, by A. McF. 
Davis, 262; his tribute to J. B. 
Thayer, 317, 318; his remarks on 
the misapprehension that Wash- 
ington was the first person on 
whom Harvard College conferred an 
LL.D., 321-328; communicates and 
reads paper on Master Williamson 
by J. Williamson, 398-403. 

Robert Thaxter, 57. 

Edinburgh, Scotland, University of, 
confers degree of LL.D. on Prof. 
J. Winthrop, 326 n. 

Eells, Rev. James, A. B., xvii. 

Egleston, Thomas, his Life of John 
Paterson, cited, 254 n. 

Eliot, Rev. Andrew (H. C. 1737), 324; 
statement of, regarding Capt. T. 
Preston, 3 n. 

Andrew (H. C. 1762), son of An- 
drew (H. C. 1737), 324. 

Catharine, daughter of Samuel, 

afterwards wife of Andrews Norton, 
224, 226 n, 228. 

Charles William, long service of, 

at Harvard College, 126. 

Samuel, 222 n, 226 n ; residence 

of, 228 n. 

Samuel Atkins (1798-1862), 328; 

his Sketch of the History of Harvard 
College, quoted, 323. 

Rev. Samuel Atkins (II. C. 1884), 

son of Charles William, guest at the 
annual dinner, 238. 

See Elliot. 

Eliot family, 218 n. 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, the 
" monuments " erected in churches to 
the memory of, 103, 103 n, 104, 104 n. 

Elizabeth River, cut between Pasquo- 
tanck and, 188. 

Elliot, William, 56. 

Elson, Alfred Walter, ii, 51, 236. 

Ely, Rev. Zebulon, 101 n. 

Embargo, 405. 

Embargo, The, A New Song, quoted, 

Emerson, George Barrell, 222 n, 227. 

Olivia (Buckminister), wife of 

George Barrell, 222 n, 225, 227. 

Ralph Waldo, 301, 305; J. B. 

Thayer's trip to California with, 302, 

Emerton, Ephraim, Ph.D., i, 234; 

elected a Resident Member, 203 ; 

accepts, 205; communicates through 

J. Noble, a Memoir of C. C. Everett, 

^ 336-340. 

Emery, Samuel Hopkins, his History 
of Taunton, cited, 91 n, 201 n ; his 
Ministry of Taunton, cited, 201 n, 
251 n. 

Endicott, John, Governor of Massa- 
chusetts, 44; supplies copy of the 
Bod}^ of Laws to Ipswich, 23, 24. 

William, A. M., xvi. 

Hon. William Crowninshield, 

LL.D., xvi, xvii; death of, an- 
nounced, 42; tribute of J. Noble 
to, 42-44 ; early impression made by, 
42 ; member of Essex Bar, 42 ; as 
lawyer and judge, 43 ; Secretary of 
War, 43 ; his services to Harvard 
College, 43, 44; inherited character- 
istics of, 44 ; references to death of, 
in Report of Council, 46 ; Memoir of, 
assigned to J. H. Choate, 47. 

England, title given to Gov. J. Trum- 
bull in, 97. 

Church of, Gov. Winthrop opposes 

conformity to, 71. 

Episcopal Church, Randolph's effort to 
establish, in Boston, 291. 

Essex County, Mass., Bar, 42. 

Land Bank. See Ipswich Land 


Essex Institute, Salem, Mass., Histor- 
ical Collections, cited, 225 n. 

Estaing, Jean Baptiste Charles Henri 
Hector, Comte d', 107. 

Everett, Alexander Hill, son of Oliver, 
64, 337. 

Rev. Charles Carroll, D.D., 

son of Ebenezer, i, xvii ; appointed on 
Nominating Committee, 1, 47 ; death 
of, 1 n ; of Committee to draught 
Resolutions in memory of Edward 
Wheelwright, 32 ; references to death 
of, in Report of Council, 46, 47 ; 
memoir of, assigned to E. Hale, 47 ; 
his memoir of J. H. Allen, 49, 340; 
remarks of S. L. Thorndike on death 
of, 64-67 ; family and early studies 
of, 64 ; denied professorship at Bow- 
doin, 65, 66, 338 ; degree of D. D. 
given by Bowdoin, 66 ; at Harvard 
Divinity School, 66, 338 ; theological 
study given broader scope by, 67 ; wit 
and humor of, 67 ; as a theologian, 
remarks by E. Hale, 68; Memoir of, 
communicated by J. Noble for E. 



Everett (continued). 

Emerton, 336-340; his ancestry and 
education, 337; his services at Bow- 
doin College, 337, 338; his only pas- 
torate, 338 ; his Science of Thought, 
338; his services in the Harvard 
Divinity School, 338, 339; as Preacher 
to the University, 339 ; his published 
works, 339 ; his marriage, 339 ; socie- 
ties to which he belonged, 340 ; his 
contributions to this Society, 340; 
his personality, 340. 

Ebenezer, son of Rev. Moses, 

64, 337. 

Edward, son of Oliver, 64, 337. 

Joanna Batchelder (Prince), wife 

of Ebenezer, one of the founders 
of Sabbath Schools in America, 64, 

Mildred, daughter of Rev. Charles 

Carroll, 339. 

Rev. Moses, 64, 337. 

Oliver, brother of Rev. Moses, 337. 

Richard, a founder of Dedham, 


Sarah Octavia (Dwinel), wife of 

Rev. Charles Carroll, 339. 

Evidence at the Common Law, Pre- 
liminary Treatise on, by J. B. Thayer, 
310-312, 315 ; Prof. Thayer's project 
for another work on, 315. 

Ewer, Anna. See Wing. 

Exeter, N. H. , bounds of, 284. 

Jj AIR Account of the late Unhappy 
Disturbances at Boston in New Eng- 
land, 4, 16 n. 

Fairfax, Rev. Bryan, son of Sir Wil- 
liam, 136, 137, 369, 370. 

George William, son of Sir Wil- 
liam, 167, 394. 

Hezekiah, 170. 

John, 140, 167. 

Fairfield, Ct., British attack upon 
(1779), 107. 

Fair ley. See Fairlie. 

Fairlie, James, 168, 169, 192, 193. 

Fall River, Mass., Central Republican 
Club, 230 ». 

Faneull Hall, Boston, town meeting 
called at, after Boston Massacre, 11, 

Farrar, John (H. C. 1803), 222 n. 

Lucy Maria (Huckminster), wife 

of John (II. C. 1803), 222 n. 

Fauquier County, Va., 345. 
Federal Cases, cited, 226 n. 
Feel bold, to, the expression, 106, 106 n. 

Felt, Joseph Barlow, his History of Ips- 
wich, Essex, and Hamilton, cited, 23 n. 

Fendall, Philip Richard, 145, 354, 382. 

Mrs. Philip Richard, 142, 143. 

Fessenden, Thomas Green, his Country 

. Lovers, quoted, 114. 

Field, Edward, A. B., xviii. 

First Church. See Boston. 

Fish, Ainey. See Akin. 

Mary. See Austin. 

Fisher, Catherine Maria. See Fisher, 

Rev. George Park, LL.D., xviii. 

Kitty, and Yankee Doodle, paper 

on, read by A. Matthews, 341. 

Fishery, on Washington plantation, 177, 
179, 382, 383, 384, 387, 395, 397. 

Fiske, John, his New France and New 
England, cited, 249 n. 

Fitch, John, exhibits model of machine 
for steam navigation, 143; his map 
of Northwestern part of the United 
States (1787), exhibited by W. C. 
Lane, 274. 

Fitzgerald, John, 136, 154, 166, 195, 
347, 351, 352, 369, 370, 371. 

Fitzhugh, William, of Chatham, Va., 
139, 185, 365, 394, 395, 397. 

William, son of William, of Chat- 
ham, 395. 

Flucker, Lucy. See Knox. 

Follen, Charles Theodore Christian, 
225 n. 

Elizabeth Lee (Cabot), 225, 225 n. 

Food supplies, furnished by Connecti- 
cut in Revolution, 123, 124. 

Foote, Rev. Henry Wilder, 57 ; rates of 
silver collated by, 280 ; his Annals of 
King's Chapel, cited, 280 n. 

Forbes, John Murray, 305. 

Ford, Worthixgtox Chauncey, 
i, xviii, 115 n ; his British Officers 
serving in America, cited, 3 n ; un- 
published Diary and letters of Wash- 
ington (1785), communicated by, 
127-196 ; unpublished letters com- 
municated by, 211; Bibliography of 
the Massachusetts House Journals, 
1715-1776, communicated by title, 
215; his edition of the Writings of 
Washington, cited, 328 n .; unpub- 
lished Diary of Washington (1786) 
communicated by, through F. A. 
Foster, 341-398. 

Foreign Missions, E. G. Porter's inter- 
est in, 60. 

Formicalo's Tavern, Richmond, Va., 



Fort Anne, N. Y., 249 n. 

Fort de France, Martinique, formerly 
Fort Royal, 334. 

Fort Edward, N. Y., 249. 

Fort George, N. Y., 249, 250. 

Fort Miller, N. Y , 249. 

Fort Royal, Martinique, now Fort de 
France, 334. 

Fort William Henry, N. Y., 249. 

Foster, Francis Apthorp, xvii; 
elected Resident Member, 296; ac- 
cepts, 321 ; on committee to examine 
Treasurer's accounts, 341 ; communi- 
cates, for W. C. Ford, an unpublished 
Diary of Washington, 341-398. 

Fox, William Henry, 57. 

Fox-hunting, Washington's participa- 
tion in, 164, 165, 167, 169, 172, 174, 
342, 345, 346, 350, 354. 

France, dispute with Holland, 181, 

Frances, Thomas and, the ship, voyage 
of, 76. 

Francis, George Ebenezer, 57. 

Franklin, Benjamin, 187, 202; a True 
State of the Proceedings, etc., said to 
have been drawn up by, 4 n, 5«; 
Boston Committee's statement re- 
garding the Massacre sent to, 19 n\ 
portions of letter from Samuel Adams 
to, 22 n ; meeting of this Society on 
anniversary of birth of, 48 ; Houdon 
sent by, 130 ; correspondence of, with 
Washington regarding Houdon's ar- 
rival, 130 n ; activity of, in Pennsyl- 
vania (1785), 190 ; friendship of Prof. 
J. Winthrop with, 326, 326 n. 

Fredericksburg, Va., 395, 397. 

Freeborn, Ann. See Durfie. 

Freeman, Capt. Constant, of ship Juno, 

Freemasons, American Revolutionary 
generals among, 101. 

Freetown, R. I., 201 n. 

Frothingham, Richard, 119 ; opinion 
of, regarding connection between 
Jonathan's Coffee-House, and the 
word Jonathan, 121. 

Fuller, Hon. Melville Weston, 
LL.D., xviii. 

Rev. Thomas, his Church-History 

of Britain, quoted, 103. 

Fullerton, Richard, 141. 

Furness, Horace Howard, LL.D., 
xviii ; accepts Corresponding Mem- 
bership, 1, 48; letter of acceptance, 


(jABRIEL, negro servant of Wash- 
ington, 357. 

Gage, Thomas, preparation of new 
list of Addressers of, 22. 

Gannett, Caleb, Steward of Harvard 
College, 202. 

Gardiner. See Gardner. 

Gardner, Capt. Andrew, depositions 
regarding the Boston Massacre car- 
ried to England by, 5, 5 », 12 ; let- 
ters brought back by, 5, 11, 12 ; delay 
of, in London, 213. 

Edmund, 23, 23 n. 

John Lowell, 57. 

Garfield, James Abram, E. G. Porter's 
President Garfield's Ancestry, 62. 

Garraway's Coffee-house, London, 121. 

Gates, Horatio, 110, 110 n. 

Gay, Frederick Lewis, A.B., i, ii, xv, 
xvi, 31, 231, 398 ; nominated and 
elected Registrar, 53, 238; seven- 
teenth-century documents communi- 
cated by, 68-80; site of Winthrop 
House discovered by, 69 n : calls at- 
tention to an entry in Boston Se- 
lectmen's Records, 296; announces 
intention to submit communication 
on early Boston portrait painters, 296 ; 
offers to defray cost of transcribing 
and publishing early Records of Har- 
vard College, 319. 

Martin, E. Wheelwright's paper 

on, 38. 

Genealogical Gleanings in England, by 
H. F. Waters, contains copy of Wil- 
liam Mullins's will, 401. 

Genealogical History of the Descend- 
ants of Joseph Peck, cited, 219 n. 

George, York, servant of Washington, 

George III., King of England, 27; 
T. Pownall proposes an Address to, 

Georgetown, D. C, Directors of Potomac 
Company meet at, 136. 

Academy, 158; expenses at, 185. 

Gdrard, Conrad Alexandre, 106, 106 n. 

Germain, George Sackville, first Vis- 
count Sackville, 335. 

Germans, Washington's desire to im- 
port, 184. 

Getchell, Emily Adams, 288. 

Gibbons, William, 58. 

Gibbs, Wolcott, LL.D., xviii. 

Gibraltar, siege of, 145. 

Gibson, John, 350, 350 n. 

Gilliland's Creek, 261. 



Gillingham, Dorsetshire, Eng., 281. 

Gill, John, printer, 6, 19. 

Oilman, Daniel Coit, LL.D., xviii. 

Gilpin, George, 136, 143, 100, 351, 309, 

Glasgow, the ship, date of sailing for 
England, 3 n. 

Goddard, Anne, 202. 

Good alp:, George Lincoln, LL.D., 

Goodell, Abner Cheney, A.M., xvi, 
54 ; communicates copy of Commis- 
sion to Edward Randolph, 2 ; text of 
the Commission, 2 n ; pays tribute to 
Edward Wheelwright, 35; his edition 
of the Province Laws, 272. 

Goodwin, Capt. , 158. 

Hersey Bradford, 57. 

Ozias, 57. 

William Watson, D.C.L., xv, 

xvi, 30, 33, 63, 210, 290; nomi- 
nated and elected a Vice-President, 52, 
53, 237, 238 ; presides and makes 
speech at annual dinner, 53. 

Gordon, Rev. William, 167 n, 357; 
opinion of, as to derivation of the 
word Yankee, 101, 102 ; his History 
of the Rise, Progress, and Establish- 
ment of the Independence of the 
United States of America, cited, 
102 n, 357 n ; letter of Washington 
to, 191. 

Mrs. William, 192. 

Gorton, Mary. .See Sanford. 

Gosnold, Bartholomew, paper on, read 
by G. F. Tucker, 321. 

Gould, Benjamin Apthorp, LL.D., 
F. R. S., xvi, 32, 33, 317; services 
of, to this Society, 34; Fund in mem- 
ory of, 35, 235 ; Memoir of, 36 ; his 
friendship for Edward Wheelwright, 

Governor Sullivan, passenger packet, 
221 n. 

Governor's Island, N". Y., fortification 
of, 248. 

Grange Erin, Oninty Cork, Ireland, 331. 

Grant, James, 191. 

Gray, Horace (II. C. 1819), 222 n. 

John, quarrel between workmen 

and British soldiers at rope-walk of, 
7, 30 n. 

Samuel, killed in Boston Mas- 
sacre, 9, 30 n. 

Grayson, Rev. Spence, 135. 

William, 350. 

Great Britain, retention of Western 
posts by, 182, 193, 194; opposition 

Great Britain (continued). 

to interference of, in Ireland (1785), 
180 ; need of commercial treaty with, 

Council for Foreign Plantations, 

volume of the Colony Laws presented 
to, 25 n. 

Parliament, T. Pownall's appeal 

to, regarding American Colonies, 214. 

Great Falls, Directors of Potomac Com- 
pany meet at, 347, 351, 352, 369, 370. 

Greaton, John, regiment commanded 
by, 246, 246 n, 248, 249, 251 n, 252, 
256, 257, 260; brief sketch of, 248 n. 

Green, Charles Montraville, 
M.D., xvi. 

John, printer, 10 n. 

Samuel Swett, A.M.,i, xvi, 58 n ; 

appointed to write Memoir of E. G. 
Porter, 30, 47; communicates this 
Memoir, 53; text of the Memoir, 
55-62 ; article on Craigie House by, 
406 n. 

Thomas, 170. 

Greene, Benjamin Daniel, 226 n. 

Margaret Morton (Quincy), wife 

of Benjamin Daniel, 226 n. 

Nathanael, Washington's mez- 
zotint of, 187. 

Greenleaf, Stephen, 17. 

■ William, of Committee to report 

on Boston Massacre, 11, 19. 

Greenough, James Bradstreet, 
A. B., xvii, 234; death of, an- 
nounced, 241 ; sketch of, in Harvard 
Graduates' Magazine, 241 n. 

Greenwich, Ct., 124. 

Greenwood, Thomas, depositions of, re- 
garding Boston Massacre, 16, 16 n. 

Griffin, Appleton Prentiss Clark, 

Griffith, Rev. David, 135, 145, 353, 354, 
355, 356, 382, 383. 

Grindal, Right- Rev. Edmund, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, 281. 

Elizabeth. See Woodhal. 

Grove, , 277. 

Gunpowder, Edward Rawson's attempt 
to manufacture, 283, 285. 

Gurdon, Brampton, 71, 71 n, 73. 

Muriel, daughter of Brampton. 

See Saltoustall. 


ACKEN"SACK, N. J., 248 n. 
IIadley, Arthur Twining, LL.D., 
xviii; elected Corresponding Mem- 
ber, 48. 



Hadley, Mass., first person born in, 82. 

Haile, Lady, 294. 

Haines, John. See Haynes. 

Hains, James. See Harris. 

Haldirnand, Sir Frederick, Governor of 
Quebec, 334 n, 335. 

Hale, Rev. Edward, A. B., xvii, 231, 
244 ; elected a Resident Member, 30 ; 
accepts, 45, 48; Memoir of C. C. 
Everett assigned to, 47 ; his remarks 
on Dr. Everett as a theologian, 68 ; 
elected a member of the Council for 
three years, 53 ; invokes Divine Bless- 
ing at annual dinner, 53 ; represents 
Society at funeral of Roger Wolcott, 
64 n. 

George Silsbee, A. M., xvi, 32. 

John Parker, Minister to Spain, 


Half Moon, N. Y., now Waterford, 248 ; 
named for Hudson's ship, 248 n. 

Halifax, Nova Scotia, departure of 64th 
and 65th regiments (British) for, 6. 

Hall, Rev. Edward Henry, D. D., 
xv, xvii ; appointed to write Memoir 
of G. O. Shattuck, 30, 47 ; elected 
Resident Member, 48; invokes Divine 
Blessing at annual dinner, 238 ; trib- 
ute to J. B. Thayer by, 307-310; 
appointedon Nominating Committee, 

Henry Bryan, 330. 

Capt. James, London accounts of 

Boston Massacre brought to Boston 
by, 5n; letter of Boston Committee 
carried to England by, on, 13. 

Halsey, Francis Whiting, his Old New 
York Frontier, cited, 108 n. 

Hamilton, Alexander, 169 n ; letter 
of Washington to, regarding the 
Cincinnati, 192, 193. 

Arabella ( Berkeley ) , wife of 

Sackville, 336. 

Baptiste, 347, 371. 

Elizabeth (Lee), wife of Gov. 

Henry, 336 ; miniature of, exhibited 
by W. C. Lane, 331. 

■ Elizabeth (Schuyler), wife of 

Alexander, 193. 

Gustavus, first Viscount Boyne, 


Henry (1692-1743), grandson of 

Gustavus, 336. 

Henry, Governor of Bermuda, 

son of Henry (1692-1743), original 
Journal of (1778-79), exhibited by 
W. C. Lane, 274 ; miniature of, exhib- 
ited by W. C. Lane, 331; account 

Hamilton (continued). 

of the Journal and reminiscences of, 
by W. C. Lane, 331-336; leads ex- 
pedition from Detroit and captures 
Vincennes, 331, 334 ; his experiences 
in the 15th Regiment, 331-334; 
wounded at siege of Louisburg, 332 ; 
his account of his capture at Quebec, 
332, 333 ; his exchange, 333 ; paints a 
view of the Falls of the Passaic, 333 ; 
Lt. -Governor at Detroit, 334 ; nick- 
named "Hair-buying Hamilton," 334; 
taken prisoner at re-capture of Vin- 
cennes, 335 ; exchanged, 335 ; returns 
to London, and sends account of De- 
troit expedition to Gen. Haldirnand, 
335 ; made Deputy-Governor of Can- 
ada, 335 ; Lt. -Governor and then 
Governor of Bermuda, 335 ; Governor 
of Dominica, 336 ; family of, 336. 

Mary Anne Pierpoint, daughter of 

Gov. Henry, 336. 

Sackville, son of Henry (1692- 

1743), 336. 

Hamlin, Cyrus, 62. 

Hammersmith, Eng., 91 n. 

Hammond, Elizabeth (or Betsey), 
daughter of John. See Shaw. 

John, 404 n. 

- Mary (Ruggles), wife of John, 

404 n. 

Roland, his History and Gene- 
alogy of the Descendants of William 
Hammond, cited, 404 n. 

William, Sr., 71, 72, 73. 

William, Jr., son of William, Sr., 

70 ; killed by Indians, 73. 

Hamond. See Hammond. 

Hampton, N. H., formerly Winnacun- 
net, 282. 

Hancock, John, 322 ; of Committee to 
report on Boston Massacre, 11, 19, 

William, 91 n, 92 n. 

Hanes, James. See Harris. 

Hanover Court House, Va., 396. 

Hanson, Samuel, 146, 173, 174. 

Mrs. Samuel, 146. 

Thomas, 146, 173, 174. 

Hardy, Sir Charles, 332. 

Harlakenden family, 22. 

Harleian Manuscripts, British Museum, 
69 ; cited, 71 n, 72 n, 73 n, 74 n, 76 n. 

Harley, Edward, Earl of Oxford, 69. 

Harris, James, manager of the James 
River Canal, 372, 380, 381. 

Harrison, Robert Hanson, 157. 

William, 372. 



Hart, Albert Bushnell, statement of, 
regarding degree bestowed upon 
Washington, 824. 

Ilartshorne, William, 343. 

Ilartwell, Alfred Stedman, 57. 

Harvard, Mass. , 228 n. 

Historical Society, 228. 

Harvard, the sloop, voyages of, for 
wood, 407 n. 

Harvard College, E. Wheelwright's An- 
nals of the Class of 1844, 32, 37, 41 ; 
members of the Class of 1844 belong- 
ing to this Society, 32, 36 ; W. C. 
Endicott's services to, 43, 44 ; debt 
of, to J. H. Ricketson, 47; Class of 
1858, well-known members of, 56, 
57 ; losses of, in the Civil War, 58 ; 
building of, 80; Class of 1837, 205, 
209 ; annual prize founded by R. N. 
Toppan, 232, 268; two water-color 
views by D. Bell presented to, 274; 
Journal of Henry Hamilton pre- 
sented to, and to be printed by, 
274, 275 n ; request of this Society 
to publish early Records of, 319, 320 ; 
request granted by, 320 n ; first per- 
son to receive degree of LL.D. 
from, 322-325, 328 ; J. Quincy's His- 
tory of, quoted, 322 ; Peirce's History 
of, 323 ; S. A. Eliot's Sketch of the 
History of, quoted, 323 ; degrees con- 
ferred by, in 1773, 324 ; these degrees 
not confirmed by Overseers, 324 n ; 
Boston Gazette's account of Com- 
mencement at, 1773, 324, 325 ; Prof. 
J. Winthrop declines Presidency of, 
326; Great Rebellion of 1808 in, 
406 n ; location of the old wharf and 
woodyard of, 407 n. 

• Corporation, Records of, cited, 

326 n. 

Gore Hall, 126, 202, 266. 

Law School, J. B. Thayer's ser- 
vices to, 297, 299, 305, 313, 314, 315, 
316. _ 

Library, gift from Mrs. C. L. Rice 

to, 331, 336. See Gore Hall. 

Mowlson Scholarship, Lady, re- 
established, 317. 

Phi Beta Kappa, 232 ; E. Wheel- 
wright's election as an honorary mem- 
ber of , 41 ; E. G. Porter elected to, 61. 

Porcellian Club, 41. 

Quinquennial Catalogue, 322, 337. 

Sanders Theatre, 41. 

Harvard Graduates' Magazine, cited, 
241 n, 322, 324; article by W. C. 
Lane in, 274 n. 

Harvard Historical Society, Harvard, 
Mass., 228. 

Harwich, Eng., 4 n. 

Hassard. See Hazard. 

Hastings, Jonathan, of Cambridge, 102. 

Haven, John, son of Rev. Samuel, 
217 n. 

John Appleton, son of John, 217 n. 

Mehitable (Appleton), wife of 

Samuel, 217 n. 

Rev. Samuel, 217 n. 

Sarah Sherburne (Langdon), wife 

of John, 217 n. 

Hawkins, Jane, 80. 

Hawthorne, William, 23. 

Hay, , public printer, 189. 

Hon. John, LL.D., xviii ; de- 
ceased, xix. 

Haynes, Henry Williamson, guest at 
the annual dinner, 238. 

John, Governor of Massachusetts, 


Hazard, Benjamin, son of Thomas, 200, 
200 n. 

Hannah (Nichols), wife of Ben- 
jamin, 200, 200 n. 

Susannah, wife of Thomas, 200 n. 

Thomas, 200 n. 

Heale, Giles, a witness of W. Mullins's 
will, 401 ; Allerton's gift to, wit- 
nessed by "Da: Williams," 402. 

Heath, William, his Suffolk Regiment, 
246; his Memoirs, quoted, 246 n. 

Heitman, Francis Barnard, his His- 
torical Register of Officers of the 
Continental Army during the War 
of the Revolution, mentioned, 246 n, 
248 n. 

Hemenway, Alfred, guest at the an- 
nual dinner, 238. 

Augustus, A. B., xvi. 

Henley, David, 164, 192. 

Henry, Patrick, 375. 

Herbert, William, 138, 371. 

Herbert & Potts, 351 n. 

Herring, James, artist, his National 
Portrait Gallery of Distinguished 
Americans, cited, 101 n. 

Hibbins, Ann, E. Rawson's attempt to 
save, 287. 

Hickman. Joseph, 171. 

Higginson, Barbara Cooper, daughter 
of Stephen (1743-1828). See Per- 

George, 226 n. 

Henry Lee, LL.D., xvii; elected 

a Resident Member, 30 ; accepts, 45, 
48 ; on Committee to examine Treas- 



Higginson (continued). 

urer's accounts, 211; report of, as 

Auditor, 237. 

Stephen (1743-1828), 225 n, 226 n. 

Stephen, & Co., 226 n. 

Susan Cleveland, daughter of 

Stephen (1743-1828). See Charming. 
Thomas Wentworth, his Travellers 

and Outlaws, quoted, 97 n; his poem 

on Madam Craigie in Afternoon 

Landscape, cited, 406 n. 

family, 218 n; Materials for a 

Genealogy of the, cited, 225 n. 

Hill, Adams Sherman, LL.D., xvii. 

Joseph, 407. 

Hillsborough, N. C, 110 n. 

Hilton, Gustavus Arthur, LL.B., 
xvi ; appointed on Nominating Com- 
mittee, 341. 

Hipkins, , 354. 

Historical Societies and Organi- 
zations professing purposes of a 
similar nature in Massachusetts, 
namely : 

Central Republican Club, 230 n. 

Contractors and Builders Associa- 
tion of the City of Boston, 229 n. 

Dover Historical and Natural His- 
tory Society of Dover and Vicinity, 

Harvard Historical Society, 228. 

Independent Boston Fusilier Vet- 
erans, 230 n. 

Longmeadow Historical Society, 


Palmer Historical Society, 229. 

Veteran Association, Company L, 

Sixth Regiment, M. V. M., 230 n. 

Wales Family Association, 229 n. 

West Newbury Natural History 

Club, 230 n. 

Historical Society of Old Newbury, 
Newburyport, 280 n ; work of, 267, 
268, 271. 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
unique copy of Massachusetts House 
Journal, March, 1721-22, owned by, 

Hite, Abraham, 376. 

Jesse, 175. 

Hoar, Ebenezer Rockwood, 301 ; re- 
quests J. B. Thayer to write bio- 
graphical sketch of S. Ripley, 302. 

Hezekiah, Sr., 201 n. 

Hezekiah (1678-1729), son of 

Hezekiah, Sr., 201, 201 n. 

Rebecca, wife of Hezekiah, Sr., 

201 n. 

Hoar (continued). 

Sarah (Brightman), wife of Heze- 
kiah (1678-1729), 201 n. 

Hoffe, Atherton. See Hough. 

Holden, Edward Singleton, LL.D., 

Holland, dispute with France, 181, 190. 

Hollis, Thomas, reproduction of Pel- 
ham's portrait of, exhibited by H. W. 
Cunningham, 278. 

Hollister, Gideon Hiram, 96 n ; his 
History of Connecticut, quoted, 96. 

Holmes, , 395. 

Rev. Abiel, 404 n. 

John, son t>f Rev. Abiel, rem- 
iniscences of Andrew Craigie by, 
communicated and read by S. L. 
Thorn dike, 403-407. 

Oliver Wendell (1809-1894), son 

of Rev. Abiel, 403 n. 

Holyoke, Edward, President of Harvard 
College, 323 ; book-plate of, 126. 

Homans, John, 57. 

Homes of American Statesmen, men- 
tioned, 308. 

Hood, Capt. Joseph, 13, 15. 

Hooe, Col. , 158. 

Rice, 366. 

Hook, Ruth. See Batherick. 

Hooker, Rev. Edward, 70, 73, 74. 

John, 281. 

Rev. Thomas, 281. 

Hooper, Edward William, LL.D., 
xvii, 234. 

Stephen, 221 n. 

Susan Coffin (Marquand), wife 

of Stephen, 221 n. See Searle. 

William, 101 n. 

Horn Pond, Woburn, Mass., 221 n, 227 n. 

Horses, Washington's directions for 
feeding, 342, 343. 

Houdon, Jean Antoine, 133; arrival of, 
127, 130, 130 n ; makes bust of Wash- 
ington, 132, 133, 137. 

Hough, Atherton, 282. 

Houghton, Lord. See Milnes, Richard 

Houghton & Dutton, 228 n. 

Howe, David, Jr., son of James 
(b. 1713), 250 n. 

George Augustus, Viscount Howe, 

250 n. 

James (b. 1713), weaver, 250 n. 

James (1746-1798), baker, son of 

James (b. 1713), 250, 250 n. 

Jane (Meroth), wife of James 

(b. 1713), 250 n. 

Joseph, 325. 



LL.B., xvii 
in Report of 

HOWE {continued). 

Fosiah, 246. 

Richard, Viscount Howe, 250 n. 

Sarah, daughter of Josiah. See 


Sir William, 191, 250 n. 

Howell, James, Jacobs's edition of his 

Familiar Letters, cited, 120 n. 
Iloxie, Anna, daughter of Ludovick. 

See Wing. 

Ludovick, 199 n. 

Hubbard, Samuel, 226 n. 
Hudson, Henry, 2-18 n. 

John Elbridge, 

references to death of. 

Council, 46 ; memoir of, assigned to 

J. B. Thayer, 47. 

Hudson River, no bridges over (1776), 

248 n. 
Humfrey. See Humphrey. 
Humphrey, John, 282. 
Hunnewell, Hollis fH. C. 1858), 57. 

Hunter, , 129. 

John, 154. 

Samuel, reports the taking of 

two Indian scalps, 277. 

William, 175. 

Huntington, Faith (Trumbull), wife of 

Jedidiah, 101 n. 

Jedidiah, 101 n. 

Rev. William Reed, D.D., xviii. 

HuiiD, Hon. Francis William, A.M., 

xvii ; elected Resident Member, 407. 
Hutchinson, Anne (Marbury), wife of 

William, 203 ; heresies of, 79 ; mon- 
strosity borne by, 80. 
Bridget, daughter of William. 

See San ford. 

Thomas, Governor of Massachu- 
setts, 9, 10 ; promises protection to 
Capt. T. Preston, 17 n; preparation 
of new list of Addressers of, 22 ; his 
History of Massachusetts Bay, cited, 
26 n. 

William, 79, 203. 

INCHES, John Chester, xvi, 234. 

Independent Boston Fusilier Veterans, 
230 n. 

Indian corn, value of, in 1656, 287. 

Indian scalps, bounties for. See Boun- 
ties for scalps. 

Indian summer, paper on, by A. Mat- 
thews, 211-244 ; earliest recorded use 
of the term, 241, 242,243; conflicting 
assertions regarding, 242 ; popular 
belief regarding, 242 ; varied history 

Indian Summer (continued). 

of the term, 243 ; its origin obscure, 
243, 244. 

Indians, security from, 78 ; British 
trade with, 194 ; our knowledge of, 
comes from white sources, 244 ; party 
of Gen. Thompson's men attacked 
by, 259, 260; land bought by Edward 
Rawson from, 289 ; J. B. Thayer's 
services in behalf of, 299. 

Indies, New Laws of the, copy of, ex- 
hibited by A. McF. Davis, 321. 

Inland navigation, 188, 189. 

Inman, Susanna, adopted daughter of 
John Rowe. See Linzee. 

International coinage, proposed unit 
of value for, 269, 270. 

International Statistical Congress, Ber- 
lin (1863), 269. 

Ipswich, Mass.,S. Symonds representa- 
tive from, 22; extract from records 
of, relating to Body of Liberties 
(1641), 23 ; Felt's History of, cited, 
23 n ; N. Ward minister at, 23, 24 ; 
part of Plum Island given to, 285. 

Ipswich Land Bank, note emitted by, 
exhibited by A. McF. Davis, 228. 

Ireland, opposition to British interfer- 
ence in (1785), 186. 

Iron Rocky Hill, 91 n. 

Isle aux Coudres, Canada, 332. 

Isle aux Noix, Canada, Gen. Thomp- 
son's men retreat to, 259. 

Isle La Motte, Vermont, 252, 252 n ; 
artillery stores of Gen. Thompson's 
force sent to, 259. 

Isle of Orleans, Canada, 332. 

Izard, Alice (Delancey), wife of Ralph, 
5 n. 

Ralph, 5 n. 

J ACK, nickname for a sailor, 111 n. 

Jackson, Harriet, daughter of Jonathan, 
225 n. 

Jonathan, 225 n. 

Mary, daughter of Jonathan. See 


Jacobs, Joseph, his edition of the 
Familiar Letters of James Howell, 
cited, 120 n. 

Jiigers, 107. 

Jamaica Pond, Jamaica Plain, Mass., 

James II., King of England, 294, 295. 

James River, Va., plan to extend navi- 
gation of, 191 ;' cut made for im- 
provement in navigation of, 396. 



Jameson, John Franklin, LL.D., 

Jamieson, Neil, 396. 
Jay, John, letter of Washington to, 

128 n, 129 n. 
Sarah Van Brugh (Livingston), 

wife of John, 128 n, 129 n. 
Jefferson, Thomas, Houdon recom- 
mended to Washington by, 130. 
Jenifer, Daniel, 146, 147, 156, 368. 

Walter, 128, 132, 371, 372. 

Mrs. Walter, 132. 

Jenny, Israel, 175, 176. 

Joanes. See Jones. 

John Bull. See Bull. 

Johnny, the nickname, 111 n. 

Johns " Hopkins University Studies in 

Historical and Political Science, H. 

B. Adams editor of, and contributor 

to, 234. 
Johnson, Edward (1599-1672), Poole's 

edition of his Wonder Working 

Providence, cited, 26 n. 

Hon. Edward Francis, LL.B., 


Samuel (1709-1784), his Dic- 
tionary, mentioned, 105 n. 

Samuel, A.M., xvi; Memoir of, 

assigned to W. J. Tucker, 209. 

— — Thomas, Governor of Mary- 
land, 136, 172 n, 369; letter of Wash- 
ington to, 194, 195. 

Johnston, Alexander, his Connecticut, 
quoted, 9.8 n. 

Jolthead, the word, 114 n. 

Jonathan, a nickname applied by the 
Loyalists to the patriots, 106-111; by 
the Americans to a country bumpkin, 
112-115, 117, 121 ; water marks rep- 
resenting, 122. See also Jonathan, 

the Scriptural, 95. 

Brother, an alleged poet (1643), 

103, 104, 105. 

Brother, the nickname, 122, 125 ; 

paper on, by A. Matthews, 94- 
122, 125 n ; generally regarded as 
having been first given by Washing- 
ton to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr., 94- 
99, 101 n ; not applied particularly to 
New Englanders, 96 n, 112 ; story 
connecting the term with Jonathan 
Trumbull baseless, 99, 100, 101 n, 
102 n, 111, llln, 112, 125 n; origin 
of, attributed to Jonathan Hastings, 
102 ; to Jonathan Carver, 102; to an 
alleged poet named Brother Jonathan, 
(1643), 103-105 ; its history obscure, 

Jonathan (continued). 

105; early examples of the term, 105 
n, 124, 125 n; not known in 1755, 
106 ; first applied by the Loyalists to 
the patriots, 106-112, 119, 125 n; 
later applied by the Americans to a 
country bumpkin, 112-115, 118, 119, 
121 ; finally applied to the Ameri- 
can nation, 115-119 ; described by 
J. K. Paulding, 115, 116 ; contrasted 
by Lowell with John Bull, 117 ; 
passing of, described by Col. Rus- 
ling, 118, 119; first used in 1776, 
125 n. See also Bull, Jonathan; 

Jonathan Bull. See Bull. 

Jonathan Postfree, by Lazarus Beach, 
114 n. 

Jonathan's Coffee-house, London, Note 
on, by A. Matthews, 119-122; per- 
haps named from Jonathan Paynter, 
120; the particular resort of stock- 
jobbers, 120, 121. 

Jones, Christopher, a witness of W. 
Mullins's will, 401. 

— Rev. David, 130, 130 n, 131. 

James Athearn, 244. 

McDuffie & Stratton Company, 


Joseph and his Brethren. See Brant, 

Josselyn, John, his Two Voyages to 
New England, cited, 26 n. 

Joubleau, Felix, his Montcalm et le 
Canada bought by the Pequot Li- 
brary, Southport, Ct., 330 n. 

Jouffroy, Theodore Simon, R. N. Top- 
pan's translations from his Melanges 
Philosophiques, and Cours de Droit 
Naturel, 265; moral problem laid 
down by, 265, 266. 

Juno, the ship, 12. 

KaCHLEIN, Peter, 277. 

Kaskaskia, 334, 335. 

Kay, Ann, 200, 200 n. 

Nathaniel, 200 n. 

Keene, N. H., Unitarian Church, 222 n. 

Keith, Rev. , 158. 

George, Quaker, 198. 

Kellogg, Stephen Wright, 96. 

Kettell, Caroline Freeman. See Brew- 

King Philip's War, company in, com- 
manded by possible son of Master 
Williamson, 402. 




King's Chapel, Boston, 219 n, 222 n; 
funeral of E. Wheelwright takes 
place in, 32; rates of silver collated 
from Ledger Records of, 280; Foote's 
Annals of, cited, 280 n. 

King Street, Boston, scene of Boston 
Massacre, 18 n. 

Kirchewall, William, 171. 


xv, xvi, 84, 210, 211, 231, 241, 244, 
321, 329, 341, 396; nominated and 
elected as President, 52, 53, 237, 238 ; 
makes speech at annual dinner, 53; 
delivers Inaugural Address, 63 ; Pres- 
ident Holyoke's book-plate described 
by, 126; letters from the Bourne 
Papers communicated by, 202; asks 
information concerning the word 
" martinet," 202 ; Memoir of H. Wil- 
liams assigned to, 209 ; presides at 
annual dinner, 238; his sketch of J. 
B. Greenough in Harvard Graduates' 
Magazine, 241 n ; his Old Farmer and 
his Almanack, cited, 328 n. 

Knap, Rev. , 108. 

Knight, George, 220 n. 

John, 282. 

Mary (Price), wife of 

219 n. 

Knowlton, Hon. Marcus Perrin, 
LL.D., xv, xvii; elected Resident 
Member, 262 ; accepts, 274. 

Knox, Henry, 169 w; letter from Wash- 
ington to, 193, 194. 

■ Lucy (Flucker), wife of Henry, 

193, 194. 

-L/ACHINE, Canada, 255, 255 n. 

Lafayette, Marie Joseph Paul Yves 
Roch Gilbert Dumotier, Marquis de, 
158, 187; gift to Washington from, 
129, 129 n; at Barren Hill, 191. 

Lake of the Woods. See Horn Pond, 
Woburn, Mass. 

La Live de Jully, Ange Laurent de, 
Marquis de Removille, 330. 

Lamar, , widow of Lewis, 343. 

Lewis, 343. 

La Moyeur, Dr. , 389. 

Landon, Charles Paul, 330. 

Lank, Gardiner Martin, A.B., xvi. 

GEORGE Martin, LL.D., xvi. 

William Coolidge, A. B., xvii, 

321 n ; exhibits two water-color views 
by I). Bell, 274 ; exhibits Journal of 
Capt. Henry. Hamilton (1778-79), 
and map illustrating Hamilton's 

Lane (continued). 

march, 274; appointed to Special 
Committee in charge of printing early 
Records of Harvard College, 320 n ; 
exhibits miniatures of Henry Hamil- 
ton and his wife, 331 ; his remarks 
on two manuscripts by Capt. H. 
Hamilton, 331-336. 

Langdon, Samuel, 202, 326 n. 

Sarah Sherburne. See Haven. 

Woodbury, 217 n. 

Langley, Samuel Pierpont, D.C.L., 
F.R.S., xviii. 

Lasheene. See Lachine. 

Lathrop, Hon. John, A.M., xvii; of 
Committee to draught Resolutions in 
memory of Edward Wheelwright, 32. 

Laughton, Henry, 91 n, 92 n. 

Laurens, Henry, 119, 121. 

Lavenham, Eng., 70, 71. 

Lawrence, Rev. Arthur, D.D., xvii; 
Memoir of R. Wolcott assigned to, 

Lawton, Adam, Jr., 201, 201 n. 

Elizabeth. See Nichols. 

Giles, son of Adam, Jr., 201 n. 

Jeremiah, 200. 

Martha (Slocum), wife of Adam, 

Jr., 201 n. 

Lea, James Henry, 97, 125 n. 

Lear, Tobias, 130 n. 

Lebanon, Ct., "War Office" of Gov. 
Trumbull at, 97. 

Le Barbier Serviteur, dramatic per- 
formance of, 181. 

LeBoeuf, Pa.,243. 

Lechmere's Point, Cambridge, Mass., 

Lee, , 143, 144. 

Col. , of Banbury, Oxford- 
shire, Eng., 336. 

Arthur, 390, 391 ; author of A 

True State of the Proceedings, etc., 
5 n ; Life of, by R. H. Lee, quoted, 5 n. 

Caroline. See Macrea. 

Charles, 166. 

Eliza (Buckminster), wife of 

Thomas (H. C. 1798), 222 n, 224. 

Elizabeth, daughter of Col. Lee, 

of Banbury, Eng. See Hamilton. 

Elizabeth (Steptoe), wife of Philip 

Ludwell, 142, 143. 

Flora, 142, 143. 

Francis Henry, xvii. 

Hannah, daughter of Richard 

Henry, 182. See also Washington. 

Henry (1756-1818), 163, 164, 178, 

368, 381. 



Lee (continued). 

Henry (1782-1867), 225 n. 

Joseph, employees of, exempted 

from military service, 89 ; their peti- 
tion for this exemption not found, 
90 ; his name not found in account 
of Taunton iron works, 92 ; convey- 
ances to, 92 n. 

Ludwell, son of Richard Henry, 

154, 195. 

Mary, daughter of Richard Henry, 


Mary (Jackson), wife of Henry 

(1782-1867), 225 n. 

Matilda (Ludwell) , wife of Henry 

(1756-1818), 163, 161. 

Mildred (Washington), wife of 

Thomas (d. 1805) son of Richard 
Henry, 137 n. 

Richard Bland, 370, 371. 

Richard Henry (1732-1794), 137 rc, 

154, 368 ; letter *of Washington to, 
181-183; a stockholder in the Poto- 
mac Company, 183. 

Rev. Richard Henry (1794-1865), 

his Life of Arthur Lee, quoted, 5 n. 

Robert Edward, 58, 239. 

Thomas (d. 1805) son of Richard 

Henry (1732-1794), 137 n, 195. 

Thomas (H. C. 1798), 222 n, 

225 n. 

Thomas Sim, Governor of Mary- 
land, 136, 352. 

William Fitzhugh, son of Robert 

Edward, 56 ; his message to N. L. 
Anderson, 58. 

Legislatures, State, Washington's 
doubts about, 186. 

Leigh, John, of Agawam, cited, 90 n. 

Lenox Library, New York, 330 n. 

Leonard, James, Jr., of Taunton, 93. 

Thomas, his original Commission 

as Captain of a foot company, and 
an Elegy in his memory, exhibited 
by H. H. Edes, 244, 245, 245 n. 

family, 245 n. 

Leverett, George Vasmer, A.M., xv, 
xvii, 234; elected Resident Member, 
230; accepts, 233; on Committee to 
examine Treasurer's Accounts, 341. 

John, successor of, as Deputy-Gov- 
ernor, 22 ; becomes Governor, 22. 

Levis. See Point Levi. 

Lewis, King. See Louis. 

Elizabeth (Washington), wife of 

Fielding, 397. 

Lexington, Mass., President Wheel- 
wright relates an incident of the Bat 

Lexington, Mass. {continued). 

tie of, 26-30 ; E. G. Porter ordained 
minister of Hancock Congregational 
Church at, 59 ; becomes Pastor Emer- 
itus, 60; his published works dealing 
with the Battle of , 61 ; his Address on 
the Centennial of Washington's Visit, 
to, 62 ; Four Drawings of Concord 
and, in 1775, 62. 

Leyden, Holland, memorials of John 
Robinson in, 80, 81. 

Lightfoot, Robert, 91, 93. 

Lincoln, Benjamin, 112 n, 158, 164, 
192; letters of, 239. 

Francis Henry, A.M., xvi; of 

Committee to examine Treasurer's 
accounts, 1 ; report as Auditor, 52 ; 
his remarks on Gov. Wolcott, 89 ; 
two unpublished letters of Webster 
read by, 228; appointed on Nomi- 
nating Committee, 341. 

Waldo, A.B., xvi. 

Lincolnade, the word, llln, 112 n. 

Linzee, Capt. John, 3 n. 

Susanna (Inman), wife of Capt. 

John, genteel dance given for, 3w. 

Little, , of Cameron, Va., 356. 

William, 282. 

Brown, & Co., 203. 

Littlepage, Capt. Lewis, 145. 

Livingston, , son of Peter Van 

Brugh, 134. 

Peter Van Brugh, 134. 

Sarah Van Brugh, daughter of 

William. See Jay. 

Lobster, as applied to a British soldier, 

Local history, R. N. Toppan's contri- 
butions to, 271, 272. 

Lochry, Archibald, approves offering 
bounties for scalps, 276. 

Locke, Rev. Samuel, President of Har- 
vard College, degree of D.D. con- 
ferred upon, 324, 325. 

Lorn ax, , 373. 

London, Eng., Probate Records, 401; 
Stow's Survey of, 103 ; quoted, 103 n ; 
104, 104 n. 

British Museum, 210. 

Coffee-houses in, history of, 120, 

120 n, 121. 

Exchange Alley, 120, 120 n, 121. 

Royal Exchange, 121. 

Royal Society, 326. 

St. Clement's Church, Eastcheap, 

162; monument to Queen Elizabeth 
in, 103, 104. 

St. Michael's Church, 120, 120 n. 




London, Eng. (continued). 

St. Mildred's Church, Bread Street, 

monument to Queen Elizabeth in, 
104 n. 

Westminster Abbey, 103. 

Whitehall, 2. 

Longacre, James Barton, engraver, his 
National Portrait Gallery of Distin- 
guished Americans, cited, 101 n. 

Longfellow, Alice Mary, article on 
Craigie House by, 406 n. 

Longfellow House. See Craigie House. 

Longmeadow, Mass., Historical Society, 

Loring, Augustus Peabody, A. B., 

Charles Greely, A. M., xvii; 

elected a Resident Member, 83, 234; 
accepts, 84 ; gives opinion of R. S. 
Poole on a United States coin, 210. 

James Spear, his Hundred Boston 

Orators, cited, 222 n. 

Lossing, Benson John, his Field Book 
of the Revolution, cited, 248 n, 254 n. 

Lothrop, Mary Lyman (Buckminster), 
wife of Rev. Samuel Kirkland, 222 n. 

Rev. Samuel Kirkland, 222 n. 

Thornton Kirkland, A.M., xv, 

xvii, 222 n. 

Loudoun, Lord. See Campbell, John. 

Louis XVI., King of France, 106. 

Lowe, John, 133. 

Lowell, Augustus, A. M., xvii ; of 
Committee to draught Resolutions 
iu memory of Edward Wheelwright, 
32 ; references to death of, in Report 
of Council, 46 ; Memoir of, assigned 
to F. C. Lowell, 47. 

Hon. Francis Cabot, A.B., xvi; 

Memoir of A. Lowell assigned to, 47. 

James Jackson, 58. 

James Russell, 305 ; quoted, 99 n, 


lion. John, LL.D., xvi. 

Lowry, , 129, 131. 

Luyster, Isaphine Moore. See Wheel- 

Luzac, Jan, monument to, 81. 

Lydia, the ship, 4 n, 13, 15. 

Lyle, ■ , 390. 

Lyles, Col. , 158, 164. 

Lyman, Arthur Theodore, A. M., 
xvii ; of Committee to draught 
Resolutions in memory of Edward 
Wheelwright, 32. 

Lynde, Benjamin, and Benjamin Lynde, 
Jr., Diaries of, cited, 3 n. 

Lyons, , 382. 

MaCAULAY, Catharine, her letter 
on the Boston Massacre, read in 
town-meeting, 12 ; the letter com- 
municated by W. C. Ford to this 
Society, 211; text of the letter, 212. 

McCarty, , 139. 

Miss -, daughter of Col. Daniel. 

See Piers. 

■ Col. Daniel, 128, 166, 167, 353. 

Mrs. Daniel, 166. 

McComb, , 131. 

McDougall, Alexander, 169. 

McField, Col. , 261. 

McKean, Rev. Joseph, 219. 

McKinley, William, 316. 

Macky, John, his Journey through 
England, quoted, 121. 

McPherson, , 365. 

Daniel, 343. 

Macrea, Caroline (Lee), 239. 

Madison, James, 165 n; his Jonathan 
Bull and Mary Bull, quoted, 116 n ; 
visits Mt. Vernon, 134, 135 ; letter 
of Washington to, 188. 

Magistrates, marriage service performed 
by, under colonial law, 285. 

Magowan, Rev. Walter, 158. 

Mahon, Due de. See Crillon. 

Maize, . See Mease. 

Maiden, Mass., Corey's History of, 
cited, 26 n. 

Manhattan, trouble between Massa- 
chusetts and Dutch government at, 
286 ; England's effort to conquer, 

Manley, , 133, 376. 

Mann, Moses Whitcher, 219 n. 

Mansfield, Lady, widow of Sir John, 

Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John. 

See Wilson. 

Isaac, Jr., 202. 

Marl, use of, by Washington, 350, 351. 

Marquand, Joseph, 221 n. 

Susan Coffin, daughter of Joseph. 

See Hooper; Searle. 

Marriage, considered civil act in colonial 
law, 285. 

Marsh, Arthur Richmond, A.B., 
xvii, 234 ; elected Resident Member, 
210; accepts, 211. 

Marshall, John, Chief-Justice, 311. 

Marshfield, Mass., Memorials of, by 
Miss Thomas, cited, 403. 

Martineau, James, 310. 

Martinet, formerly a slang word, 202, 



Martinique, Henry Hamilton's descrip- 
tion of arrival at, 333, 334. 

Mary Bull. See Bull. 

Mason, , 164. 

Charles Frank, A. B., xvii. 

Edward Bromfield, 57. 

George, 135, 163, 163 n, 168, 169, 

170, 391. 

George Champlin, his Reminis- 
cences of Newport, cited, 200 n. 

Jonathan, ii. 

Thomson, 350. 

William Powell, 222 n. 

Mason's Reports, cited, 226 n. 

Massachusetts Bay Colony, attitude 
toward Edward Randolph as Cus- 
toms Commissioner, 2 ; letter of, to 
King James II., 25 n ; report on state 
of, by Rev. E. Browne, 68, 69 ; text 
of report, 74-80; four letters from 
Gov. Winthrop on affairs in, 70-74; 
soil and products of, 77 ; varieties of 
fish and meat, 77, 78 ; condition of 
the church in, 78, 79; R. N". Top- 
pan's contributions to history of, 
272 ; commissioners to receive the 
submission of Wells, Saco, and Cape 
Porpoise to the Government of, 286, 
287 ; trouble with Dutch government 
at Manhattan, 286 ; denies right of 
appeal, 290 ; trouble with Royal Com- 
missioners, 290, 291; Rawson's de- 
fence of rights of, 291-293. 

Archives, mentioned, 289 ; plan of 

Middlesex Canal in, 219 n ; labor 
performed by Edward Rawson on, 
280, 281. 

Charter, Edward Rawson's knowl- 
edge of provisions of, 289 ; claims of 
the Colony under, 290, 291; action 
of quo warranto against, 291 ; fate 
of, 292. 

Colony Laws, no printed copy of 

first edition known to be extant, 23 ; 
transcription and distribution of, 23, 
24 ; arrangement for printing, 24 ; 
controversy as to date of first edition, 
25, 26, 26 n; Whitmore's edition of, 
290 ; cited, 285 n. 

Colony Records, quoted, 23, 24; 

cited, 25 n, 282 n, 283 n, 284 n, 
285 n, 286 n, 287 n, 291 n, 292 n, 
293 n; never published after 1686, 

General Court, orders Body of 

Liberties and Laws to be transcribed 
and distributed, 23 ; revises the Laws, 
24; arranges for printing and dis- 

Massachusetts (continued). 

tributing them, 24 ; Bibliography of 
House Journals, communicated (by 
title) by W. C. Ford, 215 ; Bibliog- 
raphy to be printed in Vol. iv.,215 n; 
E. Rawson represents Newbury in, 
282 ; orders all towns to manufacture 
saltpetre, 283 ; divides Plum Island, 
285; services of Edward Rawson 
recognized by, 288, 289. 

House of Deputies, Edward Raw- 
son appointed Clerk of, 284. 

Province Charter, 240. 

Province Laws, edited by A. C. 

Goodell, 272. 

Province Records, never published, 


Superiour Court of Judicature, 

Capt. Preston before, 18 n. 

Massachusetts Gazette, two papers so 
called in 1770, 10 n. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, 2 n, 61, 
62, 238 ; Resident Members of, from 
H. C. Class of 1858, 57 ; serial pub- 
lications of, 239, 240 ; copy of Records 
of the Council meetings under Presi- 
dent Joseph Dudley communicated 
to, by R. N. Toppan, 272 ; Collections 
of, cited, 69 n, 71 n, 101 n, 245 n, 
326 w, 327 n ; quoted, 3 n, 5 n, 101 n ; 
Proceedings of, cited, 2n, 3 w, 219 n, 
287 n, 326 n, 402 n, 404 n ; quoted, 
17 n. 

Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors, in 
the War of the Revolution, cited, 
250 n. 

Massasoit, Standish's meeting with, 
398, 399, 400, 401, 402. 

Masse', Jean Baptiste, 330. 

Mather, Rev. Cotton, 292, 325 n. 

Rev. Samuel, degree of D.D. con- 
ferred upon, 324, 325. 

Matthews, Albert, A.B., i, xv, xvii, 
124, 211 n, 319, 326 n ; appointed on 
Nominating Committee, 1 ; submits 
documents relating to Capt. Thomas 
Preston, 2-21; preparation of new 
list of Addressers of Gage and of 
Hutchinson announced by, 22 ; 
presents report of Nominating Com- 
mittee, 52, 53; paper on Brother 
Jonathan by, 94-122 ; reads paper on 
Yankee and Yankee Doodle, 210; 
nominated and elected as member of 
the Council for three years, 238; 
paper on Indian Summer by, 241- 
244; his remarks on charges of 
cruelty brought against Henry 



Matthews (continued). 

Hamilton by Americans, 275; on 
bounties for scalps, 275-278; ap- 
pointed to Special Committee in 
charge of printing early Records of 
Harvard College, 320 n ; his remarks 
on Prof. AVinthrop's newspaper com- 
munications, 328 ; gives English 
text of diploma conferring degree of 
LL.D. on Washington, 32S, 329; 
reads paper on Kitty Fisher and 
Yankee Doodle, 341. 

May, Col. Joseph, 219 n, 222 n, 224 n. 

Samuel Joseph, son of Col. Joseph, 

222 n, 224, 225, 227; anecdote of, 

Mayflower, the ship, passenger list does 
not include Master Williamson, 399, 
401; William Mullins a passenger 
on, 400, 401 ; date of return of, 401 ; 
David Williamson possible factor of, 

Mayhew, Rev. Jonathan, 403 n. 

Means, Rev. James Howard, 56. 

Mease, , 355, 356. 

Mechanicsville, Mass., 91. 

Mecom, Benjamin, remarks on, by W. 
C. Ford, 202. 

Medford, Mass. first minister of, 83. 

Medford Historical Register, cited, 
219 n, 221 n. 

Medford River lock, tavern of the, 224 n. 

Memorial History of Boston, cited, 
210 n, 285 n, 404 n ; E. G. Porter's 
contribution to, 61. 

Menotomy, Mass., afterwards West 
Cambridge, 28, 223 ; British soldiers 
captured at, 27; houses sacked in, 
30. See also Arlington ; West Cam- 

Mercer, George, 395, 396. 

James, 396. 

Merchants Row, Boston, 219 n. 

Meroth, Jane. See Howe. 

Merrimac, Mass., 75. 

Meriit, John, 93. 

Michigan Pioneer Collections, cited, 
334 n, 335 n. 

Middlesex Canal, Mass., excursion on, in 
1817, 217-228; projected by Gover- 
nor Sullivan, 219 ; Eddy's Historical 
Sketch of, mentioned, 219 n ; plans 
of, 219 n. 

Middleton, Col. , 139. 

Dr. , 382. 

Militia, 189. 

Mill, John Stuart, 312. 

Miller, Capt. , 4 n. 

Milnes, Richard Monckton, Baron 
Houghton, Life, Letters, and Friend- 
ships of, quoted, 119. 

Milton, Mass., Church Records, 245 n ; 
Town Records, 245 n. 

Minns, Thomas, xvii ; five Dutch 
photographs presented and described 
by, 80-82 ; appointed to Nominating 
Committee, 211. 

Mint, established in Boston, 286. 

Mirabeau, Honore Gabriel Riquetti, 
Comte de, attack of, upon the Cincin- 
nati, 194. 

Mississippi, relative unimportance of 
navigation of, 182. 

Mitchel, Hugh, 169. 

Mohawk River, no bridges over (1776), 

Moldavia, 60. 

Molineux, William, of Committee to 
report on Boston Massacre, 11, 19, 

Monetary Congress, Paris, 1867, 269. 

Money, R. 1ST. Toppan's publications 
dealing with, 268, 269, 270 ; coinage 
of, in Massachusetts, 286. 

Montagu, John, Earl of Sandwich, 
106 n. 

Montcalm Gozon de Saint Veran, 
Louis Joseph, Marquis de, paper on 
portraits of, read by D. R. Slade, 
330, 331. 

Montcalm et le Canada, by F. Joubleau, 
copy of, bought by Pequot Library, 
Southport, Ct., 330 n. 

Montgomery, Richard, 333 ; date of his 
death, 245, 245 n. 

Montmorency, Canada, attack on, 332. 

Montreal, Canada, Col. J. Vose's troops 
in, 247, 255 ; rumors of pending at- 
tack upon American troops in, 256. 

Moodey. See Moody. 

Moody, Rev. Joshua, 293. 

William, 282. 

Moore, George Henry, controversy be- 
tween W. H. Whitmore and, regard- 
ing date of first edition of the Colony 
Laws, 25, 26. 

Moret, , 330. 

Morgan, Abner, 260. 

Morris, one of Washington's overseers, 
140, 142, 170. 

Morshur, , 158, 173. 

Morton, Rev. Charles, first clergyman to 
solemnize marriages in Charlestown, 
285 n. 

Eliza Susan, daughter of John. 

See Quincy. 



Morton (continued). 

Hon. James Madison, LL.D., 

xvii, 234; elected Resident Member, 
230 ; accepts, 233. 

John, 221 n. 

Mount Lebanon, Turkey, American 
Mission at, 59. 

Mount Vernon, Washington's estate, 
origin of name, 217. 

Moursher. See Morshur. 

Mourt (or Morton), George, his Rela- 
tion, cited, 399 n, 401 ; quoted, 399 ; 
his Relation contains all that is known 
of Master Williamson, 403. 

Mowlson, Ann (Radcliffe), Lady, her 
scholarship at Harvard College, 317. 

Much Bromley, Essex, Eng., 74 n. 

Mud, used for fertilizing by Washing- 
ton, 143. 

Mullins, Priscilla, daughter of William, 

William, overseers of will of, 400 ; 

significance of these appointments, 
401, 402; witnesses to will of, 401. 

Munday, Anthony, Stow's Survey of 
London edited by, 103 n. 

Munro, Wilfred H., his History of 
Bristol, cited, 200 n. 

Murray, , 355, 356. 

James, 16 ; passenger on H. M. S. 

Glasgow, 3n. 

James Augustus Henry, 105 n. 

Muse, Battaile, 140, 176, 394. 

Musgrave, Sir William, his Obituary, 
cited, 91 ft. 

Muskett, Joseph James, Winthrop and 
Browne letters to D'Ewes discovered 
by, 69; his Suffolk Manorial Fami- 
lies, cited, 325 n. 

NAPOLEON I., dispute between 
Holland and, 181, 190. 

Narrative and Critical History of 
America, cited, 275 n, 321 n ; quoted, 

Nash, Nathaniel Cushing, A.M., 

Natchez, Miss., 219 ft, 220, 220 ft. 

National Council of American Congre- 
gational Churches, tablet erected to 
John Robinson by, 81. 

Navigation, Inland. See Inland navi- 

Negroes, difficulty of obtaining, for 
work on Potomac Canal, 195 ; list 
of those emploved by Washington, 

Neufville, Jan de, 184. 

New England, England's determination 
to execute laws of trade and navi- 
gation in, 291. See also Commis- 
sioners of the United Colonies of 
New England; Commissioners to 
New England. 

New England Historic Genealogical 
Society, 273 ; E. G. Porter President 
of, 61; Edward Rawson's portrait 
owned by, 295. 

New England Historical and Genealog- 
ical Register, Wheelwright's Lowell 
Pedigree in, 41; cited, 199 ft, 200 ft, 
203 ft, 245 ft, 287 n, 400 n, 401 ft, 402 ft. 

New Englanders, sobriquet of Brother 
Jonathan not applied particularly to, 
96 ft, 112. 

New Haven Colony, yields to demands 
of Royal Commissioners, 290. 

New Kent, Va., 393. 

New Laws of the Indies, A. McF. Davis 
exhibits copy of, 321. 

New Orleans, La., traffic between the 
Lakes and, 182. 

New York City, N. Y., American losses 
of propertv at time of evacuation of, 
128 ft. 

Hospital, 218 n. 

Lenox Library, 330 ft. 

New York (State), Documents relative 
to the Colonial History of, cited, 25 n. 

Newbury, Mass. , biographical sketches 
of natives and residents of, by R. N. 
Toppan, 271 ; first mention of Edward 
Rawson in records of, 281 ; meeting- 
house of, protected by armed senti- 
nels, 282 ; offices held by Rawson 
in, 282, 283, 284 ; J. Coffin's History 
of, cited, 283 ft, 284 n, 285 w; part of 
Plum Island given to, 285; land 
granted to Rawson by, 288, 289. 

Newburyport, Mass., historical interest 
in, aroused by R. N. Toppan, 267, 

Historical Society of Old New- 
bury, 280 w. 

Newcomb, Simon, D. C. L., F. R. S., 

Newenham, Sir Edward, 163 ft, 380; 
letter from Washington to, 186, 187. 

Lady, wife of Sir Edward, 187. 

Newport, R. I., efforts to dislodge 
British from, 124. 

Second Baptist Church, 199 ft. 

Trinity Church, 200 ft. 

Newton, Thomas, 396. 

Newton, Mass., Nonantum Hill, 29. 



Nichols, Elizabeth (Lawton), wife of 
Jonathan, 200 n. 

Hannah, daughter of Jonathan. 

See Hazard. 

Jonathan, 200 n. 

Nightingale, The; or Rural Songster, 
quoted, 114. 

Niles, Hezekiah, his Principles and 
Acts of the Revolution in America, 
cited, 106 n. 

Nisbett, , 371. 

1. M., 371. 

Noble, George Washington Copp, 57. 

John, LL.D. , iii, xv, xvi, 2, 31, 63, 

231; papers connected with Boston 
Massacre exhibited by, 2 ; quotation 
by, in regard to sailing of H. M. S. 
Glasgow, 3 n ; tribute to W. C. En- 
dicott by, 42-44; Report of Council 
presented by, 45; nominated and 
elected Corresponding Secretary, 52, 
53, 238 ; tribute to H. Williams by, 
205-207; extracts from early news- 
papers communicated by, 230; pre- 
sides at Stated meeting, 296; pays 
tribute to memory of J. B. Thayer, 
296-298; communicates Memoir of 
C. C. Everett for E. Emerton, 336. 

John, Jr., A.B., xvii. 

Nonantum Hill, Newton, Mass., 29. 

Norfolk, Va., 396. 

North American Review, founder of, 
222 n. 

North Kingston, R. I., 200 n. 

Northampton, Va., 352. 

Norton, Andrews, 222 n. 

Catharine (Eliot), wife of An- 
drews, 222 n, 224, 226 n, 228. 

Charles Eliot, 305. 

Norval's tavern, 396, 397. 

Notes and Queries, quoted, 101 n ; 
cited, 102 n. 

Nowell, Elder Increase, Secretary of 
the Colony, one of several to oversee 
printing of the Laws, 24. 

Samuel, 293. 

Noxon, Laura Ann, daughter of Robert. 
See Toppan. 

Robert, 264. 

Noyes, James Atkins, A.B., xvii, 
322 ; elected Resident Member, 262 ; 
accepts, 274. 

Numismatic and Antiquarian Society 
of Philadelphia, 270, 273. 

Ol)LTN (Audley), Ann. See Clark. 
Old Colony Historical Society, 92. 

Old Harry, nickname for the Devil, 

Old Manse, Concord, Mass., 301. 

Oliver, Andrew (1731-1799), comment 
on Capt. Preston, 3n; probable author 
of Elegy on Prof. Winthrop, 327 n. 

Peter, 92. 

Olney, Hon. Richard, LL.D., xvi. 

Oneida Lake, N. Y., 108 n. 

Oregon, E. G. Porter's Ship Columbia 
and the Discovery of, 62. 

Orr, Benjamin, 350. 

O'Sullivan. See Sullivan, John. 

Otis, James (1725-1783), attempted 
assassination of, 4n; copy of his 
Rudiments of Latin Prosody (1760), 
exhibited by H. H. Edes, 202. 

Joseph, Keeper of Suffolk County 

Jail, 21, 21 n. 

JTAGE, Frances (Burwell), wife of 
John, 185. 

John, letter from Washington to, 

184, 185. 

Paige, Rev. Lucius Robinson, his His- 
tory of Cambridge, cited, 28 n, 325 n, 
403 n, 405 n, 406 n. 

Paine, Nathaniel, A. M., xvi. 

Palfrey, John Gorham (1796-1881), his 
History of New England, quoted, 400 ; 
cited, 400 n. 

John Gorham, LL.B., xvii, 48. 

William, comment of, on Capt. 

Preston, 3 n. 

Palmer, John, 294. 

Mass., Historical Society, 229. 

Paltsits, Victor Hugo, 330 n. 

Paoli, the brig, 5 n. 

Paper money, 182. 

Park, Rev. Edwards Amasa, 59. 

John Gray, 57. 

Parker, Rev. Henry Ainsworth, 
A.M., xvii ; relates incidents of Gov. 
R. Wolcott's boyhood, 89. 

Parkman, Francis, LL.D., xvi; E. 
Wheelwright's Memoir of, 32, 38 ; his 
Montcalm and Wolfe, mentioned, 
330; probably never saw Joubleau's 
Montcalm et le Canada, 330 n. 

Henry, ii, 218 n. 

Pasco, Samuel, 56. 

Pasquotank River, N. C, cut between 
Elizabeth River and, 188. 

Paterson, John, 254; regiment com- 
manded by, 246, 246 n, 248; brief 
sketch of, 248 n ; Egleston's Life of, 
cited, 254 n. 



Patten, Henry Lyman, 58. 

Patterson, Marianne (Caton), wife of 
Robert, 117 n. See also Wellesiey. 

■ Robert, 117 n. 

Paulding, James Kirke, his Diverting 
History of John Bull and Brother 
Jonathan, quoted, 115, 116. 

Payne, Susanna. See Wilson. 

Paynter, Jonathan, Jonathan's Coffee 
House possibly named for, 120. 

Peake, Mrs. , 144. 

William, 169, 170. 

Pearce, Robert Rouiere, his Memoirs 
and Correspondence of Marquess 
Wellesiey, cited, 117 n. 

Pearl Street, Boston, Athenaeum library 
building in, 219 n. 

Peck, Elizabeth. See Perkins. 

Ichabod, 91 n, 92 n. 

Joseph, Genealogical History of 

the Descendants of, cited, 219 n. 

Thomas Handasyd, 219 n. 

Pecoit. See Pequot. 

Peirce, Benjamin, his History of Har- 
vard University, 323. 

James Mills, A.M., xvi. 

Pelham, Peter, reproductions of three 
portraits by,, exhibited by H. W. 
Cunningham, 278. 

Pelham Club, portraits by Peter Pel- 
ham reproduced by, 278. 

Pemberton, Samuel, 215. 

Pennsylvania, iron industry of, ably 
represented by J. H. Ricketson, 47 ; 
claims of Connecticut in, 124 ; boun- 
ties offered by, for Indian scalps 
and prisoners, 276, 277. 

Archives, cited, 275 n, 277; quoted, 


Colonial Records, quoted, 277; 

cited, 277 n. 

Pepys, Samuel, 120. 

Pequot Country, Ct., 283, 285, 288. 

Pequot Library, Southport, Ct., 330 n. 

Percy, Sir Hugh, Earl Percy, Duke of 
Northumberland, 407. 

Perm, , 130, 131. 

Perkins, Barbara Cooper (Higginson), 
wife of Samuel G, 226 n. 

Elizabeth (Peck), wife of James, 

Sr., 219 n. 

Elizabeth Peck, daughter of 

Samuel G, 226 n. 

James, Sr., 219 n. 

James (1761-1822), son of James, 

Sr., 218 n; gift of , to Boston Athe- 
naeum, 219 n. 

Rev. John Carroll, D.D.j xviii. 

Perkins {continued). 

Samuel G, son of James, Sr., 

219 n, 221 n, 226 n. 

Susan Cleveland, daughter of 

Samuel G. See Searle. 

Thomas Handasyd, son of James, 

Sr., 218 n, 219 n. 

Perne, Rachel. See Rawson. 

Peters, Hon. John Andrew, LL.D., 

Phelps, Hon. Edward John, LL.D., 
xviii ; references to death of, in Re- 
port of Council, 47; tribute of E. 
Wheelwright to, 47. 

Phi Beta Kappa, Bowdoin Chapter, 
340; Harvard Chapter, 232; E. 
Wheelwright's election as an 
honorary member of, 41 ; E. G. 
Porter elected to, 61. 

Philippine Commission. See United 
States, Philippine Commission. 

philips, , 158. 

Phillips, John Charles, 57; E. G. 
Porter's Memoir of, 61. 

Gillam, 219 n. 

William, of committee to report 

on Boston Massacre, 11, 19, 21. 

Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass., 56. 

Phips, Sir William, Governor of Mas- 
sachusetts, 240, 244. 

Pickering, Edward Charles, LL.D., 
234 ; elected Resident Member, 210 ; 
accepts, 211. 

Piers, Mrs. (McCarty), 353. 

Pilgrims, house of the, Leyden, 81 ; 
last meeting place of, in Delfshaven, 

Pine, Robert Edge, 177. 

Piper, William Taggard, Ph.D., 
xvii; presides at meeting held in 
memory of Edward Wheelwright, 
33 ; announces death of W. C. Endi- 
cott, 42. 

first Earl of Chatham, 

J. H. Ricketson's in- 

Pitt, William, 
250 n, 331 n. 

Pittsburg, Pa., 
terest in, 47. 

Plaster of Paris, preparation of, for 
statuary, 133 ; Washington's agricul- 
tural experiments with, 141, 144, 
177, 178, 179, 181. 

Plimpton, George Arthur, A.B., 

Plum Island, Mass., division of, 285. 

Plymouth Colony, yields to demands of 
Royal Commissioners, 290 ; Records, 
cited, 286 n. 

Pocoson. See Poquosin. 



Toliick Church, 130. 

Point Airfare, 261. 

Point Levi, Canada, 332. 

l'ointe aux Trembles, Canada, 332. 

Political Science, Toppan Prize offered 
for essays on, at Harvard, 268. 

Pollack, , 350. 

Pollock, Sir Frederick, 311. 

Pond, George Edward, 57. 

Poole, Reginald Stuart, his opinion of 
a United States coin, 210. 

William Frederick, his edition of 

Johnson's Wonder Working Provi- 
dence, cited, 26 n. 

Poor, Enoch, regiment commanded by, 
246, 246 w, 248, 249 ; brief sketch of, 
248 n. 

Pope, Charles Henry, his Pioneers of 
Massachusetts, cited, 403 n. 

Poquosin, history and derivation of the 
word, 345 n. 

Porpoise, Cape, Me., submission of, to 
Massachusetts, 287. 

Port Bill, 189. 

Porter, , 158, 176, 352, 353. 

Aaron, first minister of Medford, 

son of Samuel (1660-1722), 83. 

Daniel, son of James (b. 1745), 55. 

David, 116. 

Rev. Edward Griffin, A. M., 

son of Royal Loomis, i, xvii, 209 ; his 
customary talks on the 19 April, 27 ; 
S. S. Green appointed to write 
Memoir of, 30, 47; references to 
death of, in Council's Report, 46 ; 
the Memoir communicated, 53 ; text 
of the Memoir, 55-62 ; his family, 
55 ; his education, 56 ; some of his 
classmates, 56, 57; his interest in 
American history, 57, 61 ; his travels 
and study abroad, 58; takes degree 
of A. M., 58; is graduated from An- 
dover Theological Seminary, 59 ; is 
licensed to preach, 59 ; joins United 
States Sanitary Commission, 59 ; 
goes abroad again, 59 ; ordained 
minister of the Hancock Congrega- 
tional Church, Lexington, 59; his 
activities in Lexington, 60; his in- 
terest in foreign missions, 60 ; offices 
held by, 60, 61; his membership in 
various societies, 61 ; his published 
works, 61, 62; his death and funeral, 
62 ; his services to this Society, 62. 

Elisha, 260. 

Frank; son of Royal Loomis, 56. 

Hannah (Stanley), wife of 

Samuel, Sr., 82. 

Porter (continued). 

James (b. 1720), 55. 

James (b. 1745), son of James 

(b. 1720), 55. 
Joanna (Cook), wife of Samuel 

(1660-1722), 83. 

John (of Plymouth), 55. 

John, 291. 

Royal Loomis, son of Daniel, 

editor of the Boston Traveller, 55. 
Samuel, Sr. , of Windsor, Mass., 


Samuel (1660-1722), of Hadley, 

Mass., son of Samuel, Sr., his Com- 
mission as Sheriff exhibited by H. H. 
Edes, 82 ; sketch of, 82, 83. 

Samuel (H. C. 1730), 83. 

Sarah Ann (Pratt), wife of Royal 

Loomis, 55. See also Carruth. 

William, son of Royal Loomis, 56. 

Portsmouth, R. I., Records, cited, 199 n, 
200 n, 201 n, 203 n ; Vital Records, 
cited, 203 n. 

Common Fence Point, 199 n. 

Potain, , aerial voyage of, 187. 

Potomac Company, 145, 157, 166, 181 ; 
Canal projected by, 136, 137 ; meet- 
ing of Directors of, 136, 347, 351, 352, 
369, 370, 390; attempt to raise 
money for, 184, 185 ; petition re- 
garding depth of Canal, 189, 194, 
195; difficulty of obtaining negroes 
for work on Canal, 195 ; route of 
Canal decided upon, 370; contract 
for rations given by, 390. 

Potts, John, Jr., 134, 136, 158, 351, 352, 
369, 370, 371. 

Herbert &, 351 n. 

Pouchot, , his Memoir upon the 

late War in North America, cited, 
330, 331 n. 

Powell, Samuel, 138, 142, 180, 181. 

Pownall, Thomas, Governor of Mas- 
sachusetts, his letter on the Boston 
Massacre, 12, 212 ; Boston Com- 
mittee's statement regarding the 
Massacre sent to, 19, 19 n ; text of 
his letter, 213-215. 

Pratt, Horace, 57. 

Sarah Ann. See Carruth ; Porter. 

Precedents, danger of, 186. 

Prescott, William, 226 n. 

William Hickling, ancestress of, 

3 n. 

Preston, Capt. , of the West Mid- 
dlesex militia, probably not the same 
as Capt. Thomas, 4 n. 

Capt. Thomas, card published by, 



Preston {continued). 

in Boston Gazette, 3, 6, 19; visits 
America, 3 n ; opinions regarding, 3 
n ; returns to England, 3 n ; account 
of Boston Massacre sent to England 
by, 4 ; text of this account, 6-10 ; 
warrant and charges against, 10; 
Boston Committee condemns his ac- 
count, 13, 15-17, 19-21; his life 
threatened, 17 w; his trial, 17, 17 n, 
18 n, 22 n; acquitted, 18 n; bitter 
feeling against, 22 n ; articles about, 
by Samuel Adams, in Boston Ga- 
zette, 22 n ; consideration asked for, 

Price, Mary. See Knight. 

Priestman, Thomas, of London, 104. 

Prince, Joanna Batchelder. See 

Rev. Thomas, his Annals cite 

Mourt in regard to Master William- 
son, 399 ; his Chronology, cited, 400. 

Prince Society, 263, 271, 273. 

Prior Documents, name usually given 
to Almon's Collection of interesting 
authentic Papers, relative to the 
Dispute between Great Britain and 
America, 4 n. 

Pumpkins, method of preserving, 395. 

Putnam, Herbert, LL.D., xviii. 

■ Israel, released from Indians, 249, 

249 n. 

Rufus, letters of, 239. 

Pynchon, John, of Springfield, 83, 289 n. 

QUAKERS, 285; Rawson's attitude 
toward, 287. 

Quebec, Canada, news of defeat at, 
reaches Gen. Thompson's troops, 247, 
252; Gen. Thomas deceived regard- 
ing conditions at, 254; capture of, 332. 

Plains of Abraham, 332. 

Ursuline Church, epitaph of Mont- 
calm intended for, 331 n. 

Quebec, the British ship, 110. 

Quincy, Abigail Phillips, daughter of 
Josiah (1772-1864), 226, 226 n. 

Eliza Susan, daughter of Josiah 

(1772-1864), account of excursion on 
Middlesex Canal by, 220, 226-228. 

Eliza Susan (Morton), wife of 

Josiah (1772-1864), 221 n, 222, 223, 

• ■ Henry Parker, M.D., xvi. 

Margaret Morton. See Greene. 

Maria Sophia, 226, 226 n. 

Josiah (1772-1864), 221 n, 222 n, 

Quincy (continued). 

226 n ; his History of Harvard Uni- 
versity, cited, 328 w; quoted, 322, 

Josiah (1802-1882), son of Josiah 

(1772-1864), his Figures of the Past, 
cited, 406 n. 

Josiah Phillips, son of Josiah 

(1802-1882), 220. 

JKACKEMANN, Charles Sedgwick, 
A.M., xvi; sends letter of regret to 
meeting in memory of E. Wheel- 
wright, 39. 

Radcliffe, Ann. See Mowlson. 

Raikes, Robert, 337. 

Rambles in Old Boston, by E. G. 
Porter, 61. 

Ramsav, Dennis, 131, 138. 

Sarah, 135, 176, 352, 353, 356. 

Randolph, Edmund Jennings, Governor 

of Virginia, 392, 396. 

Edward (1632-1703), 240, 285 n, 

293 ; copy of Commission to, commu- 
nicated by A. C. Goodell, 2 ; attitude 
of Massachusetts Colony toward, 
2 ; R. N. Toppan's work on, 231, 
263, 271 ; his efforts to reform church 
and suffrage laws in Massachusetts, 

Rawlins. See Rollins. 

Rawson, Edward, his copy of the Colony 
Laws, 26 ; manuscript sketch of, left 
by R. N. Toppan, 271 ; text of this 
sketch, 280-295; Secretary of the 
Massachusetts Colony, 281 ; family 
of, 281 ; offices held by, 282-286 ; his 
attempt to manufacture gunpowder, 
283, 285 ; his attitude toward Qua- 
kers, 287 ; his attempt to save Ann 
Hibbins, 287 ; becomes a resident of 
Boston, 288 ; chosen a Commissioner 
of the town, 288 ; land grants to, in 
Newbury, 288, 289 ; land bought from 
Indians by, 289 ; his knowledge of 
Colonial laws, 289 ; his important 
services as Secretary, 289-293 ; finan- 
cial embarrassment of, 293 ; his